Elusive Assassination Target, ‘Shadow Unit’ Founder: Who Is Mohammed al-Sinwar?

An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
TT

Elusive Assassination Target, ‘Shadow Unit’ Founder: Who Is Mohammed al-Sinwar?

An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)

Doubts persist over whether senior Hamas military commander Mohammed al-Sinwar has been killed or survived an alleged Israeli strike, as Israeli officials intensify efforts to confirm his assassination while Hamas remains tight-lipped.

Multiple sources within the group have refused to confirm or deny al-Sinwar’s fate, fueling speculation surrounding the elusive commander, who has a decades-long track record of evading Israeli assassination attempts.

Al-Sinwar, the younger brother of slain Hamas leader Yehya al-Sinwar, has remained a top Israeli target throughout the Gaza war.

Yet, for more than 18 months of fighting, Israel has not officially confirmed a direct strike on him — a fact that reinforces his reputation as a master of disguise and a “high-value, hard-to-detect” target.

Despite a 13-year age gap — Yehya was born in 1962 and Mohammed in 1975 — the two shared not only blood ties but a deep-rooted partnership within Hamas, rising through the ranks together to lead the group’s military and political strategies.

The timing of Israel’s apparent attempt to target al-Sinwar — roughly 24 hours after the release of Israeli-American soldier Edan Alexander — has raised questions about whether the move was a calculated signal or the result of an intelligence breakthrough.

Sources within Hamas and other Gaza-based militant factions declined to confirm or deny whether the operation to recover Alexander was linked to locating al-Sinwar’s suspected hideout.

Tuesday’s intense airstrike, followed by a continued bombardment of the area on Wednesday that created a fire belt to prevent any rescue attempts, suggests Israel believed it was striking a high-value target.

Israel’s use of fire belts in a recent air assault on southern Gaza has drawn comparisons to previous assassination attempts targeting senior figures in Hezbollah and Hamas, including Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah and top Hamas military commanders Marwan Issa, Ahmed al-Ghandour, Bassem Issa and Jamal al-Zebda during the 2021 Gaza war.

On Tuesday night, Israeli warplanes dropped dozens of bombs and missiles on the emergency yard and rear compound of the European Gaza Hospital east of Khan Younis, as well as surrounding areas — with strikes extending up to 500 meters in some directions and about 300 meters in others, according to field sources who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat.

Israeli public broadcaster Kan reported that the attack involved bunker-busting bombs aimed at destroying a suspected underground tunnel network in the area. The strikes targeted multiple tunnel entrances to ensure that anyone hiding inside would be killed, even if not directly hit.

Sources from Gaza-based factions told Asharq Al-Awsat that the location did in fact contain a tunnel system previously damaged in the 2014 war. Hamas’ military wing, Al-Qassam Brigades, reportedly managed to restore the tunnels, which had only suffered minor damage in earlier attacks during the current conflict.

As his role within Hamas expanded, al-Sinwar became a frequent target of Israeli assassination attempts spanning more than two decades.

One of the closest calls came during the 2021 conflict, when he was lightly wounded in a tunnel strike alongside Rafaa Salama, the former commander of Hamas’ Khan Younis Brigade.

Both men survived the attack with minor injuries.

Salama was later killed in an Israeli strike in July, along with Mohammed Deif, Hamas’ elusive military chief, in the coastal al-Mawasi area.

Al-Sinwar has survived at least seven Israeli assassination attempts over the past two decades, according to Hamas sources — a track record that has helped cement his image as one of the group’s most elusive and high-value operatives.

One early attempt came during the Second Intifada, which erupted in September 2000. In 2003, an explosive device was planted in the wall of his home, but he escaped unscathed.

In 2006, an Israeli strike targeted a vehicle believed to be carrying al-Sinwar. He was not inside at the time, and the operation failed — one of several similar attempts over the years.

In 2008, Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that al-Sinwar outwitted Israeli intelligence by manipulating radio communications.

He allegedly used pre-recorded transmissions to give the impression he was speaking live over a two-way radio, prompting Israeli forces to bomb the signal’s location. The attack missed its target — al-Sinwar was never there.

In another reported incident in 2019, local media claimed that al-Sinwar, Salama and other Hamas commanders were the targets of an Israeli commando operation involving a plot to poison and abduct them from a beach in Khan Younis. The Al-Qassam Brigades swiftly denied the report, calling it baseless.

Al-Sinwar is credited with founding the group’s secretive “Shadow Unit,” tasked with guarding high-value captives, including Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, according to Hamas sources who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat.

The unit was established with approval from Mohammed Deif, the elusive commander of Hamas’ armed wing, the Al-Qassam Brigades. Al-Sinwar personally oversaw the formation of its initial core, selecting trusted field operatives from his home city of Khan Younis in southern Gaza.

Al-Sinwar’s central role in the 2006 abduction and concealment of Shalit near the Rafah border prompted the creation of the unit. Sources say it was formed roughly three months after the kidnapping, following several Israeli airstrikes on suspected Shalit hideouts.

The unit’s existence remained classified until 2016 — five years after Shalit’s release in a prisoner swap — when al-Qassam released previously unseen footage of the soldier during his captivity.

According to the same sources, both Deif and al-Sinwar ordered the establishment of the unit, with many of its founding members hailing from the Khan Younis refugee camp.

They included senior field commanders such as Abdul Rahman al-Mubasher, Khaled Abu Bakra, and Mohammed Dawoud — all of whom were later killed in Israeli operations in 2013 and 2021.

Other key figures linked to the unit included Sami al-Humaidah from Rafah, killed in 2008, and Abdullah Labad, a top explosives engineer from Gaza’s al-Shati camp, who was assassinated in 2011 along with his brother Ismail, a senior field operative involved in weapons production and smuggling.

Al-Sinwar continued to expand and develop the Shadow Unit for years, discreetly recruiting new members and enhancing its capabilities. Its full mission only became clearer following the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel.

Within Hamas, al-Sinwar has long been seen as the de facto operational commander of the al-Qassam Brigades, sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

While Deif remained the official general commander, al-Sinwar is believed to have overseen many of the group’s military and administrative portfolios, shaping battlefield tactics and command structures behind the scenes.

 

 



Israel Resumes South Lebanon Strikes after Netanyahu-Trump Talks

Smoke rises after Israeli airstrikes hit the Jabal al Rihan heights in southern Lebanon (AFP)
Smoke rises after Israeli airstrikes hit the Jabal al Rihan heights in southern Lebanon (AFP)
TT

Israel Resumes South Lebanon Strikes after Netanyahu-Trump Talks

Smoke rises after Israeli airstrikes hit the Jabal al Rihan heights in southern Lebanon (AFP)
Smoke rises after Israeli airstrikes hit the Jabal al Rihan heights in southern Lebanon (AFP)

Israel resumed airstrikes in southern Lebanon on Friday shortly after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu returned from a visit to the United States, where he met US President Donald Trump, as Israeli officials signaled possible military action if Beirut fails to advance to the next phase of a plan to confine Hezbollah’s weapons north of the Litani River.

The ceasefire monitoring committee, also known as the mechanism, is tracking Lebanon’s political and diplomatic efforts, as well as local measures, aimed at preventing a renewed war.

The mechanism is expected to hold a military-level meeting next week to review developments.

Meanwhile, the Lebanese government is also due to receive a briefing next week from Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal on progress in implementing the state’s decision to contain the proliferation of weapons in stages.

Airstrikes resume

Israeli bombardment in Lebanon had eased after Netanyahu departed for the United States, with no intense airstrikes recorded as had been occurring on a weekly and repeated basis.

That situation changed following the end of the visit and Netanyahu’s return to Israel, where he is expected to meet Israeli officials on Saturday to brief them on his trip.

Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency reported that Israeli warplanes carried out airstrikes deep inside Lebanon, hitting the Louaizeh heights, the Mrouj Aqmata area in the Iqlim al Tuffah highlands, the Wadi Aazze Zefta area, the outskirts of Ansar in Nabatieh district, the Tabna area on the outskirts of Bissariyeh in the Zahrani region, and Mount Mashghara in the western Bekaa in eastern Lebanon.

The strikes totaled ten air raids, all within a contiguous geographic belt stretching from the coast to eastern Lebanon, north of the Litani.

Israeli army spokesman Avichay Adraee said on Friday that Israeli forces had carried out strikes on Hezbollah sites in several areas of southern Lebanon.

Writing on X, he said the army targeted what he described as terrorist infrastructure belonging to the group, including a training complex used by the Radwan Force, Hezbollah’s elite unit, and military buildings that he said were used to store weapons.

He said the presence of the targeted infrastructure and the conduct of military training constituted a violation of understandings between Israel and Lebanon.

North of the Litani

All the strikes hit deep valleys and uninhabited areas that have been repeatedly bombed since the ceasefire came into force in November 2024. The locations lie between about 20 kilometers east and 40 kilometers west of the border with Israel.

Earlier on Friday, an Israeli drone struck an excavator in the border town of Aita al Shaab.

Israeli warplanes also violated Lebanese airspace, flying at low altitude over villages in the Tyre district, while two Israeli aircraft breached the airspace over the city of Baalbek and surrounding villages in eastern Lebanon.

Israel has launched a new phase of military strikes since last month, focused on areas north of the Litani, after the Lebanese government announced the completion of the first phase of its plan to confine weapons to official military and security forces south of the river, and preparations to begin the second phase north of the Litani, extending to the Awali River, about 50 kilometers from the southern border.

Netanyahu’s deadline

The strikes followed the end of Netanyahu’s five-day visit to the United States.

Israel’s public broadcaster had reported earlier this week that Netanyahu instructed the military to suspend operations until his return, in order to avoid what it described as an unwanted entanglement during his meeting with Trump.

Israeli media reported on Friday that, upon Netanyahu’s return, security chiefs would be briefed on understandings and agreements reached with Trump.

Israeli media also suggested that Israel could act on its own if Lebanon fails to meet its commitments to implement weapons exclusivity north of the Litani, amid Hezbollah’s refusal to cooperate.

Hezbollah officials have said the priority should be for Israel to meet its obligations under the ceasefire, including withdrawing from occupied Lebanese points, halting attacks, releasing detainees, and launching reconstruction.

Hezbollah’s priorities

Hezbollah lawmaker Hassan Ezzedine said at a memorial event in southern Lebanon that the United States was trying, through politics, pressure and conspiracies, to achieve what Israel failed to accomplish militarily.

He said Lebanon and the resistance had fulfilled all obligations under the agreements, while Israel continued to evade any commitment.

He called on the Lebanese state and the sponsors of the agreement to compel Israel to stop its attacks, paving the way for an internal national dialogue on strategies to safeguard Lebanon’s strength and sovereignty, without foreign interference.

Ezzedine said the government had clear responsibilities outlined in its ministerial statement, foremost liberating land, stopping attacks, securing the release of detainees, and launching reconstruction.

He said inaction was unjustified, arguing the state could raise its voice in international forums, expose Israeli violations, issue a clear political decision mandating the Lebanese army to take all necessary measures to protect sovereignty, and ensure the return of citizens to their villages and properties, particularly in frontline areas.


Israeli Leaks Test Prospects for Gaza Deal’s Second Phase

A young girl stands in front of tents that burned after candles were lit for lighting at a displacement camp in Gaza City on Friday (AFP)
A young girl stands in front of tents that burned after candles were lit for lighting at a displacement camp in Gaza City on Friday (AFP)
TT

Israeli Leaks Test Prospects for Gaza Deal’s Second Phase

A young girl stands in front of tents that burned after candles were lit for lighting at a displacement camp in Gaza City on Friday (AFP)
A young girl stands in front of tents that burned after candles were lit for lighting at a displacement camp in Gaza City on Friday (AFP)

A stream of Israeli leaks has highlighted moves toward alternative scenarios in Gaza if the disarmament of Hamas is not carried out soon.

The options being floated range from freezing reconstruction across the enclave and limiting rebuilding to areas under Israeli control to the prospect of renewed military operations.

Experts who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat described the leaks about alternative plans to confront Hamas as pressure tactics and contingency plans, saying they reflect expectations that the main plan to disarm the resistance will not be implemented immediately.

They said such measures further complicate the path of the second phase, making it, even if launched, a lengthy process due to Israeli obstacles.

Israel’s Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper reported on Friday, citing sources, that the army is preparing alternative plans to carry out a new military operation in Gaza to dismantle Hamas infrastructure if an international force fails in its mission.

This followed earlier Israeli talk of starting partial reconstruction in the southern city of Rafah before Hamas is disarmed, according to Israel’s Channel 12. That proposal contradicts efforts by Arab states to pursue a comprehensive reconstruction of Gaza.

The leaks came after a meeting last week between US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Israel Hayom reported at the time that the two had agreed on Jan. 15 as the date to begin the second phase of Trump’s Gaza plan, with a two-month deadline to dismantle Hamas’ weapons, amid presidential threats against the Palestinian movement if it fails to comply.

Mokhtar Ghobashy, Secretary General of the Al-Farabi Center for Strategic Studies, stated that the second phase of the Gaza agreement is inherently complex and that Israel does not want to enter it except on terms that serve its interests.

He said this became clear after the Trump-Netanyahu meeting, noting that there appears to be an agreed path allowing the launch of the second phase, but at a slow pace. Any acceleration, he said, would depend on the interests achieved by both sides, not just the Palestinians.

Barakat Al-Farra, a former Palestinian ambassador to Egypt, said that the repeated Israeli leaks since last week’s Trump-Netanyahu meeting indicate attempts and contingency plans aimed at complicating the second phase, even if it begins, and that its implementation would be delayed due to Israeli obstacles.

Amid the Israeli leaks, the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, Indonesia, Pakistan, Türkiye and Qatar issued a joint statement on Friday calling for the implementation of Trump’s Gaza agreement.

They stressed the need for the immediate, full and unhindered entry of humanitarian aid into Gaza through the United Nations and its agencies, as well as the rehabilitation of infrastructure and hospitals and the opening of the Rafah crossing in both directions.

The eight ministers emphasized the urgent need to immediately launch and expand early recovery efforts, including providing permanent and dignified shelter to protect residents from harsh winter conditions.

The statement also renewed the eight countries’ full support for UN Security Council Resolution 2803 and for the comprehensive plan presented by Trump.

The ministers said they are committed to contributing to its successful implementation in a way that ensures the sustainability of the ceasefire, ends the war in Gaza, secures a dignified life for Palestinians, and leads to a credible path toward Palestinian self-determination and statehood.

Resolution 2803 was adopted by the Security Council in November and welcomed Trump’s 20-point plan to end the Gaza conflict, which was issued on September 29, 2025.

Despite the end of the war after the ceasefire agreement entered into force on Oct. 10, 2025, living conditions have not improved significantly due to Israel’s failure to meet its commitments under the deal.

These include allowing the agreed-upon quantities of food, relief, and medical supplies, as well as mobile homes, and opening border crossings.

Ghobashy said the joint statement by the eight Arab and Islamic countries extends pressure efforts to accelerate the move toward the second phase and to enforce Israel’s delayed commitments from the first phase, particularly those related to opening the Rafah crossing in both directions and increasing the flow of aid.

Al-Farra, meanwhile, said mediators have no option but to continue applying pressure to prevent any further complications for the second phase, predicting that 2026 will not differ from previous periods since the Gaza agreement began in October.


Hadhramaut Official Says National Shield Advances, STC Withdrawal Leaves Security Gap

Residents of Al Mahrah governorate voiced support for Yemen’s presidential decisions (Saba News Agency)
Residents of Al Mahrah governorate voiced support for Yemen’s presidential decisions (Saba News Agency)
TT

Hadhramaut Official Says National Shield Advances, STC Withdrawal Leaves Security Gap

Residents of Al Mahrah governorate voiced support for Yemen’s presidential decisions (Saba News Agency)
Residents of Al Mahrah governorate voiced support for Yemen’s presidential decisions (Saba News Agency)

A Yemeni local authority official confirmed that the National Shield forces had taken full control of the 37th Brigade camp in al-Khasha and pushed on to the city of al-Qatn, moving toward the strategic city of Seiyun in Hadhramaut.

Abdulhadi al-Tamimi, assistant undersecretary of Hadhramaut governorate for valley and desert affairs, told Asharq Al-Awsat that withdrawing forces loyal to the Southern Transitional Council had left a security vacuum at several military sites, saying local authorities, in coordination with residents, were working to address and fill the gap.

Al-Tamimi, who is in Hadhramaut, stated that forces from the Hadhramaut Tribes Alliance and the Hadhramaut Protection Forces are preparing to move toward the coastal area, specifically Mukalla, to support the Hadhrami Elite Forces in maintaining security and preventing clashes with withdrawing STC forces.

The Hadhramaut official thanked Saudi Arabia for its support of Yemen, and Hadhramaut in particular, which he said had endured difficult times.

“We welcome our brothers in the National Shield forces and salute the support of our elder sister, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, under the leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and the Crown Prince and Minister of Defense, for supporting Yemen and backing Hadhramaut, which lived through difficult days due to the invasion of hordes of STC militias into the Hadhramaut Valley and Desert,” he said.

“Those areas had been far from the conflicts Yemen went through and were spared thanks to the wisdom of their people, but this time they came treacherously, seized control of the First Military Region and wreaked havoc there.”

Al-Tamimi stated that the National Shield forces moved at dawn on Friday, following the failure of all de-escalation efforts and attempts to persuade STC leaders to withdraw.

“Unfortunately, many of the STC forces present did not comply with the request to withdraw, leave their weapons and return from where they came, so clashes occurred with support from Saudi air power, and control was taken of the major base, the 37th Armored Brigade camp,” he said.

He added that the forces then advanced to al-Qatn and were heading toward Seiyun, noting that several areas where STC forces had been present were hit by airstrikes, forcing them to flee, most notably the First Military Region.

Al-Tamimi said the rapid withdrawal of STC forces left a security vacuum at camps such as al-Suwayri.

He added that there was also a separate movement on the Hadhramaut, Plateau by the Hadhramaut, Tribes Alliance, led by Sheikh Amr bin Habrish, and the Hadhramaut, Protection Forces, which were joined by many Hadhrami officers and commanders after they took control of the Ghayl bin Yamin camp.

“We are preparing to head to the Hadhramaut, coast to reinforce the Hadhrami Elite Forces there so they are not attacked by the withdrawing force,” he said.

Al-Tamimi stated that the local authority had instructed all districts to form emergency committees to address the situation and secure vital areas until the National Shield forces arrive.

Meanwhile, hospitals in Seiyun received eight wounded people and one fatality as a result of the military developments in Hadhramaut, on Friday, according to local sources.

The Second Military Region issued a statement saying that camps and military sites under its command would remain fully under its responsibility, describing itself as part of the military institution.

The commander of the Second Military Region had previously declared loyalty to the STC, while the statement suggested a shift in position.

The Second Military Region said the Hadhrami Elite Forces “have carried out their national and security duties since their establishment, pledging full commitment to protecting the Hadhramaut coast and its people, maintaining security and social peace, and safeguarding public and private property.