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UN Peacekeepers in the Crossfire Between Israel and Hezbollah

A UNIFIL vehicle drives past a Lebanese soldier, amid escalating hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah, as the US-Israel conflict with Iran continues, in Qlayaa, southern Lebanon, March 27, 2026. (Reuters)
A UNIFIL vehicle drives past a Lebanese soldier, amid escalating hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah, as the US-Israel conflict with Iran continues, in Qlayaa, southern Lebanon, March 27, 2026. (Reuters)
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UN Peacekeepers in the Crossfire Between Israel and Hezbollah

A UNIFIL vehicle drives past a Lebanese soldier, amid escalating hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah, as the US-Israel conflict with Iran continues, in Qlayaa, southern Lebanon, March 27, 2026. (Reuters)
A UNIFIL vehicle drives past a Lebanese soldier, amid escalating hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah, as the US-Israel conflict with Iran continues, in Qlayaa, southern Lebanon, March 27, 2026. (Reuters)

United Nations peacekeepers, who for decades have served as a buffer between Israel and Lebanon, have seen three of their comrades killed and several others wounded since the latest war erupted between Israel and Hezbollah.

Here is an overview of the UN force in south Lebanon, whose mandate expires at the end of this year.

- In the firing line -

The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrols the area around the country's southern border, where Hezbollah and Israel began clashing this month after the Iran-backed group drew Lebanon into the Middle East war by firing rockets at Israel.

Israeli forces have been pushing into areas north of the frontier, and officials have announced plans to establish a buffer zone up to the Litani River, around 30 kilometers (20 miles) from Israel.

On Monday, two peacekeepers were killed when "an explosion of unknown origin destroyed their vehicle", wounding at least two others, the force said.

The day before, an Indonesian peacekeeper was killed and three others wounded when a projectile, also of undetermined origin, exploded near a UNIFIL position.

And earlier this month, three Ghanaian peacekeepers were wounded when their base was hit, with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun accusing Israel of being responsible and UNIFIL saying it would investigate.

Over the years since its mission began in 1978, the force has lost around 340 members.

Visiting UN chief Antonio Guterres this month said attacks against peacekeepers and their positions were "completely unacceptable... and may constitute war crimes".

- Ceasefire monitors -

UNIFIL was set up in 1978 to monitor the withdrawal of Israeli forces after they invaded Lebanon to stem Palestinian attacks targeting northern Israel.

Israel again invaded in 1982, only withdrawing from south Lebanon in 2000.

After a 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah, UN Security Council Resolution 1701 bolstered UNIFIL's role and its peacekeepers were tasked with monitoring the ceasefire between the two sides.

UNIFIL patrols the Blue Line, the 120-kilometre (75-mile) de facto border between Lebanon and Israel, in coordination with the Lebanese army. It also has a maritime task force that supports Lebanon's navy.

The mission has its headquarters south Lebanon's Naqoura, which in recent years has hosted indirect border negotiations between Lebanon and Israel.

Following a November 2024 ceasefire that sought to end more than a year of hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah over the Gaza war, UNIFIL became part of a five-member committee supervising that truce.

Under pressure from the United States and Israel, the UN Security Council voted last year to end the force's mandate on December 31, 2026, with an "orderly and safe drawdown and withdrawal" by the end of 2027.

- International force -

The mission currently involves around 8,200 peacekeepers from 47 countries, according to the force's website.

Top troop-contributing countries include Italy, Indonesia, Spain, India, Ghana, France, Nepal and Malaysia.

Italy's Major General Diodato Abagnara has headed the mission since June 2025.

UNIFIL patrols have occasionally faced harassment, though confrontations are typically defused by the Lebanese army.

In December 2022, an Irish peacekeeper was killed and three colleagues wounded when their convoy came under fire in south Lebanon.

- Border area -

Resolution 1701 of 2006 called for the Lebanese army and UN peacekeepers to be the only armed forces deployed in the country's south.

UNIFIL had been supporting the army in dismantling Hezbollah infrastructure near the border in the months before the latest hostilities erupted, in line with a Lebanese government decision to disarm the group following the 2024 truce.

Hezbollah has long held sway over swathes of the south and has built tunnels and hideouts there, despite not having had a visible military presence in the border area since 2006.

- What comes next? -

Lebanese authorities want a continued international troop presence in the south after UNIFIL's exit, and have been urging European countries to stay.

Last month, French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot said Lebanon's army should replace the force when the peacekeepers withdraw.

Italy has said it intends to keep a military presence in Lebanon after UNIFIL leaves.

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Features

Facts about Strait of Hormuz Shipping Blockade

Around a fifth of global crude oil and liquefied natural gas passes through the Strait of Hormuz in peacetime. NASA Earth Observatory/AFP/File
Around a fifth of global crude oil and liquefied natural gas passes through the Strait of Hormuz in peacetime. NASA Earth Observatory/AFP/File
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Facts about Strait of Hormuz Shipping Blockade

Around a fifth of global crude oil and liquefied natural gas passes through the Strait of Hormuz in peacetime. NASA Earth Observatory/AFP/File
Around a fifth of global crude oil and liquefied natural gas passes through the Strait of Hormuz in peacetime. NASA Earth Observatory/AFP/File

Here are the latest key facts and figures about the blockage of the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial shipping route virtually paralyzed by the Middle East war.

Around a fifth of global crude oil and liquefied natural gas passes through the waterway in peacetime.

The war erupted on February 28 when the United States and Israel began bombing Iran, prompting Tehran to retaliate with strikes across the region and sharply restrict access to the strait.

First incident reported in over a week

The Express Rome, a Liberia-flagged container vessel, reported on Monday that two unknown projectiles splashed next to the moving ship within an hour of each other. All crew were reported safe.

The ship was 22 nautical miles northeast of the Ras Tanura port in Saudi Arabia, according to the British maritime security agency UKMTO and maritime security firm Vanguard Tech.

Iran's Revolutionary Guards previously claimed to have attacked the vessel on March 11, in a press release published by the ISNA news agency.

Monday's was the first such incident, attack or suspicious activity reported by the UKMTO since March 22.

Since March 1, 2026, 25 commercial vessels, including 11 tankers, have been attacked or reported incidents in the Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz or the Gulf of Oman, according to the UKMTO.

Drones struck fuel tanks at Oman's Salalah port on Saturday, injuring one worker and disrupting operations but hitting no vessels.

Eight sea workers killed

Since the conflict began, at least eight seafarers or dock workers have died in incidents in the region, according to the International Maritime Organization (IMO).

A further four remained missing and 10 were injured.

Around 20,000 seafarers are affected in the region, according to the IMO.

Handful of crossings

Seventeen commodities vessels crossed the strait over the weekend, 12 of them on Saturday, making it one of the busiest days for crossings since March 1, according to maritime intelligence firm Kpler.

From March 1 to 30 as of 1700 GMT Monday, commodities carriers made just 196 crossings, according to Kpler data -- a decrease of 95 percent from peacetime.

Of these, 120 were by oil tankers and gas carriers and most were travelling east out of the strait.

Chinese container ships pass

On Monday, two further ships -- ultra-large container vessels owned by Chinese shipping giant Cosco -- appeared to have successfully crossed the strait after an aborted attempt last week, maritime tracker MarineTraffic said on X.

It interpreted their passage as "signaling a potential shift in conditions for commercial shipping".

Steel, soybeans shipped

Nine of the commodities ships passing through the strait over the weekend were dry bulk carriers transporting metals, iron ore pellets and soybean meal.

Four vessels were liquified petroleum gas tankers and the rest were liquid tankers.

The channel in peacetime sees around 120 daily transits, according to shipping industry intelligence site Lloyd's List.

2,000 ships in Gulf

Around 2,142 vessels have sent transponder signals in the Gulf west of the Strait of Hormuz in the past day, according to Bloomberg data.

Of those, 298 were tankers, including 10 very large gas carriers and 55 very large crude carriers.

Iran-approved route

Recent crossings appeared to have mainly used a route apparently approved by Iran around Larak Island just off the country's coast.

Leading shipping journal Lloyd's List last week said at least 34 ships had been tracked using it.

The Revolutionary Guards said the route was closed to vessels travelling to and from ports linked to Iran's "enemies".

45% sanctioned ships

Since the war started, 45 percent of the crossings have been by ships under US, EU or UK sanctions, according to an AFP analysis of passage data.

Of the crossings by oil and gas tankers, 62 percent were by vessels under sanctions.

Features

What Could Trump Achieve by Threatening Iran's Kharg Island?

Some 90 percent of Iran's crude exports pass through Kharg Island, making it a potentially crucial pressure point for Tehran. EUROPEAN SPACE AGENCY/AFP
Some 90 percent of Iran's crude exports pass through Kharg Island, making it a potentially crucial pressure point for Tehran. EUROPEAN SPACE AGENCY/AFP
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What Could Trump Achieve by Threatening Iran's Kharg Island?

Some 90 percent of Iran's crude exports pass through Kharg Island, making it a potentially crucial pressure point for Tehran. EUROPEAN SPACE AGENCY/AFP
Some 90 percent of Iran's crude exports pass through Kharg Island, making it a potentially crucial pressure point for Tehran. EUROPEAN SPACE AGENCY/AFP

A scrubby island in the Gulf that is roughly one third the size of Manhattan, Kharg Island is the nerve center of the Iranian oil industry -- and at the heart of US President Donald Trump's latest efforts to pressure Tehran.

On Monday Trump vowed that a failure by Iran to agree a deal to end the war could see the United States "completely obliterating" the export hub.

A day earlier, he had said the United States could take the island, eyed by the Pentagon for ground operations, "very easily".

So what are Trump's options, and how might Iran react if he presses on this pressure point?

What is Kharg Island?

It may be a mere scrap of land, but Kharg handles around 90 percent of Iran's crude exports, according to a report by US bank JP Morgan.

Located in the north of the Gulf, around 30 kilometers (20 miles) from the Iranian coast and more than 500 kilometers from the Strait of Hormuz, it has no oil wells.

But it has Iran's largest oil terminal, oil pipelines, storage tanks and related infrastructure.

It also has military facilities, some of which have already been hit by Israeli-US strikes.

On March 13, "US forces executed a large-scale precision strike on Kharg Island", Centcom, the US military command for the region, said.

"The strike destroyed naval mine storage facilities, missile storage bunkers and multiple other military sites. US forces successfully struck more than 90 Iranian military targets on Kharg Island, while preserving the oil infrastructure."

Sources close to US intelligence services told US broadcaster CNN Iran had deployed additional troops and defense systems to the area in recent weeks, including MANPAD-type surface-to-air missiles and mines.

Trump's options?

There appear to be three routes for US forces wishing to seize the island -– an airborne attack; an amphibious operation; or a combination of the two.

The Pentagon is currently moving US paratroopers and Marines into the area.

"(The) US combat force build-up sets the stage for (a) potential ground offensive in Iran," said US think tank Soufan.

Centcom former commander General Joseph Votel told The War Zone website this month it would not take that many soldiers to seize Kharg.

"On a small island like Kharg, I imagine you'd need a battalion of Marines. We are therefore talking about a force of 800 to 1,000 men, perhaps a little fewer, certainly not much more," he said.

But taking Kharg and holding onto it "are two different things", stressed Professor Phillips O'Brien of the University of St Andrews in Scotland.

He said the US military would struggle to retain the island within range of Iranian missiles and drones.

Just 60 kilometers away is the city of Bushehr, an important military center "from which the Iranians defend the entire northern part of the Gulf, including Kharg", noted Pierre Razoux of French research center FMES.

Why do it?

Trump's war goals remain hazy. It is unclear whether he primarily wants to force Iran to reopen shipping lanes in the Strait of Hormuz; force regime change in Tehran; coerce the Iranians into concessions on their nuclear or ballistic missile programs.

In the short term, capturing Kharg could give Washington leverage to force Iran to negotiate -– presumably on Trump's terms, given the country's dependence on oil revenue, the Soufan Center said.

It might not have much effect in reopening the Gulf to shipping, however, because Iran controls a string of other islands in the Strait of Hormuz.

And if the Iranians choose not to cede to Trump's demands, "What does the US do?", O'Brien wondered.

"Does the US then, out of spite, level all the economic facilities on Kharg?

"That could easily boomerang back in American faces. It means oil prices skyrocket even more and stay high for much longer," he said.

"It also means Iran will be incentivized to shut down the traffic in the Straits for even longer. If they cannot get their own oil out, why let anyone else's?"

Features

Hidden Battle…Iran Conflict Shows How Digital Fight is Ingrained in Warfare

Israelis take shelter during air raid sirens warning of incoming strikes by Iran, in Bnei Brak, near Tel Aviv, Israel, Tuesday, June 17, 2025. (AP Photo/Oded Balilty)
Israelis take shelter during air raid sirens warning of incoming strikes by Iran, in Bnei Brak, near Tel Aviv, Israel, Tuesday, June 17, 2025. (AP Photo/Oded Balilty)
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Hidden Battle…Iran Conflict Shows How Digital Fight is Ingrained in Warfare

Israelis take shelter during air raid sirens warning of incoming strikes by Iran, in Bnei Brak, near Tel Aviv, Israel, Tuesday, June 17, 2025. (AP Photo/Oded Balilty)
Israelis take shelter during air raid sirens warning of incoming strikes by Iran, in Bnei Brak, near Tel Aviv, Israel, Tuesday, June 17, 2025. (AP Photo/Oded Balilty)

As they fled an Iranian missile strike, some Israelis with Android phones received a text offering a link to real-time information about bomb shelters. But instead of a helpful app, the link downloaded spyware giving hackers access to the device’s camera, location and all its data.

The operation, attributed to Iran, showed sophisticated coordination and is just the latest tactic in a cyber conflict that pits the US and Israel against Iran and its digital proxies, according to The Associated Press.

As Iran and its supporters seek to use their cyber capabilities to compensate for their military disadvantages, they are demonstrating how disinformation, artificial intelligence and hacking are now ingrained in modern warfare.

The bogus texts received recently appeared to be timed to coincide with the missile strikes, representing a novel combination of digital and physical attacks, said Gil Messing, chief of staff at Check Point Research, a cybersecurity firm with offices in Israel and the US.

“This was sent to people while they were running to shelters to defend themselves,” Messing said. “The fact it’s synced and at the same minute ... is a first.”

Easy and Cheap Fight

The digital fight is likely to persist even if a ceasefire is reached, experts said, because it’s a lot easier and cheaper than conventional conflict and because it is designed not to kill or conquer, but to spy, steal and frighten.

While high in volume, most of the cyberattacks linked to the war have been relatively minor when it comes to damage to economic or military networks. But they have put many US and Israeli companies on the defensive, forcing them to quickly patch old security weaknesses.

Investigators at the Utah-based security firm DigiCert have tracked nearly 5,800 cyberattacks so far mounted by nearly 50 different groups tied to Iran. While most of the attacks targeted US or Israeli companies, DigiCert also found attacks on networks in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and other countries in the region.

Many of the attacks are easily thwarted by the latest cybersecurity precautions. But they can inflict serious damage on organizations with out-of-date security and impose a demand on resources even when unsuccessful.

Then there’s the psychological impact on companies that may do business with the military.
“There are a lot more attacks happening that aren’t being reported,” said Michael Smith, DigiCert’s field chief technology officer.

A pro-Iranian hacking group claimed responsibility Friday for infiltrating an account of FBI Director Kash Patel, posting what appeared to be years-old photographs of him, along with a work resume and other personal documents. Many of those records appeared to be more than a decade old.

It’s similar to a lot of the cyberattacks linked to pro-Iran hackers: splashy and designed to boost morale among supporters, while undermining the confidence of the opponent but without much impact to the war effort.

Smith said these high-volume, low-impact attacks are “a way of telling people in other countries that you can still reach out and touch them even though they’re on a different continent. That makes them more of an intimidation tactic.”

Health Care and Data Centers a Target

Iran is likely to target the weakest links in American cybersecurity: supply chains that support the economy and the war effort, as well as critical infrastructure like ports, rail stations, water plants and hospitals.

Iran also is targeting data centers with both cyber and conventional weapons, showing how important the centers have become to the economy, communications and military information security.

This month, hackers supporting Iran claimed responsibility for hacking Stryker, a Michigan-based medical technology company. The group known as Handala claimed the strike was in retaliation for suspected US strikes that killed Iranian schoolchildren.

Cybersecurity researchers at Halcyon recently published the findings of another recent cyberattack targeting a health care company. Halcyon did not reveal the name of the company but said the hackers used a tool that US authorities have linked to Iran to install destructive ransomware that shut the company out of its own network.

The hackers never demanded a ransom, suggesting they were motivated by destruction and chaos, not profit.

Together with the attack on Stryker, “this suggests a deliberate focus on the medical sector rather than targets of opportunity,” said Cynthia Kaiser, senior vice president at Halcyon. “As this conflict continues, we should expect that targeting to intensify.”

Artificial Intelligence is Providing a Boost

AI can be used both to increase the volume and speed of cyberattacks as well as allow hackers to automate much of the process.

But it’s disinformation where AI has really demonstrated its corrosive impact on public trust. Supporters of both sides have spread bogus images of atrocities or decisive victories that never happened. One deepfake image of sunken US warships has racked up more than 100 million views.

Authorities in Iran have limited internet access and are working to shape the view Iranians receive of the war with propaganda and disinformation. Iranian state-run media, for instance, has begun labeling actual footage of the war as fake, sometimes substituting its own doctored images, according to research at NewsGuard, a US company that tracks disinformation.

Heightened concerns about the risks posed by AI and hacking prompted the State Department to open a Bureau of Emerging Threats last year focused on new technologies and how they could be used against the US. It joins similar efforts already underway at agencies including the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency and the National Security Agency.

AI also plays a role in defending against cyberattacks by automating and speeding the work, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard recently told Congress.

The technology “will increasingly shape cyber operations with both cyber operators and defenders using these tools to improve their speed and effectiveness,” Gabbard said.