Elusive Assassination Target, ‘Shadow Unit’ Founder: Who Is Mohammed al-Sinwar?

An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
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Elusive Assassination Target, ‘Shadow Unit’ Founder: Who Is Mohammed al-Sinwar?

An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)
An image released by the Israeli military last December shows Mohammed al-Sinwar inside a vehicle in one of Hamas’ tunnels in northern Gaza (Israeli military/Reuters)

Doubts persist over whether senior Hamas military commander Mohammed al-Sinwar has been killed or survived an alleged Israeli strike, as Israeli officials intensify efforts to confirm his assassination while Hamas remains tight-lipped.

Multiple sources within the group have refused to confirm or deny al-Sinwar’s fate, fueling speculation surrounding the elusive commander, who has a decades-long track record of evading Israeli assassination attempts.

Al-Sinwar, the younger brother of slain Hamas leader Yehya al-Sinwar, has remained a top Israeli target throughout the Gaza war.

Yet, for more than 18 months of fighting, Israel has not officially confirmed a direct strike on him — a fact that reinforces his reputation as a master of disguise and a “high-value, hard-to-detect” target.

Despite a 13-year age gap — Yehya was born in 1962 and Mohammed in 1975 — the two shared not only blood ties but a deep-rooted partnership within Hamas, rising through the ranks together to lead the group’s military and political strategies.

The timing of Israel’s apparent attempt to target al-Sinwar — roughly 24 hours after the release of Israeli-American soldier Edan Alexander — has raised questions about whether the move was a calculated signal or the result of an intelligence breakthrough.

Sources within Hamas and other Gaza-based militant factions declined to confirm or deny whether the operation to recover Alexander was linked to locating al-Sinwar’s suspected hideout.

Tuesday’s intense airstrike, followed by a continued bombardment of the area on Wednesday that created a fire belt to prevent any rescue attempts, suggests Israel believed it was striking a high-value target.

Israel’s use of fire belts in a recent air assault on southern Gaza has drawn comparisons to previous assassination attempts targeting senior figures in Hezbollah and Hamas, including Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah and top Hamas military commanders Marwan Issa, Ahmed al-Ghandour, Bassem Issa and Jamal al-Zebda during the 2021 Gaza war.

On Tuesday night, Israeli warplanes dropped dozens of bombs and missiles on the emergency yard and rear compound of the European Gaza Hospital east of Khan Younis, as well as surrounding areas — with strikes extending up to 500 meters in some directions and about 300 meters in others, according to field sources who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat.

Israeli public broadcaster Kan reported that the attack involved bunker-busting bombs aimed at destroying a suspected underground tunnel network in the area. The strikes targeted multiple tunnel entrances to ensure that anyone hiding inside would be killed, even if not directly hit.

Sources from Gaza-based factions told Asharq Al-Awsat that the location did in fact contain a tunnel system previously damaged in the 2014 war. Hamas’ military wing, Al-Qassam Brigades, reportedly managed to restore the tunnels, which had only suffered minor damage in earlier attacks during the current conflict.

As his role within Hamas expanded, al-Sinwar became a frequent target of Israeli assassination attempts spanning more than two decades.

One of the closest calls came during the 2021 conflict, when he was lightly wounded in a tunnel strike alongside Rafaa Salama, the former commander of Hamas’ Khan Younis Brigade.

Both men survived the attack with minor injuries.

Salama was later killed in an Israeli strike in July, along with Mohammed Deif, Hamas’ elusive military chief, in the coastal al-Mawasi area.

Al-Sinwar has survived at least seven Israeli assassination attempts over the past two decades, according to Hamas sources — a track record that has helped cement his image as one of the group’s most elusive and high-value operatives.

One early attempt came during the Second Intifada, which erupted in September 2000. In 2003, an explosive device was planted in the wall of his home, but he escaped unscathed.

In 2006, an Israeli strike targeted a vehicle believed to be carrying al-Sinwar. He was not inside at the time, and the operation failed — one of several similar attempts over the years.

In 2008, Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that al-Sinwar outwitted Israeli intelligence by manipulating radio communications.

He allegedly used pre-recorded transmissions to give the impression he was speaking live over a two-way radio, prompting Israeli forces to bomb the signal’s location. The attack missed its target — al-Sinwar was never there.

In another reported incident in 2019, local media claimed that al-Sinwar, Salama and other Hamas commanders were the targets of an Israeli commando operation involving a plot to poison and abduct them from a beach in Khan Younis. The Al-Qassam Brigades swiftly denied the report, calling it baseless.

Al-Sinwar is credited with founding the group’s secretive “Shadow Unit,” tasked with guarding high-value captives, including Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, according to Hamas sources who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat.

The unit was established with approval from Mohammed Deif, the elusive commander of Hamas’ armed wing, the Al-Qassam Brigades. Al-Sinwar personally oversaw the formation of its initial core, selecting trusted field operatives from his home city of Khan Younis in southern Gaza.

Al-Sinwar’s central role in the 2006 abduction and concealment of Shalit near the Rafah border prompted the creation of the unit. Sources say it was formed roughly three months after the kidnapping, following several Israeli airstrikes on suspected Shalit hideouts.

The unit’s existence remained classified until 2016 — five years after Shalit’s release in a prisoner swap — when al-Qassam released previously unseen footage of the soldier during his captivity.

According to the same sources, both Deif and al-Sinwar ordered the establishment of the unit, with many of its founding members hailing from the Khan Younis refugee camp.

They included senior field commanders such as Abdul Rahman al-Mubasher, Khaled Abu Bakra, and Mohammed Dawoud — all of whom were later killed in Israeli operations in 2013 and 2021.

Other key figures linked to the unit included Sami al-Humaidah from Rafah, killed in 2008, and Abdullah Labad, a top explosives engineer from Gaza’s al-Shati camp, who was assassinated in 2011 along with his brother Ismail, a senior field operative involved in weapons production and smuggling.

Al-Sinwar continued to expand and develop the Shadow Unit for years, discreetly recruiting new members and enhancing its capabilities. Its full mission only became clearer following the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel.

Within Hamas, al-Sinwar has long been seen as the de facto operational commander of the al-Qassam Brigades, sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

While Deif remained the official general commander, al-Sinwar is believed to have overseen many of the group’s military and administrative portfolios, shaping battlefield tactics and command structures behind the scenes.

 

 



Source Reveals to Asharq Al-Awsat Names of Some Members of Gaza Technocrat Committee

Palestinians displaced by the Israeli military offensive shelter in an UNRWA school, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, August 19, 2025. (Reuters)
Palestinians displaced by the Israeli military offensive shelter in an UNRWA school, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, August 19, 2025. (Reuters)
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Source Reveals to Asharq Al-Awsat Names of Some Members of Gaza Technocrat Committee

Palestinians displaced by the Israeli military offensive shelter in an UNRWA school, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, August 19, 2025. (Reuters)
Palestinians displaced by the Israeli military offensive shelter in an UNRWA school, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip, August 19, 2025. (Reuters)

An informed Palestinian sources revealed that an agreement has been reached on the majority of the members of the technocratic committee will run the Gaza Strip.

The source, who is a member of the Palestinian civil society, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the 18-member committee will be comprised of Gaza residents who are businessmen, academics or involved in civil society.

The approved members have been informed to head to Cairo, which they will do on Wednesday.

Asharq Al-Awsat learned that the members include Ali Shaath, who served as secretary at the Palestinian Authority's Transportation Ministry, Abdulkarim Ashour, a civil society activist, Aed Yaghi, Director of the Palestinian Medical Relief Society (PMRS) in Gaza, Ayed Abou Ramadan, Chair of the Gaza Chamber of Commerce, and Jaber al-Daour, President of Palestine University.

Other members include Bashir al-Rayyes, an engineering consultant, Omar Shemali, engineer Ali Barhoum, and lawyer Hana Tarazi.

It remains to be seen if Israel has approved the names of the committee, said the source.

Changes could be introduced if objections are made.

Egypt has been intensifying its efforts with all Palestinian parties, American mediators and Israel to speed up the formation of the committee that will run Gaza temporarily and be affiliated with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' government.

Hamas is gearing up to transfer control to the committee once it is finalized.


Aoun, Hezbollah Ties Cool as Contacts Stay at Minimum

Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
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Aoun, Hezbollah Ties Cool as Contacts Stay at Minimum

Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)

Relations between Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Hezbollah have grown visibly strained, with contacts confined to what ministerial sources described as “the bare minimum.”

The chill has deepened following Aoun’s recent remarks on Hezbollah’s weapons, which widened the rift between the two sides and triggered pointed criticism from the group at the president.

In a televised interview last week marking the first anniversary of his election, Aoun said that “the role of weapons outside the state has ended with the presence of the army, and their continued existence has become a burden on their own environment and on Lebanon as a whole, with no remaining deterrent role.”

In response, former Hezbollah-aligned minister Mohammed Fneish said in a television interview that the party had “reservations on the president’s recent positions,” adding: “We disagree with him in form and substance in some passages. We are not another party. We are a resistance force that played a major role in liberating Lebanon.”

Cool communication

Ministerial sources familiar with Aoun’s position stressed that “the stances he expressed are not new, but the current circumstances may differ from previous ones.”

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, the sources said the remarks stem from the president’s conviction that weapons outside the framework of the state no longer serve any purpose, that their role has ended, and that they have become a burden on everyone, including the Shiite community and Hezbollah’s own base.

“This is, ultimately, a description of an existing reality,” the sources said.

They added that reactions from Hezbollah’s supporters were expected, but would not prevent communication from continuing, since maintaining contact serves the interests of both sides, particularly Hezbollah.

Aoun and Salam

In recent years, Hezbollah had sought to maintain good relations with Aoun. Its lawmakers voted for him during the presidential election session after months of backing Suleiman Franjieh’s candidacy.

The group’s leadership even opened discreet talks with Aoun on what became known as the “national security strategy,” though these discussions yielded no results. Channels of communication remain open on the issue of weapons north of the Litani River, amid Hezbollah’s refusal to cooperate on this file.

Since the cabinet approved a decision last August restricting weapons to the state, Hezbollah’s leadership and supporters have focused their criticism on the government in which the group is represented.

Ties have worsened between Hezbollah and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, whom the group did not back during parliamentary consultations that named him as premier last year.

A natural reaction

Political writer Dr. Kassem Kassir, who closely follows Hezbollah’s position, said the reaction of the party's supporters to Aoun’s remarks was “a natural response,” particularly because the president did not take into account what he described as the "role of the resistance in protecting Lebanon."

He added that calls to end the role of weapons were made without offering guarantees for what would follow or proposing alternative options.

Kassir told Asharq Al-Awsat that the stance of Hezbollah’s supporters did not necessarily reflect the position of the leadership. Communication channels remain open, but contacts have failed to produce a unified vision.

He added that Hezbollah has formal reservations about the performance of the government and the state, especially regarding Israeli negotiations and what it views as concessions made without guarantees or tangible results.

Duality in rhetoric

University professor and lawyer Ali Murad said that segments of Hezbollah’s supporters on social media adopt an extreme accusatory tone toward anyone who disagrees with them, leaving no room for nuance.

However, he argued that the problem goes beyond the supporters themselves and lies in the political rhetoric and mobilization Hezbollah has relied on for decades, "which entrenched a culture that recognizes only black and white and promotes accusations of betrayal, either fully with us or fully against us."

Murad told Asharq Al-Awsat that the "real issue lies in Hezbollah’s dual rhetoric."

He said the party "is fully aware that the reality has become extremely difficult following major losses and a military defeat on one hand, and the broader retreat of the Axis of Resistance on the other. As a result, a clear contradiction has emerged between what Hezbollah says and what it actually believes."

This contradiction, Murad said, is evident in the speeches of Hezbollah’s secretary general Sheikh Naim Qassem, which reflect two parallel narratives. "One acknowledges reality to a degree while maintaining rejection of handing over weapons. The other is a mobilizing discourse rooted in an earlier era, before the pager operation and the 'support front' war."

“What Aoun said falls in this direction,” Murad said, arguing that Hezbollah in its former state has ended and has become a burden on Lebanon, the Shiite community, and the residents of the south.

"Persisting with the same rhetoric today amounts to rejecting reality and practicing denial, a form of political arrogance reflected by both supporters and the group’s media circles."

No interest in breaking ties

Murad said what angered Hezbollah’s supporters most was “the truth they do not want to acknowledge,” namely that Hezbollah’s role has ended, that it has exited the deterrence equation, and that it can no longer achieve Lebanon’s objectives on its own.

“The president stated a truth that needed to be said,” he said.

Asked whether the relationship between Hezbollah and Aoun was nearing a breaking point, Murad said it was not in Hezbollah’s interest to sever political ties with the president, or even with the prime minister.

He noted that the group understands that the actions of both officials serve Lebanon’s interests and, in particular, the interests of the south.

In some respects, he added, this approach also spares Hezbollah and its base the risks of "fatal choices that could lead to a bleak outcome if denial or political self-destruction were to prevail."


Palestinian Factions Hold Indirect Talks in Cairo on Second Phase of Gaza Ceasefire

A general view shows destruction in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip on January 9, 2026 following Israeli attacks. Gaza's civil defense agency said Israeli attacks in the Palestinian territory killed at least 13 people, including five children, despite a ceasefire that has largely halted the fighting. (AFP)
A general view shows destruction in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip on January 9, 2026 following Israeli attacks. Gaza's civil defense agency said Israeli attacks in the Palestinian territory killed at least 13 people, including five children, despite a ceasefire that has largely halted the fighting. (AFP)
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Palestinian Factions Hold Indirect Talks in Cairo on Second Phase of Gaza Ceasefire

A general view shows destruction in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip on January 9, 2026 following Israeli attacks. Gaza's civil defense agency said Israeli attacks in the Palestinian territory killed at least 13 people, including five children, despite a ceasefire that has largely halted the fighting. (AFP)
A general view shows destruction in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip on January 9, 2026 following Israeli attacks. Gaza's civil defense agency said Israeli attacks in the Palestinian territory killed at least 13 people, including five children, despite a ceasefire that has largely halted the fighting. (AFP)

A Palestinian source from the Fatah movement told Asharq Al-Awsat on Tuesday that “indirect” meetings among Palestinian factions have begun in Cairo to discuss advancing the second phase of the Gaza ceasefire agreement, particularly the formation of the committee to run the enclave, ahead of a broader meeting scheduled for Wednesday.

The second phase of the ceasefire, which came into force on Oct. 10, includes key provisions such as the disarmament of Hamas, the formation of a Board of Peace to oversee the peace process in the territory, the establishment of a technocratic committee to run Gaza’s affairs, and the deployment of an international stabilization force.

The Palestinian source stated that eight Palestinian factions are currently in Cairo, including Fatah and Hamas, to explore ways to advance the stalled second phase.

Fatah may skip the factions’ meeting

The source said discussions include the formation of the technocratic committee, the Palestinian police force to be deployed in the enclave, and related structures, noting that differences remain and that Fatah refuses to meet directly with Hamas.

A second informed Fatah source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the movement may not take part in Wednesday’s planned factions’ meeting.

A Palestinian source stated on Monday that consultations in Cairo were expected to finalize the administration committee and present factions with proposed names, particularly following recent developments involving changes to some nominees in response to Israeli objections.

On Tuesday, another informed Palestinian source stated that an agreement had been reached on the names of most members of the technocratic committee.

In televised remarks late on Sunday, Hamas politburo member Mohammed Nazzal said a delegation from the movement would discuss follow-up on the implementation of the ceasefire agreement amid “major difficulties hindering its application and continued Israeli violations.”

Mediators’ contacts

The Gaza administration committee has moved to the forefront of ceasefire mediation efforts, amid anticipation of decisive US decisions on announcing the Board of Peace and the technocratic committee, as well as Wednesday’s factions’ meeting in Cairo.

Those intensive contacts by mediators “require real US pressure and Palestinian consensus to translate them into momentum for the second phase and to overcome Israeli obstacles,” an Egyptian expert told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Qatari Foreign Ministry spokesman Majed Al Ansari said at a press conference on Tuesday that Doha is working with mediators to accelerate progress toward the second phase of the ceasefire, accusing Israel of obstructing the deal.

“Israel must answer one question: why is the Gaza agreement delayed?” Al Ansari said, adding that “the complexities on the table today require moving forward to the second phase of the agreement, and our contacts are continuous and daily to push the deal ahead.”

Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani and Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty stressed during a phone call the importance of announcing the formation of the temporary Palestinian technocratic committee, in parallel with establishing the international stabilization force, ensuring the flow of humanitarian aid, and creating conditions for early recovery and reconstruction, said a statement by Egypt’s Foreign Ministry on Tuesday.

Abdelatty and Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan also agreed during a phone call on Tuesday on “the need to intensify regional and international efforts to ensure the consolidation of the ceasefire and to move forward with the transition to the second phase of the US president’s plan.”

In a separate call with Palestinian Vice President Hussein al-Sheikh, Abdelatty reaffirmed Egypt’s support for deploying the international stabilization force and technocratic committee, which would help create the conditions necessary for restoring the Palestinian Authority’s role.

Abdelatty also spoke by phone with German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul, who is close to Israel, to discuss Gaza.

Mukhtar Ghobashi, Secretary General of the Al-Farabi Center for Strategic Studies, said mediators’ contacts must be followed by genuine and serious US pressure to announce second-phase decisions, whether on forming the administration committee or the Board of Peace.

Ghobashi said Cairo is keen to push the second phase forward, as reflected in the intensive contacts, but that progress hinges on US pressure, Palestinian consensus, and imminent US decisions this week to end the tragedy in the enclave, for which Israel bears full responsibility.