Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
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Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)

What was meant to be a routine visit by Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal to Washington to discuss military support and aid coordination turned into a political flashpoint, after a brief meeting with US Senator Lindsey Graham ignited a dispute over whether the army chief would describe Hezbollah as a “terrorist organization.”

The controversy was sparked by a brief meeting with hardline Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who publicly said he cut the meeting short after Haykal declined to use the designation in what he called the “context of Lebanon.”

What happened in the Graham meeting

In a post on X, Graham said: “I just had a very brief meeting with the Lebanese Chief of Defense General Rodolphe Haykal. I asked him point blank if he believes Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. He said, “No, not in the context of Lebanon.” With that, I ended the meeting.”

“They are clearly a terrorist organization. Hezbollah has American blood on its hands. Just ask the US Marines,” he added.

“They have been designated as a foreign terrorist organization by both Republican and Democrat administrations since 1997 – for good reason.”

“As long as this attitude exists from the Lebanese Armed Forces, I don’t think we have a reliable partner in them.”

“I am tired of the double speak in the Middle East. Too much is at stake,” Graham concluded.

The reaction went beyond expressions of displeasure. Some US coverage suggested Graham effectively raised questions about the “usefulness” of continuing support for the Lebanese army if such a gap persists between the US position and Lebanon’s official language.

Haykal’s answer raises its cost in Washington

Inside Lebanon, the issue is not limited to the stance on Hezbollah. Still, it extends to the army’s role as a unifying institution in a country whose political balance rests on sectarian arrangements and deep sensitivities.

Adopting an external designation, even a US one, in official language by the head of the military could be interpreted domestically as a move that risks triggering political and sectarian division or drawing the army into confrontation with a component that has organized political and popular representation.

That explains why Lebanese voices, including some critics of Hezbollah, defended the logic that “the state does not adopt this classification.” Therefore, the army commander cannot formally do so.

In other words, Haykal sought to avoid two conflicting languages: Washington’s legal and political framing of Hezbollah, and the Lebanese state’s language, which walks a fine line between the demand for exclusive state control over arms and the avoidance of reproducing internal fractures.

US State Department position

Amid the controversy surrounding the Graham meeting, an official US position emerged on Tuesday through the US Embassy in Beirut, welcoming the visit and focusing on the core US message.

The statement said that “the Lebanese Armed Forces’ ongoing work to disarm non-state actors and reinforce national sovereignty as Lebanon’s security guarantor is more important than ever.”

The wording was notable because it separated two levels: continued US reliance on the army as a state institution, and, in practice, linking that reliance to the issue of disarming non-state actors.

The phrase avoids direct naming but, in the Lebanese context, is widely understood to refer primarily to Hezbollah.

The visit’s broader track

Despite the political awkwardness, Haykal’s visit was not reduced to a single meeting. He held senior-level military talks, including meetings with US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine.

According to a statement from a Joint Chiefs spokesperson, the meeting “reaffirmed the importance of enduring US defense relationships in the Middle East.”

The visit coincided with broader discussions in Washington on support for the Lebanese army and plans to extend state authority, as international reports spoke of Lebanon entering new phases of a plan to dismantle illegal weapons structures in the south and north.

The army commander’s visit had initially been delayed for reasons that add another layer to understanding Washington’s sensitivity to the military’s language.

In November 2025, sources quoted the US State Department as saying Washington canceled scheduled meetings with the Lebanese army commander after objecting to an army statement on border tensions with Israel, prompting the visit to be postponed to avoid a pre-emptive political failure.



US Backing for Al-Zaidi Rattles Baghdad Calculations

Iraq’s prime minister-designate Ali Al-Zaidi attends a Coordination Framework meeting in Baghdad on April 27 (AP)
Iraq’s prime minister-designate Ali Al-Zaidi attends a Coordination Framework meeting in Baghdad on April 27 (AP)
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US Backing for Al-Zaidi Rattles Baghdad Calculations

Iraq’s prime minister-designate Ali Al-Zaidi attends a Coordination Framework meeting in Baghdad on April 27 (AP)
Iraq’s prime minister-designate Ali Al-Zaidi attends a Coordination Framework meeting in Baghdad on April 27 (AP)

The US administration went beyond its embassy’s congratulatory post in Baghdad for Iraq’s prime minister-designate, Ali Al-Zaidi, and a phone call by its envoy to Syria, Tom Barrack. It stepped up its engagement with a call from US President Donald Trump to Al-Zaidi.

Trump did not stop at the call, he then posted on his social media platform, Truth Social, congratulating Ali al-Zaidi and wishing him “success as he works to form a new Government free from terrorism that could deliver a brighter future for Iraq.”

The US president expanded on that vision, saying, “We look forward to a strong, vibrant, and highly productive new relationship between Iraq and the United States,” and calling it “the beginning of a tremendous new chapter between our Nations — Prosperity, Stability, and Success like never seen before.”

He also invited Al-Zaidi to visit Washington after his government wins a confidence vote.

The US stance appeared decisive and influential across several political forces, particularly within the Shi’ite camp.

Some leaders had been waiting for a signal from Trump rejecting Al-Zaidi’s nomination, which would have returned the process to the Coordination Framework, after it seemed to have temporarily slipped from its grasp with the nomination of an economic figure facing questions tied to previous US restrictions on his bank’s dollar transactions.

The US move unsettled armed factions, especially after three of their leaders were designated on terrorism lists, with financial rewards offered for information about them. Among those was a senior figure in the Coordination Framework who disappeared from view during recent meetings, along with leaders of other factions.

At the same time, additional complications emerged over the positions of political forces and figures previously considered for the premiership, amid talk of an undeclared US veto on some names, alongside clear support for Al-Zaidi.

This reshuffled dynamics within the Shi’ite political landscape.

“The last supper”

Alongside what appeared to be strong US backing, albeit conditional on forming a government “free of terrorism,” Al-Zaidi secured broad regional and international support, placing Iraqi political forces before a new equation.

Within the Shi’ite camp, this backing removed any suggestion that Al-Zaidi’s nomination was merely a political maneuver and weakened the chances of returning to the Coordination Framework's alternative names.

Some factions, despite recognizing his experience in economic files, had hoped to politically contain him, a prospect that has become more complicated under international backing.

Kurdish and Sunni forces had been counting on imposing their terms in forming the government, particularly regarding cabinet portfolios. However, US support for Al-Zaidi reshaped the negotiating balance and weakened his rivals’ ability to deal with him under traditional rules of engagement.

Concerns also surfaced within some political circles that Al-Zaidi could emerge as a strong, internationally backed prime minister, potentially reshaping internal balances and reducing the influence of regional actors, foremost among them Iran, which has yet to announce a clear position on his nomination. This silence has raised questions within Shi’ite circles about its implications.

Domestic moves

In a related development, Al-Zaidi received a phone call from Asif Ali Zardari, who congratulated him on being tasked with forming a government.

During the call on Friday, Al-Zaidi extended a formal invitation to Zardari to visit Iraq. The two sides discussed bilateral relations and ways to strengthen them in both countries’ interests. Al-Zaidi praised Pakistan’s role in easing regional tensions, while the Pakistani president expressed readiness to accept the invitation after the government is formed.

The Coordination Framework nominated Al-Zaidi on April 26 to form the new government, and he is preparing to present his cabinet to parliament within the constitutional deadline.

In parallel, the Coordination Framework plans to establish specialized advisory bodies to support the incoming government.

Aqil al-Rudaini, spokesman for the Victory Alliance, said these bodies would cover vital sectors such as energy, investment and anti-corruption, and aim to provide advice to the prime minister.

Al-Rudaini said the success or failure of the prime minister would be the responsibility of the alliance.

He added that the number of these bodies has yet to be finalized and will be determined after the government is formed, and that they will include experts and advisers across various fields to support government performance.


Israelis No Longer See Netanyahu as Best PM Choice

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony in Jerusalem, April 14, 2026 (AP)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony in Jerusalem, April 14, 2026 (AP)
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Israelis No Longer See Netanyahu as Best PM Choice

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony in Jerusalem, April 14, 2026 (AP)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony in Jerusalem, April 14, 2026 (AP)

A new opinion poll shows that Israelis, for the first time since he became their leader, no longer view Benjamin Netanyahu as the most suitable figure for prime minister, with Naftali Bennett overtaking him.

The results also show Bennett is no longer the only challenger, as former general Gadi Eisenkot now outpaces both.

The findings come from a weekly poll by Maariv, conducted with Lazar Research, headed by Menachem Lazar, and Pane4ll. Respondents were asked the standard question, “Who is the most suitable political figure for the post of prime minister?”

For nearly four years, Netanyahu consistently led his rivals, even when party polling suggested his government could fall.

But in the poll published on Friday, Bennett ranked first for the first time, with 46% saying he is more suitable than Netanyahu, who scored 41%. Eisenkot also surpassed Netanyahu, with 44% compared with 42%.

When Netanyahu was excluded from the comparison, Eisenkot edged ahead, winning 33% to Bennett’s 32%, signaling growing public confidence in him.

The poll also points to a shift in the Knesset balance if elections were held now. A joint list between Bennett and Yair Lapid, announced earlier this week, would emerge as the largest party with 28 seats, ahead of Likud with 26.

A previous poll had shown the two could win 31 seats combined if they ran separately, Bennett 24 and Lapid 7, but the joint list would still be positioned to receive the mandate to form a government.

Opposition figures see the alliance as generating fresh momentum and are pressing Eisenkot to join with his party, “Yashar,” to form a bloc strong enough to defeat Netanyahu.

Eisenkot, however, is not rushing to join a lineup that would place him second to Bennett. With his popularity rising, he is waiting for further polls, and if his support continues to climb, he is expected to seek the top spot on a unified list and run as its candidate for prime minister.

The survey also shows a sharp decline for Netanyahu’s coalition, dropping from 68 seats to 50. Likud accounts for the biggest fall, sliding from 36 to 26 seats. Religious parties drop from 18 to 15, while Bezalel Smotrich’s party, currently holding 8 seats, disappears.

The only right-wing party to gain is that of Itamar Ben-Gvir, rising from 6 to 9 seats.

Jewish opposition parties would secure 60 seats, alongside 10 for Arab parties, leaving them short of forming a stable government unless they abandon their refusal to partner with Arab factions or expand their support further.

Netanyahu, however, is far from finished. He is preparing multiple strategies to counter the opposition, including efforts to reunite Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, form a new right-wing party to recover lost votes, and advance legal and administrative measures that could reduce the influence of Arab parties.

Some accuse him of preparing steps that could manipulate elections or sway outcomes using artificial intelligence.

At the same time, the opposition is reassessing its position to strengthen cohesion and avoid internal rifts. Veteran political commentator Nahum Barnea says Eisenkot is best placed to advance steadily in an election battle in a way that would be difficult for Netanyahu to undermine.

Though a former army chief of staff, Eisenkot is seen as modest, and the deaths of his son and nephew in the recent war have brought him closer to the public. Barnea notes that Eisenkot displays a quote attributed to David Ben-Gurion on his wall: “It is good for our enemies to know that Israel’s security is led by an unbreakable man.”

He projects a positive approach to regional issues. Unlike Bennett, he backs a two-state solution and the Oslo Accords. He has openly criticized the war in Iran and Lebanon, describing both fronts as failures, and his stance toward Arab parties is not marked by racism.

Barnea also recounts that “legendary pilot” Iftach Spector asked Eisenkot why he rejects forming a government with an Arab party, noting Arabs make up 20% of Israel’s population.

Eisenkot replied: “Pay attention to what I said. I said I would form a Zionist and official government. ‘Official’ includes Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews. Anyone joining must meet three conditions: Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, the values of the Declaration of Independence, and commitment to service, military or civilian.”


Aoun Insists on Ceasefire Before Lebanon-Israel Talks

A billboard depicting Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and sentence reading in Arabic "The decision is up to Lebanon" is seen in the predominantly Christian Ashrafieh neighborhood in Beirut, Lebanon, 01 May 2026. (EPA)
A billboard depicting Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and sentence reading in Arabic "The decision is up to Lebanon" is seen in the predominantly Christian Ashrafieh neighborhood in Beirut, Lebanon, 01 May 2026. (EPA)
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Aoun Insists on Ceasefire Before Lebanon-Israel Talks

A billboard depicting Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and sentence reading in Arabic "The decision is up to Lebanon" is seen in the predominantly Christian Ashrafieh neighborhood in Beirut, Lebanon, 01 May 2026. (EPA)
A billboard depicting Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and sentence reading in Arabic "The decision is up to Lebanon" is seen in the predominantly Christian Ashrafieh neighborhood in Beirut, Lebanon, 01 May 2026. (EPA)

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun is pushing to lock in a ceasefire and halt Israeli strikes on civilians before Lebanese and Israeli representatives resume bilateral talks in Washington, as Hezbollah continues to vehemently reject the negotiations.

Aoun is under pressure from both sides. The United States is urging direct engagement between Lebanon and Israel, including a meeting between Aoun and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Hezbollah, meanwhile, rejects direct talks outright.

Aoun says diplomacy is the only option to secure a ceasefire, ensure an Israeli withdrawal, and extend state control across all Lebanese territory. But he refuses any meeting with Netanyahu, after rejecting even a phone call with him as part of a US-mediated three-way contact.

Consolidating the ceasefire

Aoun’s push to cement the ceasefire was discussed with US Ambassador to Beirut Michel Issa, hours after the US Embassy said a direct meeting between Aoun and Netanyahu, "facilitated by President Trump, would give Lebanon the chance to secure concrete guarantees on full sovereignty, territorial integrity, secure borders, humanitarian and reconstruction support, and the complete restoration of Lebanese state authority over every inch of its territory -- guaranteed by the United States."

The Lebanese presidency said Aoun met Issa after returning from Washington and reviewed developments, focusing on consolidating the ceasefire and stopping attacks on civilians and civilian facilities, ahead of further Washington talks aimed at securing peace and stability along the border.

Issa reaffirmed the US’s continued support for Lebanon and its institutions. Aoun thanked Washington for its backing.

Prime Minister Nawaf Salam also met Issa to discuss consolidating the ceasefire and negotiations with Israel, the prime minister’s office said.

Sources close to the presidency told Asharq Al-Awsat that a ceasefire and a halt to attacks on civilians and civilian facilities are “the basis for completing negotiations.”

Aoun’s position on a direct meeting “is known and declared,” the sources said. “Anyone who rejected a phone call with Netanyahu will certainly reject meeting him.”

Hezbollah pressure

Alongside US pressure, Aoun faces pressure from Hezbollah, which has vowed to keep fighting Israel in the south, and is holding the state responsible for the path it is taking.

Hezbollah’s Loyalty to the Resistance parliamentary bloc said the authorities’ move toward direct negotiations is “rejected and condemned,” calling it a deviation from national principles, a violation of sovereignty, and a contradiction of the Taif Accord and national consensus.

It said it is “not concerned at all” with their outcomes.

The bloc accused Israel of daily killings of civilians and systematic destruction of border villages, calling them war crimes that will not deter people from defending the country, but instead reinforce support for the resistance- Hezbollah.

It added that such actions should push the authorities to “stop their series of free concessions.”

Geagea

The move toward direct talks with Israel has drawn support from some political forces, led by the Lebanese Forces.

MP Sethrida Geagea said Lebanon’s current phase “cannot tolerate more one-upmanship or populist rhetoric,” which she said has only led to further collapse.

She voiced full support for Aoun’s efforts to end the war through a “clear and explicit negotiating path” aimed at protecting Lebanon and re-establishing the state as the sole authority.