Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
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Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)

In Yemen, bearing the legacy of “The Leader” is no easy task. The title, still reverently used by supporters of the General People’s Congress, belongs to the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

It’s also increasingly difficult these days to reach his nephew, Brig. Gen. Tariq Mohammed Abdullah Saleh, a member of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) with vice-presidential rank.

He has remained largely out of public view as US airstrikes against the Iran-aligned Houthis intensify and military geography across Yemen becomes a testing ground for how long the group can withstand the barrage—over 100 strikes since March 15, 2025.

In written responses to Asharq Al-Awsat, Saleh—who also heads the Political Bureau of the National Resistance—warned against viewing Yemen solely through the lens of US-Iran tensions.

“The world would be making a mistake by accepting Yemen as a bargaining chip in Iranian negotiations,” he said.

Speaking with a tone that balanced diplomacy with defiance, Saleh appeared to sharpen both his political and military knives.

While expressing openness to a peaceful solution, he said intentions alone are not enough to build a path to negotiations.

He warned that keeping Yemen, in his words, “a base for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard” threatens not only Yemenis but also regional and international interests.

Saleh noted that stability in Yemen hinges on supporting a national state rooted in constitutional rule and genuine popular consensus—not on short-term geopolitical deals.

“Yemen is not a battleground for settling scores, nor part of any external compromises,” Saleh told Asharq Al-Awsat in written remarks.

He stressed Yemen’s strategic importance to global shipping routes and said that reducing the country to a pawn in major power negotiations undermines both its sovereignty and regional security.

Red Sea Conflict: A Test of Power and Priorities

The ongoing US air campaign has significantly degraded Houthi military capabilities, destroyed key infrastructure, and killed dozens of fighters and hundreds of civilians.

The strikes, targeting the Iran-aligned group’s operations in the Red Sea region, have disrupted leadership structures—even among those seen by Yemenis as figureheads rather than decision-makers.

Despite the mounting pressure, the Houthis have kept up their pattern of resilience, continuing to claim attacks on US naval vessels and Israeli targets.

Amid the roar of US warplanes and missile strikes from the sea, Saleh underlined the need for stronger support to Yemeni forces on the ground, calling it essential to restoring balance—not as a tool for escalation but as a national imperative to protect civilians and preserve hard-won gains.

He said the Yemeni government is in ongoing coordination with international partners and the Saudi-led coalition backing legitimacy in Yemen to secure further assistance for the national struggle.

At the same time, Saleh pointed to continued cooperation with regional and international partners to bolster Yemen’s coast guard, particularly in the Red Sea—a strategic artery for global trade.

He noted the presence of effective security units along the coastline, reinforcing the country’s role in protecting maritime interests.

Yemen’s battle for sovereignty stretches from the mountains to the seas, and protecting its territorial waters is part of a broader struggle against the Houthis and in defense of state institutions.

Saleh said maritime security cannot be separated from national sovereignty, emphasizing that defending sea lanes is integral to restoring state authority both on land and at sea.

‘The State Is Not Built on Statements’

Saleh outlined his vision for peace in stark terms: “There is no meaning to any settlement that does not subject the Houthis to the Yemeni constitution and the rule of law,” he said, dismissing any notion that the group could be accommodated outside a constitutional framework.

Peace, in his view, is not a matter of goodwill or declarations. It is a constitutional principle that criminalizes taking power by force and mandates republican governance as a guarantee of equal citizenship, social justice, and Yemen’s return to its rightful place as a peaceful and responsible global partner.

He argued that state power is not built through media statements but through real capabilities on the ground. Only that strength, he said, can lead to a just political solution that serves Yemen, its region, and the wider international community.

While reiterating his commitment to peace, Saleh stressed that it cannot come through concessions alone—it requires a redefinition of the balance of power.

“Peace cannot be granted to a group that rejects the state,” he said. “It is forged when the state regains the capacity to enforce the law and protect its citizens.”

A Predictable Escalation

According to Saleh, the recent Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden are not an outburst of sudden aggression, but the continuation of a long-term strategy.

“These are not surprises,” he said, recalling how the group began targeting Yemeni territorial waters with naval mines and missiles years ago.

The Houthis also launched attacks on civilian infrastructure, including oil export facilities, and disrupted maritime sovereignty by jamming communications with shipping firms and blockading Yemeni ports.

For Saleh, the current US-led campaign is not an isolated flare-up, but part of a larger context where Yemen's struggle for sovereignty has always included defending its shores.

According to the PLC leader, the world turned a blind eye to Houthi violations for years—until they threatened international interests.

“These violations were happening early on,” he said. “But the world only began paying attention when its direct interests were affected.”

Saleh voiced regret over the wars the Iran-backed group has dragged Yemen into, but reiterated his belief that military action is the only way to end what he described as “Houthi terrorism directed by Iran.”

No Peace in the Dictionary

In Saleh’s political lexicon, peace with the Houthis—whom he describes as a bloodthirsty group with no commitment to national frameworks and an ideology rooted in an enemy state—is virtually nonexistent.

He accused the Houthis of placing their leadership and institutions tied to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps above Yemen’s state institutions.

“Governance is about managing people’s affairs based on shared frameworks,” Saleh said. “The Houthis do not abide by any of that.” As a result, he believes the conflict is dictated by weapons, not by any political process grounded in consensus or constitutional rule.

Saleh directly blamed Iran for perpetuating the conflict through its armed proxies, keeping Yemen hostage to violence and rebellion.

Tehran denies controlling Houthi decisions, but regional and international powers have repeatedly presented evidence of weapons smuggling and Iranian fingerprints on the group’s arsenal.

A State Denied

Saleh’s stance on the Houthis leaves no room for ambiguity. He sees the core of the crisis in their rejection of statehood, their use of religion as a tool of power, and their prioritization of armed control over any national project or political consensus.

Under these conditions, he says, a return to state institutions and constitutional governance is impossible while an armed group continues to defy the republic and evade any legal restraints on its authority.

‘What Unites Us Is Greater Than Our Differences’

Despite the political gridlock, Saleh acknowledged the challenges facing the Presidential Leadership Council and admitted that delays have occurred on several fronts. Still, he described internal disagreements as “natural,” given the complexity of Yemen’s ongoing crisis.

“In the end,” he said, “what unites us is greater than any differences.”

Saleh affirmed that internal differences within the PLC are normal—especially under the extraordinary circumstances the country is facing. What matters, he stressed, is the leadership’s ability to manage those differences within a framework of national responsibility.

“Disagreements are natural in any leadership body, particularly in exceptional conditions like Yemen’s,” he said. “But more important is our ability to navigate this diversity and divergence while remaining committed to the national interest.”

Saleh acknowledged delays on certain issues, but maintained that coordination among military forces loyal to the internationally recognized government continues to improve. Armed conflict between former battlefield allies who support legitimacy, he noted, has largely come to an end.

Mounting Economic Pressure

On the civilian front, Saleh admitted the council is grappling with significant economic pressures. These include financial fragmentation, Houthi manipulation of monetary policy, the splitting of the central bank, and the looting of public resources in the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa. The situation is compounded by limited international support for the government.

Despite these obstacles, Saleh insisted the council remains the legitimate representative of the Yemeni state—locally, regionally, and internationally. Still, he admitted, “much, much more” is needed, reflecting the scale of the challenges and the narrow room for maneuver.

Managing, Not Denying, Disagreements

Saleh acknowledged criticism of the PLC, especially regarding internal divisions, but said these rifts predated the council’s formation.

“The issue is not the absence of disagreements,” he said, “but our ability to manage them responsibly.” That, he argued, is what keeps the leadership intact and its national mission on course.

Saleh explained that the council’s performance should not be viewed as a defense of outcomes, but rather as a reflection of the sheer complexity of the moment.

He described a leadership body under immense economic strain, facing financial fragmentation orchestrated by the Houthi-run administration in Sanaa and grappling with depleted state revenues.

Despite these mounting challenges, he said, the council continues to serve as a reference point for the country’s legitimate leadership, striving to maintain cohesion in a volatile environment where all outcomes remain on the table.

In this precarious phase, Saleh appears focused not only on confronting threats but on reshaping the idea of unity within Yemen’s state institutions—from the PLC and military landscape to Yemen’s strategic ties with regional and international partners, which he views as critical to any future settlement.

The PLC was formed in April 2022 following Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by the Gulf Cooperation Council in Riyadh. It brought together military and political factions opposed to the Houthis under the chairmanship of Dr. Rashad al-Alimi and seven vice presidents, including Saleh.

The council’s formation was seen at the time as a hopeful turning point—one aimed at pursuing peace and correcting the shortcomings of the previous government. But nearly three years on, critics argue that momentum has faded.

Supporters, however, counter that the council’s ability to remain united despite deep ideological and political differences among its members—many of whom were once rivals—is itself a political achievement amid the ongoing conflict.

 

 



Hezbollah Unhappy with Political Negotiations with Israel but Unlikely to Confront the State

A joint patrol of UNIFIL forces and the Lebanese Army in the Marjayoun area near the border with Israel (AFP)
A joint patrol of UNIFIL forces and the Lebanese Army in the Marjayoun area near the border with Israel (AFP)
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Hezbollah Unhappy with Political Negotiations with Israel but Unlikely to Confront the State

A joint patrol of UNIFIL forces and the Lebanese Army in the Marjayoun area near the border with Israel (AFP)
A joint patrol of UNIFIL forces and the Lebanese Army in the Marjayoun area near the border with Israel (AFP)

Hezbollah officials have avoided commenting on the Lebanese government’s decision to appoint former ambassador Simon Karam as head of the Lebanese delegation to the “mechanism committee” overseeing the ceasefire with Israel, which effectively shifted the committee’s work from military-technical talks to political negotiations.

A formal party position is expected Friday, to be delivered by Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem in a previously scheduled appearance.

Yet media outlets aligned with Hezbollah, along with its supporters on social platforms, quickly denounced the presidential decision. They described it as “another act of surrender by Lebanon, taken despite the absence of any Israeli willingness to meet Lebanese demands, chief among them ending attacks and violations, withdrawing from occupied territory, and releasing detainees.”

Sources familiar with Hezbollah’s internal discussions told Asharq Al-Awsat that Qassem will reiterate the party’s refusal to enter “a new round of negotiations as long as Israel fails to meet its obligations.”

He is also expected to reference the open letter he sent on November 6 to Lebanon’s President, Parliament Speaker, Premier and the public, stressing rejection of any new talks and reaffirming “the right of resistance.”

The sources added that both Hezbollah and Speaker Nabih Berri are dissatisfied with Karam’s appointment because of his known political stance against “the resistance.”

Still, neither intends to provoke internal conflict. Instead, they will continue working with the state “within the framework of insisting that Lebanon assume responsibility for halting Israeli aggression, recovering land, securing prisoner releases, initiating reconstruction, and above all, preventing another Israeli war.”

On Wednesday evening, Hezbollah’s Al-Manar TV criticized the inclusion of a civilian in the mechanism committee, declaring that “the Lebanese state has taken its decisions and must bear their consequences.”

It added that the government “has stepped into the unknown without guaranteed returns,” insisting that “the people of the land will not concede rights or surrender.”

Political analyst Kassem Kassir, who closely follows Hezbollah, stressed that the priority for the party and its supporters remains achieving concrete outcomes: stopping Israeli assaults, withdrawing from occupied land, freeing prisoners, and rebuilding devastated areas.

Ali Al-Amin, editor of the Janoubia news site, recalled that Hezbollah had already informed Lebanon’s leaders of its rejection of negotiations with Israel.

Still, Karam’s appointment was “a Lebanese decision driven by internal considerations,” and the party cannot block it at a time when Israel has threatened a devastating war.

While Hezbollah signaled displeasure - prompting small street protests - it has not issued an outright rejection.

Asked about the party’s red lines, Al-Amin said Hezbollah will not relinquish its weapons, particularly north of the Litani River.

Should the government attempt to enforce disarmament, he warned, confrontation with the army could follow, an outcome still viewed by Hezbollah as less costly than a new Israeli war with unpredictable consequences.


Israel Meets Lebanon’s Diplomatic Overture with Strikes on the South

Smoke rises following Israeli airstrikes that targeted the Nabatieh area in May 2025 (Archive – EPA). 
Smoke rises following Israeli airstrikes that targeted the Nabatieh area in May 2025 (Archive – EPA). 
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Israel Meets Lebanon’s Diplomatic Overture with Strikes on the South

Smoke rises following Israeli airstrikes that targeted the Nabatieh area in May 2025 (Archive – EPA). 
Smoke rises following Israeli airstrikes that targeted the Nabatieh area in May 2025 (Archive – EPA). 

Israel on Thursday ended days of ambiguity over whether the recent “positive atmosphere” created by civilian negotiations with Lebanon might ease tensions. Instead, it launched four airstrikes targeting homes in South Lebanon, including one north of the Litani River.

The attacks came less than 24 hours after the latest meeting of the joint “mechanism” committee.

The escalation appeared to answer leaked Lebanese reports that Ambassador Simon Karam, head of Lebanon’s negotiating delegation, had been tasked with discussing a cessation of hostilities, a prisoner exchange, Israeli withdrawal from occupied Lebanese areas, and technical adjustments along the Blue Line.

Al-Jadeed channel quoted President Joseph Aoun as saying Lebanon “has not entered normalization nor signed a peace agreement.”

At Thursday’s cabinet session, Aoun presented his decision to appoint Karam after consultations with Speaker Nabih Berri and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, stressing the need for talks in Naqoura and for a civilian figure in the delegation.

The initial meeting, he said, “was not expected to be highly productive,” but it paved the way for subsequent sessions beginning on the 19th. “The language of negotiation must replace the language of war,” he added.

Army Commander Gen. Rodolphe Haykal also submitted his monthly report on enforcing the state’s monopoly over arms, outlining operations south of the Litani River. Lebanese media reported a significant step in this direction: the army, accompanied by UNIFIL, reportedly seized Hezbollah rockets in the area.

As Lebanon tries to widen the diplomatic window to contain tensions and avert a large-scale Israeli attack, two contrasting messages have emerged from Israel. One camp welcomed the appointment of Karam, while another insists on separating diplomacy from military operations and preventing negotiations from influencing conditions on the ground.

This harder line became clear when Israeli army spokesperson Avichay Adraee warned residents of Mahrouna, Bar’ashit, al-Majadal (south of the Litani), and Jbaa (north of it) to evacuate at least 300 meters away because the army would soon strike Hezbollah infrastructure across the south.

Hours later, Israel carried out the strikes, saying it targeted depots embedded in residential areas - an example, it claimed, of Hezbollah’s use of civilian buildings for military purposes.

MP Ashraf Rifi told Asharq Al-Awsat that the political and security climate “remains dangerous despite the sense of relief surrounding the negotiations.” Messages from Israeli officials, he said, show that talks “do not automatically halt targeting of Hezbollah or its weapons,” adding that escalation “remains highly possible.”

Rifi said Israel has “a clear strategic project aimed at ending Iranian influence across the Arab region,” and if it concludes that Lebanon cannot disarm Hezbollah, it “may resort to military action.”

He cited the return of Israeli drones over Beirut as proof that Lebanon “remains squarely within the circle of threat.”

MP Akram Chehayeb of the Democratic Gathering said the essential question is whether Israel genuinely seeks peace, given ongoing actions against Palestinians. He argued that a return to the 1949 Armistice framework would be a major gain for Lebanon, recalling earlier negotiation rounds, including those leading to the 2022 maritime agreement.

 

 

 


'Land Without laws': Israeli Settlers Force Bedouins from West Bank Community

AFP visited Ahmed Kaabneh weeks before he was forced to flee his home in the al-Hathrura area. Menahem Kahana / AFP
AFP visited Ahmed Kaabneh weeks before he was forced to flee his home in the al-Hathrura area. Menahem Kahana / AFP
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'Land Without laws': Israeli Settlers Force Bedouins from West Bank Community

AFP visited Ahmed Kaabneh weeks before he was forced to flee his home in the al-Hathrura area. Menahem Kahana / AFP
AFP visited Ahmed Kaabneh weeks before he was forced to flee his home in the al-Hathrura area. Menahem Kahana / AFP

As relentless harassment from Israeli settlers drove his brothers from their Bedouin community in the central occupied West Bank, Ahmed Kaabneh remained determined to stay on the land his family had lived on for generations.

But when a handful of young settlers constructed a shack around 100 meters above his home and started intimidating his children, 45-year-old Kaabneh said he had no choice but to flee too.

As with scores of Bedouin communities across the West Bank, the small cluster of wood and metal houses where Kaabneh's father and grandfather had lived now lies empty.

"It is very difficult... because you leave an area where you lived for 45 years. Not a day or two or three, but nearly a lifetime," Kaabneh told AFP at his family's new makeshift house in the rocky hills north of Jericho.

"But what can you do? They are the strong ones and we are the weak, and we have no power."

Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967, and violence there has soared since the Gaza war erupted in October 2023 following Hamas's attack on Israel.

Some 3,200 Palestinians from dozens of Bedouin and herding communities have been forced from their homes by settler violence and movement restrictions since October 2023, the UN's humanitarian agency OCHA reported in October.

The United Nations said this October was the worst month for settler violence since it began recording incidents in 2006.

Almost none of the perpetrators have been held to account by the Israeli authorities.

'Terrifying'

Kaabneh, four of his brothers and their families, now live together some 13 kilometers (eight miles) northeast of their original homes, which sat in the al-Hathrura area.

Outside his freshly constructed metal house, boys kicked a football while washing hung from the line. But Kaabneh said the area didn't feel like home.

"We are in a place we have never lived in before, and life here is hard," he said.

Alongside surging violence, the number of settler outposts has exploded in the West Bank.

While all Israeli settlements are illegal under international law, outposts are also prohibited under Israeli law. But many end up being legalized by the Israeli authorities.

AFP had visited Kaabneh in the al-Hathrura area weeks before he was forced to flee.

On the dirt road to his family's compound, caravans and an Israeli flag atop a hill marked an outpost established earlier this year -- one of several to have sprung up in the area.

On the other side of the track, in the valley, lay the wreckage of another Bedouin compound whose residents had recently fled.

While in Kaabneh's cluster of homes, AFP witnessed two settlers driving to the top of a hill to surveil the Bedouins below.

"The situation is terrifying," Kaabneh said at the time, with life becoming almost untenable because of daily harassment and shrinking grazing land.

Less than three weeks later, the homes were deserted.

Kaabneh said the settlers "would shout all night, throw stones, and walk through the middle of the houses."

"They didn't allow us to sleep at night, nor move freely during the day."

'Thrive on chaos'

These days, only activists and the odd cat wander the remnants of Kaabneh's former life -- where upturned children's bikes and discarded shoes reveal the chaotic departure.

"We are here to keep an eye on the property... because a lot of places that are abandoned are usually looted by the settlements," said Sahar Kan-Tor, 29, an Israeli activist with the Israeli-Palestinian grassroots group Standing Together.

Meanwhile, settlers with a quadbike and digger were busy dismantling their hilltop shack and replacing it with a sofa and table.

"They thrive on chaos," Kan-Tor explained.

"It is, in a way, a land without laws. There (are) authorities roaming around, but nothing is enforced, or very rarely enforced."

A report by Israeli settlement watchdogs last December said settlers had used shepherding outposts to seize 14 percent of the West Bank in recent years.

NGOs Peace Now and Kerem Navot said settlers were acting "with the backing of the Israeli government and military".

Some members of Israel's right-wing government are settlers themselves, and far-right ministers have called for the West Bank's annexation.

Kan-Tor said he believed settlers were targeting this stretch of the West Bank because of its significance for a contiguous Palestinian state.

But Kaabneh said the threat of attacks loomed even in his new location in the east of the territory.

He said settlers had already driven along the track leading to his family's homes and watched them from the hill above.

"Even this area, which should be considered safe, is not truly safe," Kaabneh lamented.

"They pursue us everywhere."