Maliki Pressuring Iraqi PM to Resign Following Confessions in Wire-tapping Scandal

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani (C) and former PM Nouri al-Maliki to his right. (X platform)
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani (C) and former PM Nouri al-Maliki to his right. (X platform)
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Maliki Pressuring Iraqi PM to Resign Following Confessions in Wire-tapping Scandal

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani (C) and former PM Nouri al-Maliki to his right. (X platform)
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani (C) and former PM Nouri al-Maliki to his right. (X platform)

The pro-Iran Coordination Framework in Iraq is intensifying its pressure on Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani to resign in wake of the wire-tapping scandal that has rocked the country.

Trusted sources said the alliance, which brought al-Sudani to office in the first place, is now waging a “grinding” battle that could pave the way for radical political changes in the country.

Sources briefed Asharq Al-Awsat of the details of a meeting the Framework held on August 26 to discuss the scandal and its impact on the government.

Head of the State of Law coalition, former PM Nouri al-Maliki proposed “difficult” conditions on al-Sudani in exchange for not forcing the government to resign.

The sources included a judicial figure informed on the wire-tapping case and two leading members of the Framework. Opposition Shiite members of parliament were informed of details of the meeting and they confirmed that al-Sudani “refused to yield” to Maliki’s demands.

Confessions

During the meeting, the Framework was briefed by a judicial official on the details of the wire-tapping case and confessions of the suspects.

Gatherers at the meeting listened to voice recordings of people who spoke of orders from “the highest government” authority to “monitor politicians and officials.”

The wire-tapping case “has become fact with dangerous repercussions,” said the sources.

Local media has been filled with reports in recent weeks about the scandal. Verifying the reports remains difficult because official authorities have yet to provide evidence in the case.

The government has said that it was being targeted by a campaign of incitement to tarnish its image. It did release brief statements to announce the arrest of an employee in al-Sudani's office on charges of “making a harmful post”.

Al-Sudani had informed the leaders of Shiite parties of the Framework that he was prepared to cooperate with the judiciary in the case and aid in the transparent investigation.

The confessions, however, changed everything, said the sources.

They said the leaders of the Shiite parties left the Framework meeting in shock and dismay.

The confessions revealed that senior politicians were targeted, including Maliki, leader of the Asaib Ahl al-Haq faction Qais al-Khazali and others.

Maliki’s conditions

Maliki emerged from the meeting with difficult demands because he refused to close the wire-tapping case without receiving anything in return from al-Sudani.

“The shock of the confessions will not pass without a firm response,” the sources quoted Maliki as saying.

He demanded that al-Sudani cede control of the intelligence agency and turn it over to the Framework. He called for expelling all members of al-Sudani's clan from government institutions and restructuring the government office.

He demanded that al-Sudani refrain from running in the upcoming elections and that he dissolve his Al-Furatayn party.

One of the sources confirmed that Maliki did indeed make these demands, except for the last one about dissolving the party.

Maliki believes that the confessions are enough to force al-Sudani to resign immediately, it added.

Observers view Maliki’s intense rivalry with al-Sudani as a result of the PM’s efforts to play a greater role in political life and his plans to run for a second term in office through forging alliances outside the Framework that had brought him to power.

Al-Sudani's refusal to go ahead with Maliki’s conditions will lead to early elections in Iraq, the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Maliki had also made the demand himself: either al-Sudani yield to his conditions or Iraq heads to early polls.

Two sources said the former PM believes he can garner the support of the country’s top Religious Authority and the Sadrist movement, led by influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, to hold early elections.

Al-Sudani stands firm

Al-Sudani, meanwhile, has refused to yield to Maliki’s demands, revealed sources close to the premier. He believes he enjoys enough support and influence to wage a “battle” against Maliki.

He can also rely on his executive power as prime minister and the major political push he received with last week’s announcement that an agreement has been reached between Baghdad and Washington over a timeframe for the withdrawal of the International Coalition forces from Iraq.

Al-Sudani also enjoys the support of Shiite figures, such as head of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Faleh al-Fayyadh and head of the Islamic Supreme Council Hammam Hammoudi.

However, relations between al-Sudani and one of his closest allies, Khazali, appear strained for now. The latter will not offer “gifts for free”, said the sources.

Al-Sudani needs support from Khazali’s Asaib Ahl al-Haq to “secure the future of his government” given the faction’s influence.

As it stands, the Framework is now dominated by two movements: the first includes Al-Sudani, Fayyadh and Hammoudi, and the second is led by Maliki. Caught in the middle are Ammar al-Hakim and Hadi al-Ameri, who are keen to benefit from the other movements.

The “centrist movement” knows the limits of its political weight. Hakim and Ameri are aware that they don’t stand to achieve greater influence in the future than what they have now, so they are keen on preserving the current equation in the Framework and their interests, said the sources.

Weakened Framework

A prominent Shiite official told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Framework is “gradually turning into a cover for rival movements that are on the verge of quitting the alliance at any moment.”

Speaking on condition of anonymity, he said the problems within the Framework started before the wire-tapping scandal and go back to the “heist of the century” and its main suspect Nour Zuhair.

Accusations about Zuhair and questions about who is backing him have turned into a major thorny issue in the Framework, explained the official.

Al-Sudani started by first “tossing Zuhair’s case to the judiciary,” while major political powers resorted to their “secret tools” against the government.

Hakim at one point proposed a solution that calls for ending the current escalation between the Shiite powers and reaching a new agreement. But it appears it has fallen on deaf ears, said the sources.

Shiite figures have instead said the crisis can now be addressed through one of the following means: a direct confrontation between the Shiite forces, reaching some form of middle ground, or holding early elections.

Early elections appear to be the likeliest scenario given al-Sudani's refusal to back down to Maliki and the latter’s insistence that the government should not be allowed to finish its legal term in office because it must pay the price for the wire-tapping scandal.



Leadership Crisis in Hezbollah After Nasrallah's Assassination

A woman carries a picture of the late Hezbollah leader Nasrallah as supporters of Hezbollah protest outside the Lebanese Government Palace in Beirut, Lebanon, 18 August 2026, rallying against direct Lebanese-Israeli talks.  EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
A woman carries a picture of the late Hezbollah leader Nasrallah as supporters of Hezbollah protest outside the Lebanese Government Palace in Beirut, Lebanon, 18 August 2026, rallying against direct Lebanese-Israeli talks. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
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Leadership Crisis in Hezbollah After Nasrallah's Assassination

A woman carries a picture of the late Hezbollah leader Nasrallah as supporters of Hezbollah protest outside the Lebanese Government Palace in Beirut, Lebanon, 18 August 2026, rallying against direct Lebanese-Israeli talks.  EPA/WAEL HAMZEH
A woman carries a picture of the late Hezbollah leader Nasrallah as supporters of Hezbollah protest outside the Lebanese Government Palace in Beirut, Lebanon, 18 August 2026, rallying against direct Lebanese-Israeli talks. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH

Two years after the assassination of former Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah, the group has not fully overcome the absence of the man who led it for more than three decades and transformed the secretary-general's office into a center of political, organizational, military, and popular influence that is difficult to replace.

Hezbollah will mark the second anniversary of the assassinations of Nasrallah and his successor, Hashem Safieddine, on Sunday with a public rally at Nasrallah's shrine in Beirut's southern suburbs. Its new Secretary-General, Naim Qassem, will speak at the event. Security measures will include closing roads leading to the shrine from the direction of the old airport road and Ziad Rahbani Highway and diverting traffic to other routes.

According to people close to the group and its opponents, current Secretary-General Naim Qassem does not appear to have succeeded in filling the vacuum left by his predecessor. At the same time, there has been an increasing shift in the center of decision-making within the group, with the room for internal initiative narrowing in favor of decisions coming directly from Iran.

The group's opponents say the issue is not simply a matter of the difference in charisma and popular presence between the two men, but also the nature of the role Nasrallah played within Hezbollah. He combined political, organizational, and military leadership, and served as the principal link with the group's supporters and its Iranian ally. Hezbollah today, by contrast, appears to have a more collective and structured leadership, but with a more direct Iranian role in shaping its choices and decisions.

While people close to Hezbollah believe that, despite the blows it has suffered, the group has managed to reorganize its ranks and maintain its cohesion under Naim Qassem, its opponents argue that the period following Nasrallah has exposed a leadership crisis and a decline in its ability to mobilize supporters, as well as internal divisions resulting from Qassem's performance.

A New Approach to Confronting the Challenges

Political writer Dr. Qassem Qassir, who is closely familiar with Hezbollah's position, acknowledges that after Nasrallah, the group "faced many internal and external obstacles" following a long period of centralized leadership during which Nasrallah held the reins of the organization for about 33 years, from 1992 until 2024, before his assassination under extremely difficult circumstances.

He notes that despite losing both of its secretaries-general, Nasrallah and Hashem Safieddine, along with a number of its cadres and leaders, Hezbollah succeeded in reorganizing its ranks and putting its security and organizational affairs in order under Sheikh Naim Qassem.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, Qassir says Hezbollah now faces new challenges, which has prompted it to adopt a different approach at both the domestic and external levels. He adds that while Hezbollah was previously a major regional player, it is now focusing to a much greater degree on its internal situation, southern Lebanon, and confronting Israel.

He continues that while Hezbollah is no longer the strongest political player on the domestic scene as it once was, it remains a major political force, and domestic and external actors continue to treat it as a key party in the Lebanese equation.

Asked about the charisma Nasrallah possessed, which many believe Qassem lacks, Qassir says there is no doubt that Nasrallah's charisma was distinctive. However, he describes Sheikh Naim as a highly important organizational and administrative figure who succeeded in reorganizing the group's ranks and preserving its cohesion during an extremely difficult period, given that Hezbollah is entering a new phase that requires a new approach at the political, military, and militant levels.

A Missing Leadership

Jad Al-Akhawi, head of the Lebanese Democrats Coalition and a Shiite opponent of Hezbollah, takes a different view. He says it is difficult to argue that Naim Qassem has so far succeeded in filling the vacuum left by Hassan Nasrallah.

The issue, he says, is not solely about charisma, but about the nature of the leadership Nasrallah built over more than three decades and his ability to combine organizational, political, and military leadership while maintaining direct communication with the group's supporters. Qassem, by contrast, came from a more organizational and ideological background than a popular one and spent decades serving as deputy secretary-general rather than as the group's primary center of gravity.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, Al-Akhawi says what stands out about Qassem's appearances is their format. He appears on screen, but without the direct interaction with supporters that was an essential part of Nasrallah's public image. Some of Qassem's appearances, he adds, appear to be so tightly controlled and produced that they can at times give the visual impression of an image or persona generated by artificial intelligence rather than that of a political leader interacting directly with his supporters.

He adds that Nasrallah was not merely a secretary-general, but for Hezbollah's supporters he was part of the mechanism for mobilization, persuasion, and decision-making. Naim Qassem, by contrast, has not yet demonstrated that he can inherit all of these functions collectively.

The question, therefore, is no longer simply whether Qassem can fill the vacuum left by Nasrallah, but whether Hezbollah itself can produce a comparable leadership after the collapse of a significant part of its former leadership structure.

The Decision-Making in Iran

Political activist and Lebanese University psychology professor Dr. Mona Fayad, for her part, focuses on Hezbollah's ability to mobilize people. She considers that ability to have declined significantly under Qassem's leadership, pointing to internal divisions within the group between those who support Qassem and those who oppose him, which she says have affected the way decisions are made and the current phase is managed.

Fayad believes Qassem's current performance "serves Israel," making it not in Israel's interest to target him. She also believes that decisions within Hezbollah now come directly from Iran, with the scope for Lebanese decision-making reduced to a minimum.

In this context, Fayad speaks of an Iranian "determination" to keep the Iranian ambassador in Beirut, saying his role goes beyond diplomatic work to include security responsibilities. She describes him as an "intelligence operative" whom Tehran seeks to keep in place to complete his missions.


Iraq Seeks Exemption from US Ban on Iran Airlines

People walk near a giant billboard depicting portrayals of Iran's slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei through various periods in his life, in Baghdad's central Tahrir Square on September 22, 2026. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP)
People walk near a giant billboard depicting portrayals of Iran's slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei through various periods in his life, in Baghdad's central Tahrir Square on September 22, 2026. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP)
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Iraq Seeks Exemption from US Ban on Iran Airlines

People walk near a giant billboard depicting portrayals of Iran's slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei through various periods in his life, in Baghdad's central Tahrir Square on September 22, 2026. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP)
People walk near a giant billboard depicting portrayals of Iran's slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei through various periods in his life, in Baghdad's central Tahrir Square on September 22, 2026. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP)

The Iraqi government said Saturday it was holding talks with the United States to secure exemptions from sanctions on Iranian airlines, which has disrupted travel for patients, students and pilgrims.

All Iraqi airports enforced the ban this week, resulting in major disruption at the airport of the holy city of Najaf, the main destination for Iranian flights to Iraq.

"The Iraqi government is holding direct talks with the American side to exempt certain Iraqi airports from these measures," the prime minister's media office said.

An exemption would allow flights to resume "for humanitarian reasons, including medical treatment, education, religious visits, and for the interest of civilians," it added.

Iranian airlines mainly carry Iraqi Shiite pilgrims to Iran's holy cities or Iranians visiting sacred sites in Iraq. The flights also serve Iraqi students studying in Iran and patients seeking medical treatment there.

Iraq has joined several countries in enforcing the US ban, after Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Iranian airlines would be "shut down" on Wednesday.


Golan Spat Exposes One Reason Israel-Syria Talks Stalled

A lake near the Druze village of Majdal Shams in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, with Mount Hermon in the background (AFP)
A lake near the Druze village of Majdal Shams in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, with Mount Hermon in the background (AFP)
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Golan Spat Exposes One Reason Israel-Syria Talks Stalled

A lake near the Druze village of Majdal Shams in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, with Mount Hermon in the background (AFP)
A lake near the Druze village of Majdal Shams in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, with Mount Hermon in the background (AFP)

The exchange over the Golan Heights between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa at the UN General Assembly exposed part of what has stalled talks between Israel and Syria.

The negotiations began two years ago but stopped after an Israeli attack on Abu al-Duhur airport in Idlib province a few weeks ago.

To Netanyahu’s critics, his hard-line stance at the United Nations revealed how wary Israel’s current leadership is of peace with Damascus.

Al-Sharaa told the General Assembly in New York that Syria wants peace, but at a price: the return of the Golan Heights, which Israel has occupied since 1967.

Knowing Israel is not ready to pay that price today, he pressed instead for security agreements that would pull Israeli forces out of areas they occupied after Bashar al-Assad’s fall in December 2024 and restore the framework of the 1974 disengagement agreement.

Israel knows Syria’s position from the talks held so far. Al-Sharaa’s government has signaled its willingness to keep negotiating, rebuild trust and eventually reach a full peace agreement, with embassies, good-neighborly relations, trade and cooperation across various fields, according to accounts circulating in Tel Aviv.

Israel’s leadership, unwilling to pay a price for peace, responded sharply. Defense Minister Israel Katz said that the Golan under Israeli sovereignty is an inseparable part of the State of Israel forever.”

Israel, he added, will not withdraw from Mount Hermon or the security zone. He also warned: “Any territory we take this time will remain ours forever, in accordance with the laws of war.”

Netanyahu followed from the UN podium with what appeared to be a history lesson for al-Sharaa, according to his own reading of that history.

“Mr. al-Sharaa, you should know the Jews have been on the Golan Heights since the days of Moses,” he said. “You can read it in the Bible.”

But the region’s history does not establish the claim Netanyahu sought to make. His remarks gave a religious and historical cast to Katz’s statements about occupation. Archaeological sites show that people inhabited the Golan long before the time of Moses and the Israelites.

Evidence of settlement dates to the Copper and Bronze Ages, alongside stone structures, burial sites and other remains left by communities that lived there thousands of years ago.

Critics of Netanyahu’s account say that even if Jews lived in the Golan, they did not live there alone; others may have outnumbered them.

Those critics also accuse Israeli governments of hiding a central fact about the Golan’s occupation: Israel displaced as much as 90% of the Syrian plateau’s population in 1967.

They say 140,000 people lived there at the time, compared with just 8,000 today. Israel still prevents disclosure of the reasons for their displacement, while people from the Golan recount crimes and massacres that drove them out, the critics say.

Under Assad, the Syrian government agreed to lease the Golan to Israel for 15 years, with an option to extend the lease.

Netanyahu now rejects even proposals he once accepted. He wants to use what he sees as a new balance of power and what Katz calls the laws governing the outcome of war. Yet al-Sharaa’s Syria did not start a war with Israel.

The Israeli military, instead, took advantage of Assad’s fall to launch thousands of strikes on Syria, destroy 85% of the Syrian military’s defensive capabilities and occupy new areas in the south.

Israelis confirm al-Sharaa’s assertion that the two sides had agreed on 90% of the issues in a proposed security arrangement.

They explain Israel’s retreat from the talks by claiming that Syria is becoming a sphere of Turkish influence and that Syrian territory could be used to attack Israeli settlements in the Golan, as Hamas attacked communities around Gaza on Oct. 7, 2023.

Syrians offered far-reaching security guarantees in the negotiations: demilitarization in southern Syria and a secure trade corridor that would allow Druze communities in Israel and the Golan to send aid to Sweida province.

They also agreed to joint security coordination under US supervision, including intelligence sharing and Jordanian participation in monitoring the entire border area.

Israel wanted more: to keep Mount Hermon’s peaks and parts of a security belt, and to retain the freedom to enter Syria in pursuit of armed cells.

The prevailing sense is that Israel has little interest in successful talks and entered them only because US President Donald Trump wanted it to. Trump alone is seen as stopping Netanyahu from using the situation in Syria to launch further military attacks.

The US president appears to be waiting for the Israeli election results before deciding where he stands on the government’s policies.

Trump issued a presidential proclamation in March 2019 recognizing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights.

UN resolutions, however, affirm that the Golan is occupied territory and reject Israel’s declaration that it has imposed its laws and administration on the Syrian plateau.