RSF Fighters Sow Chaos in Sudan's Farming Heartland

Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
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RSF Fighters Sow Chaos in Sudan's Farming Heartland

Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr
Families displaced by RSF advances in Sudan's El Gezira and Sennar states shelter at the Omar ibn al-Khattab displacement site, Kassala state, Sudan, July 10, 2024. REUTERS/ Faiz Abubakr

When fighters from Sudan's Rapid Support Forces began seizing vehicles from people in Sharafat Alhalaween village, local elders complained to the group’s commanders.

They assured the village during a March visit that the RSF would protect civilians, according to four residents. Soon afterward, the RSF posted a video on social media - reviewed by Reuters - claiming to have dealt with unspecified "rogue actors" in the area.

But the next morning, the residents told Reuters, dozens of fighters stormed in on motorcycles and pickup trucks, firing guns in the air. The fighters, some in uniforms, went door to door grabbing money and valuables, prompting an exodus of thousands of people, they said.

The residents' accounts echo ones from across Sudan's central El Gezira state, a key farming region and strategic crossroads just south of the capital, Khartoum. Reuters interviewed 43 people from 20 communities - including residents, activists and RSF recruits - who described a spiral of looting, kidnapping and killing after the group seized most of the state in December.

The RSF has sought to convey in videos like the one posted in March that it is protecting civilians and providing food and services. But residents said the paramilitary group relies on a mix of irregular fighters, many motivated by bounty, and it often struggles to control them.

The Sudanese Armed Forces, which shared power with the RSF in a military-led government until fighting erupted between them in April 2023, has carried out airstrikes in El Gezira but has few ground forces there, according to residents and local activists. The military mobilized civilians to defend their communities, triggering deadly retribution, they said.

The violence has driven over 850,000 people from their homes, the United Nations says, disrupted farming critical to Sudan's food production and raised questions about the RSF's ability to enforce any truce after nearly 16 months of war.

"Some RSF officials admit that the group will face huge internal challenges should the war ever stop," said Alan Boswell of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based think tank. "It is bound together by conquest and the spoils of war."

The RSF denied targeting civilians or lacking command and control of its forces.

"The army, Islamist militias and criminals looted the state systematically in order to scapegoat our forces," it said in a statement to Reuters. "Our forces clashed with these rogue actors, and our commanders and soldiers died in that effort."

A military spokesman, Brigadier General Nabil Abdullah, dismissed the RSF's allegations as lies, saying the group and its mercenaries "committed every conceivable violation" against El Gezira's citizens.
Across Sudan, the RSF has repeatedly overwhelmed the military thanks in part to alliances forged with tribal militias and other armed groups. In July, it used El Gezira as a springboard to push into Sennar, White Nile and Gedaref states, triggering new waves of displacement and expanding the conflict through Sudan's agricultural heartland.

A fifth of the country's 50 million inhabitants have fled their homes, and around half are facing food insecurity, mainly in areas under RSF control, according to UN officials who describe the humanitarian crisis as the world's worst.

International efforts to mediate between the sides have made little headway, though the United States is leading efforts to convene talks in Geneva.

The RSF says it is open to negotiating a ceasefire and humanitarian access. The military says it cannot negotiate until the RSF exits civilian areas and stops abuses.

EYEING LOOT

The RSF has roots in so-called Janjaweed militias, which helped the military crush a rebellion in Sudan's western Darfur region two decades ago, gaining recognition as a state-sanctioned security force in 2017.
It allied with the military to oust president Omar al-Bashir in 2019, but the sides fell out over an internationally backed plan to move toward civilian rule.

When the power struggle turned violent, the RSF, led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, quickly took over greater Khartoum. The military, headed by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, responded with airstrikes and heavy artillery, to little effect.

The RSF then consolidated its grip across Darfur before surging into El Gezira, a refuge for half a million people displaced from Khartoum, and capturing the state capital, Wad Madani.

In Darfur, the RSF and allied militiamen engaged in ethnically targeted violence, but in El Gezira, residents said the fighters seemed convinced they were Bashir loyalists.
Some are seeking to settle grievances against a political elite that has long controlled Sudan from its center - a problem for any future truce, said Suliman Baldo of the Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker, a US-based watchdog.

Most are eyeing loot, he and residents said.

Three sources with direct knowledge of RSF recruitment said fighters are often drawn by the promise of a share of the spoils. The RSF denies this and says its fighters are paid monthly salaries.

The force includes units from rival tribes and militias, which sometimes clash among themselves, residents said.

Fighters based in Hasaheisa, the district that includes Sharafat Alhalaween, are under the command of Ahmed Adam Gouja, who was part of a militia active in Darfur before joining the RSF at the start of the war.

This area has seen some of the harshest attacks in El Gezira, especially after salaries dried up, residents and two local RSF recruits told Reuters.

"When you ask the soldiers about Hemedti, they say, 'He gave me this gun, but we don't trust him; we don't trust his soldiers; we only trust our brothers,'" said one young man reached by phone, who like many locals asked for anonymity for fear of retribution.

He described seeing fighters cock their weapons at superiors when ordered to shut down a satellite terminal they were using to sell internet access. Asked about the incident, the RSF said it did not control the terminal or prevent people from using it.

Across the Nile River in East Gezira district, residents have been spared the worst of the violence as the RSF's top commander in the state, Abuagla Keikal, is from the area. He charges a protection tax, according to locals and activists who said fighters based in the district have clashed with Gouja's forces when they strayed over the river.

Reuters could not reach the two commanders, and the RSF did not answer questions about them.
FARMERS THREATENED

Civilians described fleeing from village to village on foot and in cars, boats, buses and donkey carts to escape RSF fighters.

First they steal cars, gold and money, more than two dozen witnesses said, returning later for items such as clothes, electronics and food, which are sold in so-called "Dagalo markets" - a reference to Hemedti.

When they find nothing, they start kidnapping people for ransom, threatening to kill them if families don't pay, according to a group of activists, the Wad Madani Resistance Committee, who document RSF raids across the state.

A committee representative, who requested anonymity for safety, said hundreds of villages have been targeted and at least 800 people killed as of April, though a telecommunications blackout makes it impossible to confirm exact numbers.

The Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa, a rights group, has documented 75 cases of sexual assault by RSF fighters in the state, said its regional director, Hala al-Karib.

At least 17 people interviewed by Reuters said they had seen beatings, often with whips, and killings during the raids.

A mother of five who sought refuge in El Gezira after fleeing Khartoum said a nephew was killed in front of her.

"They said, 'Don't lift him, or we'll shoot you too.' We had to bury him where he was," said the woman, reached by phone in Port Sudan. She gave only one name, Hanan.

RSF fighters have cleaned out stocks of wheat, sorghum and other crops and blocked farmers from their fields, according to residents and agricultural officials.

"My fields are being eaten by cows because the farmers are scared to go out," said Mohamed Balla, a farming cooperative leader from Hasaheisa.
Diesel prices have soared; fertilizer and seeds are scarce, and tractors have been stolen.

A UN-backed food security monitoring network warned in June that parts of the state were at risk of famine.

The RSF did not answer questions about the disruptions to food production but has previously blamed a military blockade imposed on the state. The military did not comment on that.

Early in the war, the RSF set up an internal police force to tackle "negative phenomena," its term for abuses. This force has arrested more than 1,000 men in El Gezira, mostly locals, the RSF told Reuters in July.

Residents said the effect was limited. In several instances, RSF police clashed with fighters, but raids did not stop, they said.

Low on ground troops, the military has tried to encourage a so-called popular resistance. Burhan said in December that 40,000 men had joined the effort in El Gezira - many of them incensed by RSF attacks on women, according to the resistance committee.

"The RSF uses this as an excuse to attack," said the committee's representative, adding that few weapons and little training have been provided to civilian recruits.

One of the worst such incidents occurred in June, near the military's last base in El Gezira.

After men in Wad al-Noura village took up arms against the RSF, its fighters killed more than 100 people there, the committee said.

The RSF described the incident as a clash with army recruits and special forces. The military did not comment, though it pledged at the time to deliver a "harsh response.”

"My husband was a teacher," a woman widowed in the incident told Reuters. "He didn't know anything about fighting, and we had nothing to fight for, no car or store. But as a man, he felt he had to fight."



Le Pen Verdict Triggers Uproar from Far-Right in France and Beyond, amid Fist Pumps in Paris

French far-right leader Marine Le Pen, member of parliament of the Rassemblement National (National Rally - RN) party, walks on the day of the verdict of her trial at the courthouse in Paris, France, March 31, 2025. (Reuters)
French far-right leader Marine Le Pen, member of parliament of the Rassemblement National (National Rally - RN) party, walks on the day of the verdict of her trial at the courthouse in Paris, France, March 31, 2025. (Reuters)
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Le Pen Verdict Triggers Uproar from Far-Right in France and Beyond, amid Fist Pumps in Paris

French far-right leader Marine Le Pen, member of parliament of the Rassemblement National (National Rally - RN) party, walks on the day of the verdict of her trial at the courthouse in Paris, France, March 31, 2025. (Reuters)
French far-right leader Marine Le Pen, member of parliament of the Rassemblement National (National Rally - RN) party, walks on the day of the verdict of her trial at the courthouse in Paris, France, March 31, 2025. (Reuters)

The thunderclap court ruling barring far-right politician Marine Le Pen from office for the immediate future reverberated across the political spectrum of France and Europe on Monday.

Her supporters branded the verdict an assault on democracy while detractors reacted with fist-pumping celebration, though even some of her critics wondered whether the court decision went too far.

Long seen as a top contender for France's 2027 presidential election and a potential leader-in-waiting of the Eurozone's second economy, Le Pen was convicted of embezzling European Union funds and barred from holding public office for five years.

The ruling drew swift and scathing responses from Le Pen's political kin across Europe, many of whom viewed the court's decision as an existential threat to their own movements.

"I am shocked by the incredibly tough verdict against Marine Le Pen. I support and believe in her 100% and I trust she will win the appeal and become President of France," said Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders.

In Italy, Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini warned, "The ruling against Marine Le Pen is a declaration of war by Brussels."

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán declared, "I am Marine."

Tom Van Grieken of Belgium's Vlaams Belang called the decision "an attack on democracy," and added: "Marine Le Pen can continue to count on our support."

Spain's Vox party leader Santiago Abascal insisted, "They will not succeed in silencing the voice of the French people."

From Moscow, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said, "More and more European capitals are going down the path of trampling over democratic norms."

In France, where Le Pen had fought for decades to mainstream her far-right politics, the reaction within her camp was incendiary.

Jordan Bardella, her handpicked successor as president of the National Rally, used the language of political martyrdom to describe the moment.

"Today it is not only Marine Le Pen who was unjustly condemned: it is French democracy that was killed," Bardella said.

Éric Zemmour, another prominent far-right voice and former presidential candidate, said "It is not for judges to decide who the people must vote for."

In Paris's Republic Plaza, where public demonstrations often unfold, Le Pen detractors punched the air in celebration.

"We were here in this square to celebrate the death of her father," said Jean Dupont, 45, a schoolteacher. "And this is now the death of Le Pen's presidential ambitions."

Sophie Martin, 34, a graphic designer, was among those in a celebratory mood. "I had to check the date-I thought it was April Fool's Day," she said. "But it's not. She's finally been knocked down. We've lived with her poison in our politics for too long."

Still, not everyone welcomed the ruling. Lucien Bernard, 64, a retired civil servant, expressed concern. "It's a sad day for democracy," he said. "Whether you love or hate her, the people should not be denied a chance to express their vote in a country that is supposedly a leading Western democracy."

Even from the left, where Le Pen has long been a reviled figure, the tone was complex. The far-left France Unbowed party acknowledged the seriousness of the charges but warned against judicial overreach.

"We take note of this decision by the courts," the party said, "even though we reject on principle that legal recourse should be impossible for any defendant."

They emphasized that their opposition to Le Pen's party would continue on political - not judicial - grounds: "We will defeat them again tomorrow at the ballot box, no matter who their candidate is."