Sudan's RSF Detains El-Fasher Survivors for Ransom

Sudanese displaced people who fled El-Fasher after the city fell to the Rapid Support Forces on 26 October (AFP)
Sudanese displaced people who fled El-Fasher after the city fell to the Rapid Support Forces on 26 October (AFP)
TT

Sudan's RSF Detains El-Fasher Survivors for Ransom

Sudanese displaced people who fled El-Fasher after the city fell to the Rapid Support Forces on 26 October (AFP)
Sudanese displaced people who fled El-Fasher after the city fell to the Rapid Support Forces on 26 October (AFP)

Witnesses, aid workers and researchers said the Rapid Support Forces, which surrounded El-Fasher in Darfur before capturing it in late October, have been holding survivors from the siege in a systematic campaign, demanding ransom for their release and killing or beating those whose families cannot pay, according to a Reuters report.

Reuters said it could not determine how many people are being held by the RSF and allied armed groups in and around El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur.

However, accounts indicate that large groups are being detained in several villages about 80 kilometers from the city, while others were taken back into El-Fasher where the RSF demands payments worth thousands of dollars from their relatives.

The detention of survivors underlines the risks facing those who failed to escape El-Fasher, which had been the last major stronghold against the RSF in Darfur before its fall.

Witnesses described collective reprisals since the takeover, including summary executions and sexual violence.

The accounts also highlight the plight of tens of thousands still unaccounted for as relief agencies try to reach famine hit El-Fasher and its outskirts, which have become a focal point in the two and a half year war between the RSF and the Sudanese army.

Pay or be killed

Reuters said it interviewed 33 former detainees and 10 aid workers and researchers who provided previously unreported details about the violence faced by detainees, the locations where they were held and the scale of the arrests.

Survivors described ransoms ranging from five million Sudanese pounds, about 1400 dollars, to 60 million pounds, about 17 thousand dollars, sums that are enormous for residents of such a poor region.

Eleven survivors said some of those unable to pay were shot at close range or killed in groups, while others were severely beaten.

According to the agency, survivors who fled across the border to Chad were documented with injuries that appeared to result from beatings and gunshots. Reuters said it could not fully verify their accounts.

Mohamed Ismail, who spoke to Reuters by phone from Tawila, a neutral-held town near El-Fasher, said the RSF gives families three or four days to pay. If no transfer is sent, “they kill him,” he said.

He said he left El-Fasher when the RSF seized the city on 26 October but was arrested with 24 men in the village of Um Jalbakh. He and his nephew were forced to collect 10 million pounds from their family for their release. Nine other men were killed in front of them, he said.

RSF denies responsibility and says it is investigating

RSF legal adviser Mohamed al-Mukhtar told Reuters that most cases of detention and extortion of people from El-Fasher were carried out by a rival group wearing uniforms similar to the RSF.

A committee within the RSF is investigating more than 100 alleged abuses a day in El-Fasher, and many suspects have been detained while nine have been convicted, said committee head Ahmed al-Nour al-Hala.

The fall of El-Fasher after an 18-month siege marked a turning point in a war triggered by a power struggle between the army and the RSF, which the United Nations has described as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Both sides face accusations of war crimes.

Survivors of RSF detention in and around El-Fasher told Reuters they were often asked about their tribal identity and were subjected to racial insults.

The International Organization for Migration estimates that more than 100 thousand people fled El-Fasher after the RSF took control. Aid agencies say more than 15 thousand have reached Tawila and about 9500 have crossed into Chad, but most remain in RSF controlled villages around the city, including Garney and Um Jalbakh.

Aid groups say it remains unclear how many have stayed inside El-Fasher itself. Some residents could not flee because they could not afford the cost of leaving, while others were too sick or injured to travel.

Negotiations with families

Yassir Hamad Ali, 36, a former detainee who reached Chad, said RSF fighters arrested him on 29 October with 16 other men after he fled El-Fasher. He said they beat him heavily and demanded 150 million pounds for his release.

Speaking to Reuters from a hospital in Tine near the Chad Sudan border, he said the fighters used a Starlink satellite internet device mounted on their Toyota Land Cruiser to contact his family on Facebook Messenger.

Large areas under RSF control have been cut off from telecommunications since the start of the war, prompting widespread use of Starlink devices. Starlink did not respond to a request for comment.

Ali said his family negotiated the amount down to five million pounds, which they sent via a Sudanese mobile money platform, according to transfer receipts seen by Reuters.

Another man in Tine, Ibrahim Kitr, 30, said his family borrowed against their home in Atbara to pay the 35 million pound ransom, saying he doubted they would be able to repay the loan.

His brother, Alhaj Altijany Kitr, 31, said fighters placed a gun to his head and beat him severely during a video call with their family, a method similar to that used by smuggling gangs on migrant routes in neighboring Libya, where captors show relatives the abuse to pressure them for higher ransom.

The RSF has often recruited fighters or allied factions with the promise of looting rather than a fixed salary, and widespread looting has taken place in areas under its control.

But aid workers said the large ransom demands around El-Fasher represent a new phenomenon.

Satellite images of Garni village on 28 November show hundreds of newly built temporary shelters over the past month. Two aid workers said this suggests people could be held there for extended periods.

Detention inside El-Fasher

Reuters said men and women were separated on arrival in Garney, but women were also detained there. One woman said she was blindfolded and raped repeatedly over several days. Another said she witnessed similar assaults.

The second woman cried as she spoke by phone from Tawila. She said RSF fighters threatened to kill her when she tried to intervene.

Eight former detainees said they were taken back to El-Fasher and held for ransom in buildings that included military facilities and university dormitories.

A 62-year-old teacher, who requested anonymity, said he found himself in El-Fasher Children’s Hospital with hundreds of other men.

They were packed in rows, he said, with nothing to drink, so they took water from a stagnant pool in the hospital grounds that they later discovered was sewage. The teacher said about 300 men died.

Two human rights researchers who spoke to witnesses gave Reuters similar estimates.

Mujahid Eltahir, 35, who was detained in El-Fasher, said he was released after a beating for a ransom of 30 million pounds, only to be detained again in Zalingei, where his captors forced his family to pay another six million pounds.

Speaking to Reuters in N’Djamena, Chad, he said he saw the bodies of seven men he had fled with lying along the road, shot in the head and chest. Eltahir displayed a photo of his feet covered in sores from walking barefoot after RSF fighters took his shoes.

Since taking El-Fasher, the RSF has posted videos showing people receiving food and medical care in the city.

A nurse who said she had been detained by the RSF told Reuters that fighters filmed her receiving food and saying she was treated well. She said they abuse people, then show them moments later on livestreams.



Israeli Threats Shut Masnaa Crossing, Partly Isolate Lebanon from Syria

The Masnaa border crossing with Syria in the Bekaa Valley, eastern Lebanon, 05 April 2026, following an Israeli warning to target the M30 highway between Lebanon and Syria. (EPA)
The Masnaa border crossing with Syria in the Bekaa Valley, eastern Lebanon, 05 April 2026, following an Israeli warning to target the M30 highway between Lebanon and Syria. (EPA)
TT

Israeli Threats Shut Masnaa Crossing, Partly Isolate Lebanon from Syria

The Masnaa border crossing with Syria in the Bekaa Valley, eastern Lebanon, 05 April 2026, following an Israeli warning to target the M30 highway between Lebanon and Syria. (EPA)
The Masnaa border crossing with Syria in the Bekaa Valley, eastern Lebanon, 05 April 2026, following an Israeli warning to target the M30 highway between Lebanon and Syria. (EPA)

Israel has partially severed Beirut from Damascus after shutting the main border crossings between the two countries, following a warning that it would strike the Masnaa crossing.

The move has disrupted trade and travel, funneling movement through a single crossing in Lebanon’s far northeast, far from both capitals.

Syrian and Lebanese diplomatic contacts helped avert an Israeli strike on Masnaa, but failed to reopen it. The crossing remains fully closed. Major General Hassan Choucair, head of Lebanon’s General Security, said protecting personnel and equipment at the crossing was the top priority.

He stressed the crossing was legal and could not be used for arms smuggling, noting all trucks and vehicles undergo strict inspections, and dismissed reports of smuggling as false.

Security measures

A Lebanese security source flatly rejected Israeli claims that the crossings are used to smuggle weapons, saying traffic in both directions is subject to strict inspections by Lebanese and Syrian authorities, making any such operations impossible.

The source told Asharq Al-Awsat the allegations were baseless and carried political and security motives beyond counter-smuggling.

The Israeli escalation over the crossings forms part of broader pressure linked to the war on Lebanon, the source said, and may pave the way for a land blockade along the Lebanese-Syrian border to redraw the rules of engagement with Hezbollah.

The source warned the developments could signal a new security reality on the border ahead of any future confrontation.

Undeclared blockade

Border crossings are no longer mere transit points; they have become a focal point where economic strain meets security and political tensions. With movement paralyzed, losses mounting, and tensions rising, Lebanon appears to be entering a phase of compounded pressure, widely seen as an undeclared blockade.

MP Sajih Attieh, head of parliament’s public works committee, said conditions at the crossings are steadily deteriorating. Of five crossings with Syria, only one remains effectively open, Jousieh in the Qaa area.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that three crossings in Akkar, Aboudieh, Arida, and Al-Buqiaa remain shut, while efforts to reopen Aboudieh are being hindered by Syrian hesitation due to limited security capacity.

Masnaa, the main artery between Lebanon and Syria in the Bekaa Valley, has been paralyzed since Sunday night after the Israeli warning. Activity has shifted to Jousieh, where trucks loaded with goods are backed up on both sides, along with civilian traffic.

Attieh said the closures have nearly halted land transit and cross-border trade, hitting key facilities, notably the port of Tripoli, which is losing about $100,000 a day due to the suspension of overland transit goods.

State revenues fall

The closures have also choked Lebanese exports, especially fruit, vegetables and local industries, which have lost their main overland route to Arab markets, adding pressure on productive sectors.

Attieh said the impact extends beyond exports. Maritime imports have dropped by up to 70%, affected by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, triggering a sharp fall in state revenues.

Monthly revenues from customs, imports and value-added tax have fallen from about $450 million to roughly $125 million, he said, adding that the government has frozen implementation of the 2026 budget.

Public spending had been set based on revenues nearing $6 billion, making the freeze unavoidable amid a roughly 70% drop in imports, he said, warning that the risk of a deeper economic crisis will become clearer once the war ends.


Anger, Sorrow at Funeral of Lebanese Forces Official Killed by Israel

07 April 2026, Lebanon, Yahshoush: Mourners carry the coffins of Lebanese Forces official Pierre Mouawad and his wife during their funeral procession in the village of Yahshoush, northeast of Beirut. (dpa)
07 April 2026, Lebanon, Yahshoush: Mourners carry the coffins of Lebanese Forces official Pierre Mouawad and his wife during their funeral procession in the village of Yahshoush, northeast of Beirut. (dpa)
TT

Anger, Sorrow at Funeral of Lebanese Forces Official Killed by Israel

07 April 2026, Lebanon, Yahshoush: Mourners carry the coffins of Lebanese Forces official Pierre Mouawad and his wife during their funeral procession in the village of Yahshoush, northeast of Beirut. (dpa)
07 April 2026, Lebanon, Yahshoush: Mourners carry the coffins of Lebanese Forces official Pierre Mouawad and his wife during their funeral procession in the village of Yahshoush, northeast of Beirut. (dpa)

At a church in the mountains outside Beirut, Raymonda Mouawad raged as she buried her brother, killed by an Israeli strike in a war against Hezbollah that he had nothing to do with.

"We shouldn't be forced to bear the guilt of others' mistakes," she said, her voice filled with anger and sorrow.

"We're done with Israel and Hezbollah. That's all I want to say," she told AFP at the church, which was overflowing with hundreds of family members, friends and supporters.

Pierre Mouawad, a local official in the Lebanese Forces (LF) -- which is strongly opposed to Hezbollah -- was killed on Easter Sunday along with his wife Flavia and another woman.

The Israeli strike on a residential building in Ain Saadeh, east of Beirut, was the latest attack outside Hezbollah's traditional strongholds since the armed group drew Lebanon into the Middle East war on March 2 with rocket fire towards Israel in support of its backer Iran.

That attack sparked an Israeli invasion and air raids across Lebanon that have killed more than 1,500 people, according to authorities.

- Sectarian tensions -

The couple's coffins, draped in LF flags, arrived in Mouawad's hometown of Yahshoush in a packed procession to the deafening sound of automatic gunfire and fireworks as mourners threw rice and flower petals.

LF anthems blared in the church courtyard, where some men in military-style garb stood among the mourners.

Israel's strikes in majority-Christian and Sunni areas, including on hotels or apartments reportedly rented by people displaced by fighting, have stoked fear and division in a country where sectarian tensions have previously ended in bloodshed.

"We opened our homes to them... and in the end they came among us to harm us," said Raymonda, referring to people who have fled the majority-Shiite areas of Lebanon where Israeli strikes are most intense.

But Lebanon's army said Monday that its investigation showed there were "no new tenants" in the targeted building.

Investigations are ongoing "to uncover the circumstances of the Israeli attack", the army said, warning that speculation over "sensitive security matters... could lead to domestic tensions".

Israel's military has said it struck a "terrorist target" east of Beirut, and was reviewing the incident after "reports of casualties among Lebanese civilians".

President Joseph Aoun said in a statement on Tuesday that some were "exploiting fears of sectarian strife to serve their own interests", adding: "I will not allow strife."

LF leader Samir Geagea, who sent flowers to the funeral, said that "the Israelis were targeting a member of the Quds Force", the Iranian Revolutionary Guards' foreign operations arm, but he did not seem to have been killed.

- 'We don't want war' -

"Where is the state? There is no oversight, there's nothing, there are just lies," Raymonda said.

Nurse Fadia Mrad Atallah, 55, a friend of the couple's, said she was shocked by the news of their deaths.

"We've had enough bloodshed. We don't want war," she said.

"Whoever wants to wage war should go to Iran," she added.

Sam Hanna, 56, showed a series of missed calls from Pierre Mouawad on Sunday as he and his friend tried to arrange for a coffee meetup that would never happen.

"I told him, I can't, I have to pick my wife up from work, I'll come down and meet you at 7:00 pm. He told me he'd be waiting for me. I wish I had told him to come."

Scrolling through photos of them together, Hanna asked who his friend had died for.

"For Khamenei? No, his blood can't have been spilled for this," he said, referring to Iran's slain supreme leader.

Another friend, Marwan Khoury, 53, showed a video of his "last journey" with Mouawad -- accompanying his coffin inside the hearse.

"It wasn't Pierre's time," he said.

"Neither him nor anyone else should go like this."


Lebanon Becomes an Alternate Arena for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards after Assad’s Fall

A view of a damaged building following an Israeli strike near the Rafik Hariri University Hospital (RHUH), in the Jnah District of Beirut, Lebanon, 06 April 2026. (EPA)
A view of a damaged building following an Israeli strike near the Rafik Hariri University Hospital (RHUH), in the Jnah District of Beirut, Lebanon, 06 April 2026. (EPA)
TT

Lebanon Becomes an Alternate Arena for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards after Assad’s Fall

A view of a damaged building following an Israeli strike near the Rafik Hariri University Hospital (RHUH), in the Jnah District of Beirut, Lebanon, 06 April 2026. (EPA)
A view of a damaged building following an Israeli strike near the Rafik Hariri University Hospital (RHUH), in the Jnah District of Beirut, Lebanon, 06 April 2026. (EPA)

A multi-layered structure run by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards is taking shape in Lebanon, spanning Lebanese and Palestinian arms across intertwined security, military, and political roles.

The model echoes Syria before the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in 2024, raising fears that Lebanon is shifting from a traditional battleground into a more complex hub for managing conflict and influence.

As signs of this overlap grow, Israel Defense Forces Radio said on Monday that an attempted assassination on Sunday in a Beirut apartment targeted a member of the “Palestine Corps,” linked to the Revolutionary Guards’ external arm, the Quds Force.

Israel has previously said it killed several Iranian figures in Lebanon, including two strikes on “central commanders in the Lebanon Corps,” affiliated with the Quds Force and operating in Beirut. One strike hit the Ramada Hotel in Raouche.

On March 11, the Israeli military said it targeted Hisham Abdel Karim Yassin, describing him as “a senior commander in Hezbollah’s communications unit, and in the Palestine Corps of the Quds Force.”

A Palestinian source in Lebanon told Asharq Al-Awsat the Iran-linked structure resembles a parent body branching into multiple formations, with the Quds Force at its core. Local and Palestinian arms operate under different names for organizational and media purposes.

The structure extends beyond the Shiite base tied to Hezbollah, incorporating groups from other communities, including Sunni elements integrated into parallel formations similar to the Resistance Brigades, alongside carefully organized Palestinian frameworks.

“The Palestinian cover is essential,” the source said, adding that the aim is to avoid portraying Hezbollah as acting alone, instead projecting a broader alliance of Palestinian and Islamic factions to boost legitimacy and reduce Hezbollah’s domestic isolation.

Concealment

Names such as “Lebanon Corps” and “Palestine Corps” reflect composition, and are not arbitrary, the source said. The Lebanon Corps refers to Lebanese members from outside the Shiite community, while the Palestine Corps includes fighters from Palestinian factions, both Islamist groups such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and non-Islamist factions.

The labels also serve as concealment tools, adopted after older structures were exposed, allowing networks to reorganize and evade monitoring.

With Iran’s reduced ability to use Syria as before, in terms of movement and deployment, the base of operations was moved to Lebanon, the source said.

Lebanon is now used as an alternative arena in practice, an advanced platform for managing confrontation, not just a support front. Its geography next to Israel, its complex environment offering multiple Lebanese, Palestinian, and Sunni covers, and an existing military structure all support this shift.

The change has moved the role from logistical support in Syria to direct operational management from inside Lebanon. The country is now treated as “the most sensitive and valuable geography in this axis,” both for confrontation with Israel and as a pivot for escalation or negotiations.

Multiple structures, unified command

Political writer Ali al-Amine said Iran-linked structures in Lebanon span multiple levels and labels but converge under the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, particularly through the Quds Force.

Some groups are directly tied to the Quds Force, while others operate under a Palestinian banner, often composed of Palestinian members, each with its own role and title.

“These individuals are organizationally linked to the Revolutionary Guards, but are not necessarily Iranian,” he said. “They can be Lebanese or Palestinian, while their direct leadership reference lies within the Guards, not local frameworks.”

He added that some figures classified within Hezbollah are in fact closer organizationally to the Revolutionary Guards, highlighting overlap between Lebanese and Iranian roles.

The Palestine Corps manages ties with Iran-linked Palestinian factions, while the Lebanon Corps handles the Lebanese arena.

“What is known as the Lebanon Corps is not a traditional military force, but an administrative, coordinating and supervisory body directly linked to the Revolutionary Guards, while field execution remains with Hezbollah,” he said.

He added that the Revolutionary Guards have long maintained a direct presence inside Hezbollah through representatives across financial, security, military, and social sectors, ensuring oversight and influence. These figures typically fall under the Quds Force, responsible for operations outside Iran.

Al-Amine said Lebanon has become a primary arena for the Revolutionary Guards after Iran’s loss of the Syrian theater, explaining Tehran’s strong commitment to maintaining its influence.

“Iran will strongly defend this influence, because losing Lebanon would be a strategic blow and would directly affect its regional position,” he said.

He said a key part of the current conflict centers on Iran’s efforts to entrench its influence in Lebanon and prevent its erosion, whether through the Revolutionary Guards, Hezbollah, or affiliated networks, as it seeks to preserve its regional role and leverage.