Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi: Why Shouldn’t I Trust Them?
Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi speaks during a news conference in Tripoli on Aug. 4, 2010 (EPA)
“Why shouldn’t I trust them?” That was Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi’s blunt reply when asked why he had placed his confidence in Islamist prisoners held in his father’s jails in Libya, men he was negotiating to release.
He then set out, at length, the logic behind his gamble. He said the Islamists had admitted that taking up arms against the Libyan state had been a mistake, and that building “Tomorrow’s Libya” required the participation of all Libyans.
He added that those he had negotiated with and freed had proven worthy of trust and would not return to violence.
Seif spoke during a meeting with him during one of his visits to London in the late 1990s or early 2000s. At the time, he was focused on emptying his father’s prisons of members of Islamist groups, including leaders of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group.
That group had waged a guerrilla war in the mid-1990s to overthrow the regime and had nearly succeeded in assassinating Moammar al-Gadhafi.
Libyan security forces eventually defeated it in the late 1990s. Some of the group’s leaders had been imprisoned in Libya for many years, while others were handed over to al-Gadhafi by the United States during the “war on terror” targeting groups based in Afghanistan after the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks.
My question to Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi about “trust” was rooted in my awareness that there was a current within his father’s regime, which included at least one of his brothers, that was leading a campaign entirely opposed to what Seif was pursuing.
Those holding the opposing view argued that Seif was making a mistake by trusting that those he was releasing would not revolt again when the opportunity arose.
At the time, a senior security official responsible for detaining leaders of the Islamic Fighting Group said, “They will not leave except over my dead body,” in a direct challenge to Seif, believing that the elder al-Gadhafi shared his view rather than that of his son, regarding those the regime referred to as “heretics.”
In any case, Seif’s opponents failed to stop his efforts. Leaders of the Islamic Fighting Group agreed to issue what became known as the “revisions,” in which they declared armed action against ruling regimes in Islamic countries to be forbidden and condemned many practices attributed to al-Qaeda and other groups influenced by its ideology.
Ultimately, it was Moammar al-Gadhafi who settled the matter, siding with what Seif wanted. At the time, Seif was being promoted as a potential successor to his father.
When the February 2011 uprising erupted in Libya, Seif was among those most criticized by people around his father for his “trust in Islamists.” Some of those released were among the first to take up arms and join the rebels.
This, it was said at the time, prompted Seif to adopt a hardline stance against his father’s opponents in his well-known speech at Bab al-Aziziya in Tripoli in the early days of the uprising.
In reality, Seif’s relationship with his brothers had long been the subject of rumors and quiet speculation in the years before the fall of his father’s regime.
Talk circulated of deep disagreements between Seif and his brother Mutassim, who was killed alongside their father in Sirte in 2011. When asked about this, Seif's response suggested a degree of self-assurance.
He spoke with satisfaction about how hard the Americans were trying, but how little they understood about what was really going on between him and his brothers. He did not deny the existence of differences, but his answer suggested that the family ultimately remained united under their father.
Seif was a frequent visitor to London at the time.
He was reaping the results of efforts by Libyan negotiators working to resolve cases in which his father’s regime had been implicated.
These included the Lockerbie bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 in 1988, the bombing of a French UTA airliner in 1989, and the case of the Bulgarian nurses and the Palestinian doctor accused of infecting children at a Benghazi hospital with HIV.
Seif’s efforts succeeded in settling most of those cases, which involved compensation totaling millions of dollars. But his work was bound to collide eventually with the reality that he was trying to present a different image of Libya from the one shaped by his father’s rule.
That was the focus of a question he was asked during a public event before an audience of students at a London college. He replied, “I don’t like this question.”
Mohammed bin Salman in Nine Years: Domestic Growth and Global Engagementhttps://english.aawsat.com/features/5251281-mohammed-bin-salman-nine-years-domestic-growth-and-global-engagement
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).
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Mohammed bin Salman in Nine Years: Domestic Growth and Global Engagement
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).
Nine years have passed since the royal decree issued by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz, appointing Prince Mohammed bin Salman as crown prince.
The prince’s presence in a leadership role that reflects the pulse and ambitions of Saudi youth, alongside the guidance of the king, helped launch a domestic vision that accelerated economic and social development while strengthening Saudi Arabia’s position as a leading actor in addressing the region’s shifting landscape, in addition to expanding its global reach and influence.
Fundamental transformations
Over the years, the Kingdom has witnessed turning points marked by positive developments and fundamental transformations. These were not merely superficial changes, but efforts to shape new directions that redefine the concept of success in the 21st century. The objective extended beyond change within Saudi Arabia itself to efforts aimed at shifting the broader region from conflict toward development.
Among the latest manifestations of that approach has been work to calm several regional conflicts and create opportunities for peace. In parallel, Saudi Arabia has become an influential international destination on the global map, according to numerous studies, commentaries, and research addressing major international issues and regional transformations.
As a result, the Kingdom has hosted dozens of summits and hundreds of high-level meetings on key global issues, particularly political ones. The king and crown prince have also met a large number of world leaders, with nearly 120 visits recorded in recent years.
From an early stage, the Saudi crown prince led a drive to expand the Kingdom’s engagement with the world on multiple fronts, including economic and cultural ties. Political openness has also emerged as a defining feature of recent years, reaching levels not previously seen in Saudi Arabia or the wider region.
Many observers say that Riyadh’s policies under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in recent years have strengthened the Kingdom’s role in complex international issues and helped bring various parties to the negotiating table, including through efforts to promote peace through dialogue.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the Chinese president during one of his visits to Saudi Arabia (SPA).
International standing
Over the past decade, Saudi Arabia has been the only Middle Eastern country to host the leaders of the United States, China and Russia within a span of just a few months, despite intensifying geopolitical tensions worldwide.
This period has been marked by a series of global crises, from the war in Ukraine and trade and economic disputes to the war in Gaza and tensions across the Middle East. The developments have positioned Saudi Arabia as a key actor influencing international policies, reflected in the scale, number and level of diplomatic visits and consultations with the Kingdom, particularly since the outbreak of the war in Gaza, as well as the international summits and meetings held on Saudi soil aimed at achieving peace.
International mediation
Saudi diplomacy has also played an active role in recent years. Under the direction of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who also serves as prime minister, the Kingdom hosted US-Ukrainian talks as part of efforts to address the crisis, drawing on its balanced relations with various parties.
These efforts also included meetings in Diriyah and Jeddah last year involving the United States, Russia and Ukraine. The initiatives reflect an increasingly international orientation in Saudi foreign policy centered on peace efforts, ceasefires and ending wars, including continued mediation initiatives and promoting dialogue as a primary solution during the Russia-Ukraine crisis.
Saudi Arabia has also directed the provision of multiple forms of humanitarian assistance and relief support, as well as mediation efforts aimed at securing the release of prisoners.
Commenting on those efforts, Michael Mitchell, a regional spokesperson for the US State Department, previously told Asharq Al-Awsat that the world had become closer than ever to reaching a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine following negotiations hosted by Saudi Arabia. He expressed Washington’s appreciation for the Kingdom’s role in advancing ongoing diplomatic efforts and hosting key talks, while reaffirming the US commitment to working with all relevant parties to achieve lasting peace in Ukraine.
The Palestinian issue
The Palestinian issue has witnessed diplomatic momentum described as unprecedented in decades. In recent months and years, Saudi Arabia has pushed many countries to recognize a Palestinian state, bringing the total number of recognizing states to 149, according to the Palestinian Foreign Ministry.
The Saudi crown prince has also reiterated the Kingdom’s position that normalization with Israel would not proceed without the establishment of a Palestinian state. Saudi Arabia has hosted Arab and Islamic countries in Riyadh on two consecutive occasions to unify positions and increase pressure on the international community.
The Kingdom also chaired the committee formed by the summit, led an international coalition supporting the two-state solution, and presided over an international conference on the issue in New York.
In remarks previously made to Asharq Al-Awsat, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa praised what he described as “Saudi Arabia’s firm positions, which contributed to shaping international consensus toward recognizing a Palestinian state and providing all possible support, given that its realization within the framework of a two-state solution represents the foundation of peace, security and stability in the Middle East.”
Supporting Syria’s recovery
The Kingdom began expanding its support for Syria after it announced in late December 2025 that a Saudi delegation led by an adviser to the Royal Court had visited Damascus and met with Ahmad Al-Sharaa, then the “leader of the new administration” and now Syria's president.
Saudi air and land bridges continued to deliver aid to the Syrian people, alongside humanitarian, medical and development projects. By the end of last year, those projects had increased by more than 100 percent compared with 2024, reaching more than 103 initiatives with a total cost approaching $100 million.
Saudi Arabia also welcomed Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa three times during the year. The Kingdom pushed for the lifting of US sanctions on Syria, which the US president announced from Riyadh in May at the request of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
Additional support included paying roughly $15 million in Syrian debt to the World Bank and covering part of Syrian government employees’ salaries through a joint initiative with Qatar and the United Nations.
Regional initiatives
Saudi diplomatic initiatives have also extended to multiple regional crises. These include efforts to end the Yemeni crisis and hosting Yemeni parties, including southern groups, while facilitating the first consultative meeting on the southern issue and providing a framework for dialogue on the matter this year.
Saudi Arabia also supported evacuation operations in Sudan, hosted the Jeddah platform on Sudan, and continued humanitarian assistance. More recently, high-level Saudi-US discussions led by the Saudi crown prince and the US president have focused on efforts to resolve the Sudanese crisis.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Riyadh in December 2023 (SPA).
Summits and consensus
Alongside its expanding regional and international role, Saudi Arabia has also played a significant role on the Arab and Islamic fronts during the nine years since Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman assumed his position.
Under his direction, the Kingdom hosted seven Arab and Islamic summits between 2018 and 2024. These included the Dhahran Arab Summit in April 2018, the Makkah Summit in Support of Jordan in June 2018, the Emergency Arab Summit in Makkah in May 2019, the Arab-China Summit in December 2022, the Jeddah Arab Summit in May 2023, the Joint Arab-Islamic Extraordinary Summit in November 2023, and a follow-up summit in November 2024.
Last year, Saudi Arabia also strengthened its defense and strategic capabilities through a defense agreement with Pakistan stipulating that any attack on either country would be considered an attack on both. The Kingdom also signed a defense agreement with Washington during a historic visit to the United States in November 2025, in addition to expanding cooperation with major international powers including China, Russia and European countries.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Donald Trump in Washington in November 2025 (SPA).
“A great dawn” in relations with the United States
US President Donald Trump praised the leadership of the Saudi crown prince, saying, “The Saudi crown prince best represents our strong allies,” and adding that “a great dawn” awaits the Middle East.
Trump also described Saudi Arabia as “the heart and center of the world,” and said Riyadh was on track to become a global business hub.
During the crown prince’s visit to Washington late last year, the two countries signed a wide-ranging package of agreements that included a strategic defense agreement, the Kingdom’s second defense agreement signed in 2025, along with a package of defense sales, cooperation in civilian nuclear energy, a strategic partnership in artificial intelligence, a framework for securing supply chains for uranium and minerals, and measures to accelerate investment.
The US president also announced the designation of Saudi Arabia as a major non-NATO ally and praised Saudi negotiating capabilities, describing the Saudis as “great negotiators.”
How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackouthttps://english.aawsat.com/features/5251093-how-iranians-are-communicating-through-internet-blackout
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
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How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
Iran's latest internet blackout has lasted more than 14 days, connectivity monitor Netblocks said Friday.
The nature of the limits on internet activity shows "this is a government-imposed measure" and not the result of damage from US and Israeli airstrikes, Netblocks research chief Isik Mater told AFP.
"It is a deliberate shutdown imposed by the authorities to suppress the flow of information and prevent further dissent," said Raha Bahreini, Iran researcher at Amnesty International.
Here are some of the ways information is still flowing in and out of Iran.
- Shortwave radio -
Amsterdam-based nonprofit Radio Zamaneh began shortwave broadcasts during the January protests, sending a nightly Farsi news program from 11:00 pm Tehran time.
"It's really difficult for the regime to jam shortwave because it's a long-distance broadcast," executive director Rieneke van Santen told AFP.
"People can just listen on a super cheap, small, simple radio... It's one of those typical emergency fall-back solutions."
Declining to specify where the transmitter is located, she said it is "closer to the Netherlands than to Iran" -- although Tehran "can figure it out" if they choose.
- Phone calls -
Many with ties to Iran are still receiving landline phone calls from inside -- "quite surprising" given the internet blackout, said Mahsa Alimardani of global rights organization Witness.
Fearing the authorities listening in, people often avoid speaking directly about political topics, such as the killing of Ali Khamenei, she added.
"It's not possible to communicate about sensitive issues through these brief phone calls," Amnesty's Bahreini said.
The required prepaid international calling cards are expensive and often fail to provide their face value in minutes.
"You buy a phone card for 60 minutes, but in eight minutes, it's out," van Santen said.
"It's really just phone calls from family members saying, after the bombing, we're still alive."
- VPN or other internet services -
Virtual private networks (VPNs) -- widely-used services that encrypt internet traffic -- can't create an internet connection where none is available.
But even at around one percent of typical levels, Iran's connectivity is "still a large figure in absolute terms", Netblocks' Mater said.
Iranians suspected of using VPNs since the war began have received warning text messages claiming to be from the authorities.
Before the war, millions turned to Toronto-based company Psiphon, which creates specialist tools more capable than typical "off-the-shelf" VPNs.
Offering techniques including disguising users' data as different types of internet traffic, Psiphon "is able to evade detection more successfully", data and insights director Keith McManamen told AFP.
With up to six million unique daily users in Iran before the latest internet shutdown, connections have now tumbled to fewer than 100,000.
Few but the most tech-savvy users can reach Psiphon's network for now.
Nevertheless, "the situation is extremely dynamic. We're seeing changes not just day to day, but hour by hour," McManamen said.
A similar service, US-based Lantern, is also widely used in Iran.
- Satellite broadcasts -
Created by US-based nonprofit NetFreedom Pioneers, Toosheh is a "filecasting" technology using home satellite TV equipment to broadcast encrypted data to people in Iran.
Users record from the Toosheh satellite TV channel onto a USB stick plugged into their set-top box, which they can then decrypt using a special app installed on their phone or computer.
From that initial download, the data can be copied and shared across multiple households.
The group estimated around three million active users in Iran across 2025, with "thousands to hundreds of thousands... since the (internet) shutdown in January," the group's director of projects Emilia James told AFP.
From its usual educational repertoire ranging from English lessons to news, content these days includes more on "personal safety and digital security... helping people to stay safe," she added.
Since people are tuning in to a broadcast signal, there is no way for the government to track them, she added.
- Starlink -
Elon Musk-owned satellite internet service Starlink was used during this year's protests to get information out, while the government attempted to jam its signals.
At around $2,000 on Iran's black market, the terminals are expensive and very rare in poorer regions like Balochistan or Kurdistan that have suffered the most government repression, Alimardani said.
Meanwhile, Amnesty has received reports of "raids on houses... arrests of people who had Starlink devices," Bahreini said.
Charges for those caught communicating with the outside world range from prison sentences to the death penalty, she added.
Starlink did not respond to AFP's request for comment on usage in Iran.
How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackouthttps://english.aawsat.com/features/5250922-how-iranians-are-communicating-through-internet-blackout
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
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How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
Iran's latest internet blackout has lasted more than 14 days, connectivity monitor Netblocks said Friday.
The nature of the limits on internet activity shows "this is a government-imposed measure" and not the result of damage from US and Israeli airstrikes, Netblocks research chief Isik Mater told AFP.
"It is a deliberate shutdown imposed by the authorities to suppress the flow of information and prevent further dissent," said Raha Bahreini, Iran researcher at Amnesty International.
Here are some of the ways information is still flowing in and out of Iran.
- Shortwave radio -
Amsterdam-based nonprofit Radio Zamaneh began shortwave broadcasts during the January protests, sending a nightly Farsi news program from 11:00 pm Tehran time.
"It's really difficult for the regime to jam shortwave because it's a long-distance broadcast," executive director Rieneke van Santen told AFP.
"People can just listen on a super cheap, small, simple radio... It's one of those typical emergency fall-back solutions."
Declining to specify where the transmitter is located, she said it is "closer to the Netherlands than to Iran" -- although Tehran "can figure it out" if they choose.
- Phone calls -
Many with ties to Iran are still receiving landline phone calls from inside -- "quite surprising" given the internet blackout, said Mahsa Alimardani of global rights organization Witness.
Fearing the authorities listening in, people often avoid speaking directly about political topics, such as the killing of Ali Khamenei, she added.
"It's not possible to communicate about sensitive issues through these brief phone calls," Amnesty's Bahreini said.
The required prepaid international calling cards are expensive and often fail to provide their face value in minutes.
"You buy a phone card for 60 minutes, but in eight minutes, it's out," van Santen said.
"It's really just phone calls from family members saying, after the bombing, we're still alive."
- VPN or other internet services -
Virtual private networks (VPNs) -- widely-used services that encrypt internet traffic -- can't create an internet connection where none is available.
But even at around one percent of typical levels, Iran's connectivity is "still a large figure in absolute terms", Netblocks' Mater said.
Iranians suspected of using VPNs since the war began have received warning text messages claiming to be from the authorities.
Before the war, millions turned to Toronto-based company Psiphon, which creates specialist tools more capable than typical "off-the-shelf" VPNs.
Offering techniques including disguising users' data as different types of internet traffic, Psiphon "is able to evade detection more successfully", data and insights director Keith McManamen told AFP.
With up to six million unique daily users in Iran before the latest internet shutdown, connections have now tumbled to fewer than 100,000.
Few but the most tech-savvy users can reach Psiphon's network for now.
Nevertheless, "the situation is extremely dynamic. We're seeing changes not just day to day, but hour by hour," McManamen said.
A similar service, US-based Lantern, is also widely used in Iran.
- Satellite broadcasts -
Created by US-based nonprofit NetFreedom Pioneers, Toosheh is a "filecasting" technology using home satellite TV equipment to broadcast encrypted data to people in Iran.
Users record from the Toosheh satellite TV channel onto a USB stick plugged into their set-top box, which they can then decrypt using a special app installed on their phone or computer.
From that initial download, the data can be copied and shared across multiple households.
The group estimated around three million active users in Iran across 2025, with "thousands to hundreds of thousands... since the (internet) shutdown in January," the group's director of projects Emilia James told AFP.
From its usual educational repertoire ranging from English lessons to news, content these days includes more on "personal safety and digital security... helping people to stay safe," she added.
Since people are tuning in to a broadcast signal, there is no way for the government to track them, she added.
- Starlink -
Elon Musk-owned satellite internet service Starlink was used during this year's protests to get information out, while the government attempted to jam its signals.
At around $2,000 on Iran's black market, the terminals are expensive and very rare in poorer regions like Balochistan or Kurdistan that have suffered the most government repression, Alimardani said.
Meanwhile, Amnesty has received reports of "raids on houses... arrests of people who had Starlink devices," Bahreini said.
Charges for those caught communicating with the outside world range from prison sentences to the death penalty, she added.
Starlink did not respond to AFP's request for comment on usage in Iran.
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