Sanaa's GPC Wing Deepens Submission to Houthis

A view of previous meetings of the General People’s Congress wing in Sanaa (local media)
A view of previous meetings of the General People’s Congress wing in Sanaa (local media)
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Sanaa's GPC Wing Deepens Submission to Houthis

A view of previous meetings of the General People’s Congress wing in Sanaa (local media)
A view of previous meetings of the General People’s Congress wing in Sanaa (local media)

A wing of Yemen’s General People’s Congress (GPC) operating in areas under Houthi control has moved to consolidate its alignment with the Iran-backed group, dismissing the party’s secretary general, Ghazi Ali al-Ahwal, and replacing Ahmed Ali Saleh, son of the late Yemeni president, with a figure closely associated with the Houthis in the post of deputy party leader.

The party’s General Committee, its political bureau, held a meeting in Sanaa on Thursday, chaired by Sadiq Amin Abu Ras, head of the party wing in Houthi-controlled areas.

The meeting ended with the selection of Abdulaziz bin Habtoor, the former head of the unrecognized Houthi government, as deputy party leader.

The move was widely seen as a direct response to public Houthi demands to remove the former president’s son, coupled with repeated threats to shut down the party and ban its activities.

The decision to sideline Ahmed Ali Saleh came after weeks of mounting pressure by the Houthis on the wing’s leadership.

Measures included tight security restrictions on Abu Ras’s movements and threats to dissolve the party and seize what remained of its political and organizational activity, citing the group’s full control over party headquarters and finances in Sanaa and other areas under its influence.

According to party sources, the Houthis did not stop at imposing the removal, but also demanded the appointment of a loyal figure as deputy leader in an effort to tighten their grip on what remains of the party’s decision-making structures and to prevent any potential communication with party leaders abroad or with rival political forces.

The most controversial decision was the final expulsion of al-Ahwal from party membership, around four months after his arrest by the Houthis on charges of communicating with party leaders outside the country, foremost among them Ahmed Ali Saleh.

At an earlier meeting, the wing had approved the appointment of Yahya al-Raai as secretary general to replace al-Ahwal, in addition to his role as deputy party leader alongside Abu Ras.

The party’s Organizational Oversight Authority submitted a report to the General Committee accusing al-Ahwal of harming party unity and national unity, violating internal regulations, the constitution and national principles.

The leadership used the report to justify the expulsion decision, which it said was taken unanimously, despite criticism that the secretary general remains detained under unlawful conditions without even minimal guarantees of defense or trial.

Houthi grip

Political sources in Sanaa said the appointment of bin Habtoor as deputy party leader was an attempt by the wing’s leadership to ease pressure and avoid a scenario in which the Houthis imposed a more hardline and openly loyal figure, such as Hussein Hazeb, whom the group had been pushing to appoint as first deputy leader or secretary general.

However, the same sources said the move did not prevent the Houthis from pressing ahead with their demand to permanently expel al-Ahwal, underscoring how limited the leadership’s room for maneuver has become and how key decisions are effectively made outside the party’s organizational framework.

In an apparent attempt to justify the moves, the General Committee said the General People’s Congress “has always been and will remain keen to resolve disputes within the framework of national unity,” speaking of visions related to decentralized governance and reducing centralization.

By contrast, senior party figure Jamal al-Humairi, who is based abroad, said the recent decisions were “an extension of a clear trajectory of Houthi pressure,” stressing that they were issued in a “kidnapped political and security reality” where intimidation and blackmail are used to subjugate a long-established party and strip it of its historic leadership.

He said organizational legitimacy “is derived from the grassroots, not from decisions imposed by force,” adding that the decisions “do not represent the party or its base.”

Internal anger

Inside Sanaa, party sources said there was widespread anger and rejection among party cadres over the decision to expel al-Ahwal, as well as criticism of the General Committee meeting for failing to address his detention or demand his release. They also cited frustration over the failure to address the siege imposed on the home of the wing’s leader and other senior figures.

Observers say the treatment of the Sanaa-based wing reflects a broader picture of political life being stifled in Houthi-controlled areas, where a single ideological vision is imposed on parties and only a narrow margin of activity is allowed for organizations that orbit the group.

Since the killing of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh at the end of 2017, the General People’s Congress has been deeply divided. Most of its historic leadership left Houthi-controlled areas without agreeing on a unified leadership abroad, while the Sanaa wing opted to adapt to the reality of Houthi dominance.

Meanwhile, Tareq Saleh formed a political bureau for the National Resistance Forces on the Red Sea coast, which has attracted party figures and members of parliament.

Analysts agree that the latest decisions mark a new stage in the dismantling of the party in Sanaa, turning it into a body stripped of independent will and operating under Houthi conditions, further entrenching the erosion of political pluralism in Yemen.



At Least 13 Tunisians Missing after Migrant Boat Sinks off Tunisia

Migrants on a boat waiting for assistance from a rescue vessel in the Mediterranean Sea, July 24, 2025 (Reuters)
Migrants on a boat waiting for assistance from a rescue vessel in the Mediterranean Sea, July 24, 2025 (Reuters)
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At Least 13 Tunisians Missing after Migrant Boat Sinks off Tunisia

Migrants on a boat waiting for assistance from a rescue vessel in the Mediterranean Sea, July 24, 2025 (Reuters)
Migrants on a boat waiting for assistance from a rescue vessel in the Mediterranean Sea, July 24, 2025 (Reuters)

At least 13 Tunisians are missing after a migrant boat sank off the Tunisian coast while sailing towards Italy, and two people were rescued, the head of a migrant rights group said on Saturday.

The boat set off early on Thursday, Mostafa Abdelkebir, the head of the Tunisian Observatory for Human Rights, told Reuters.

One of the two ‌survivors told ‌rescuers in a local boat ‌they had ⁠been stranded at ⁠sea for hours after their vessel capsized. The second survivor was in critical condition, said Abdelkebir, whose group monitors migration issues.

Tunisia was once a major departure point for migrants crossing the Mediterranean, but departures have fallen sharply over the ⁠past two years amid a crackdown ‌and tighter maritime controls, ‌backed by European funding and modern border-monitoring equipment, particularly ‌from Italy.

Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and ‌dozens of other human rights and humanitarian groups said in a statement last month that the EU-Tunisia migration deal had fueled and normalized serious abuses against ‌migrants and asylum seekers in Tunisia.

The groups called on the EU to suspend ⁠funding ⁠for migration and border-control activities involving Tunisian security forces.

Tunisia has not commented on the statement but has repeatedly said it is bearing the brunt of a major migration influx. President Kais Saied said in 2023 that the influx was aimed at changing the country's demographic makeup.

The central Mediterranean route is one of the world's deadliest migration routes, used by migrants from Africa and the Middle East seeking to reach Europe, often in overcrowded or unseaworthy boats.


Salam Inspects Military Units South of Litani: No Capable Lebanese State without One Strong Army

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to South Lebanon on Friday. (NNA)
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to South Lebanon on Friday. (NNA)
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Salam Inspects Military Units South of Litani: No Capable Lebanese State without One Strong Army

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to South Lebanon on Friday. (NNA)
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to South Lebanon on Friday. (NNA)

Prime Minister Nawaf Salam tied the restoration of state authority in South Lebanon to a broader process extending beyond military deployment to strengthening institutions, restoring services and advancing reconstruction.

During a visit to the Benoit Barakat Barracks in Tyre, Salam stressed that “every position where the army deploys in the South is a place where the state regains its authority.”

“Restoring sovereignty requires building a capable state, and there can be no capable state without one strong army,” he added, arguing that sovereignty restored through security must also be consolidated economically and socially.

One authority

“We want the South, like all of Lebanon, to be under one authority, and Lebanese citizens there to feel safe because they have an army protecting them,” the PM declared, linking lasting stability to the state and its constitutional institutions regaining control over decisions of war and peace.

At the same time, he acknowledged the challenges confronting the military amid continuing Israeli attacks. “True sovereignty is neither taken nor given; it is built,” he emphasized.

Salam reaffirmed his government’s commitment to building a national state faithful to the constitution, describing efforts to strengthen the army as “a strategic choice at the heart of our project to restore the state,” rather than a secondary priority.

The government continues to mobilize Arab and international support to develop the army’s personnel capabilities, improve its equipment and enhance service members’ living conditions, he went on to say.

He described the military as one of the few institutions around which Lebanese citizens remain united.

Addressing troops, Salam urged them to shield the army from political and sectarian divisions.

“Preserve the unity of the army. Do not allow politics to divide you and accept only the constitution and the law as your guide,” he told them, warning against allowing “the evils of sectarianism” to infiltrate their ranks.

Lebanon could emerge from its current predicament only by having “one army, one flag and one state,” he maintained.

Salam also paid tribute to fallen service members, telling their families: “Your sons are not only martyrs of the military institution; they are martyrs of the entire nation.”

Beyond army deployment

“The return of the state to the South is not limited to the deployment of the army, but extends across all sectors, including education, reconstruction and everything else,” he added, reiterating the government’s commitment to providing the military with everything needed to carry out its mission successfully.

He pledged that the state would spare no effort to secure Israel’s complete withdrawal from Lebanese territory, recover prisoners and advance reconstruction.

Defense Minister Michel Menassa similarly framed Salam’s visit as an affirmation of state sovereignty.

“Our visit to the South is not merely an inspection tour. We are here today to reaffirm our unwavering position seeking to restore state sovereignty,” he vowed.

He identified the government’s primary negotiating objective as “the complete withdrawal of the Israeli enemy from Lebanon.”

Menassa praised the army as a symbol of “dignity, sacrifice and loyalty” that brings Lebanese citizens together and safeguards national unity and civil peace.

He also commended its professionalism in carrying out missions despite difficult conditions and pressure.


Syria Cautiously Welcomes Abdi’s Integration Announcement, Awaits Implementation

SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian army in February. (Social media)
SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian army in February. (Social media)
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Syria Cautiously Welcomes Abdi’s Integration Announcement, Awaits Implementation

SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian army in February. (Social media)
SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian army in February. (Social media)

Ahmed al-Hilali, deputy governor of Syria’s Hasakah province and spokesperson for the presidential team tasked with overseeing integration with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), welcomed SDF commander Mazloum Abdi’s announcement on integration, describing it as an acknowledgment of the SDF’s dissolution.

He cautioned, however, that “there is a difference between announcing an integration decision and completing its implementation on the ground.”

Syrian Kurdish writer and political researcher Ali Tami told Asharq Al-Awsat that integration was “complex and intertwined and cannot be concluded with a statement.”

He also challenged Abdi’s assertion that fighters who had come to support the SDF had left the region, noting that thousands of foreign fighters and remnants of the former regime remained in Hasakah.

Al-Hilali and Abdi attended celebrations Thursday marking the 100th anniversary of the founding of Qamishli. In a speech, Abdi announced the “completion of the military, security and administrative integration” of his forces into Syrian state institutions under the January 29 agreement.

Late Thursday, al-Hilali told Syria’s Al-Ikhbariya television that Abdi’s remarks were “an important and positive development,” viewing them as a clear transition from understandings to actual implementation of integration into state institutions.

He explained that the announcement would translate into practical measures, including unifying institutions and administrative authority and restoring the state’s full powers, ensuring unified decision-making and Syrian sovereignty.

Abdi's remarks were aimed at ending “dual structures and parallel entities” and establishing “one state, one army and unified institutions,” he added.

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa and SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi meet in Damascus earlier in August. (SANA)

Implementation

Al-Hilali stressed that the issue could not be considered definitively resolved through statements alone.

“What was announced, together with earlier steps, such as removing partisan symbols and flags from institutions and public squares, confirms that the process is moving forward,” he noted.

While describing the announcement as a highly significant political step, he emphasized that it did not mean all stages of administrative, security and military implementation had been completed.

The objective now is to turn the decisions into a fully institutionalized reality in which Syrian state institutions become the sole authority, all institutions and bodies return to the state framework, and security, military and administrative decision-making is unified, he explained.

In separate remarks carried by Syria TV, al-Hilali said Abdi’s declaration that military and security integration had been completed as an acknowledgment of the SDF’s dissolution.

Integration declared complete

Abdi announced that the integration of military, service and administrative institutions into national state institutions had been completed and that “from now on, a new process begins.”

In areas formerly under the Kurdish Autonomous Administration, new institutions are being established in the name of the Syrian state while existing institutions will continue operating, he explained, urging residents to protect them.

Abdi also announced that forces from other “parts of Kurdistan” that had supported the SDF during Syria’s civil war had withdrawn under an agreement and at the SDF’s own request, an apparent reference to Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) fighters.

Tami remained skeptical, arguing that the SDF had not formally announced its dissolution and that integration was too complicated to be settled by statements alone.

He maintained that the PKK controls the SDF and regards it as one of its instruments in confronting Türkiye, making it unlikely that the group would surrender its weapons before the direction of the peace process in Türkiye becomes clearer.

“In principle, we all support sparing the region further bloodshed, and integration is possible, but unfortunately the chances of success are very slim,” Tami lamented.

He also dismissed Abdi’s assertion that Kurdish forces that previously assisted the SDF had left the region as “illogical,” pointing to thousands of foreign fighters and former regime remnants still in Hasakah.

With efforts underway to ease tensions, integration continues to face major difficulties and challenges, he remarked.

SDF fighters in Ain al-Arab. (Reuters file)

From Autonomous Administration to integration

The Autonomous Administration traces its origins to the Kurdish Supreme Committee, formed by Syria’s Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the Kurdish National Council following the July 12, 2012, Erbil agreement. Its armed structures included the People’s Protection Units (YPG), Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) and Asayish security forces, followed in 2015 by the Kurdish-dominated SDF.

The administration expanded between 2014 and 2023, accompanied by growth in its military, security and civilian institutions, which employ tens of thousands.

The SDF lost a significant portion of its territory during nearly two weeks of clashes with the Syrian army in late 2025 and early 2026, followed by the January 29 agreement.

The accord provides for a ceasefire and gradual integration of Kurdish-established military and civilian institutions into the Syrian state, the handover of border crossings and oil and gas fields, and the departure of foreign fighters.

In July, residents in Hasakah mobilized for several days to demand that the state extend its authority across the entire province, allow displaced people to return to their towns and villages, and end SDF dominance and its abuses against residents.