Palestinians in Gaza Mark Anniversary of 1948 Mass Expulsion and Say Today's Catastrophe is Worse

Palestinians attend a rally marking 'Nakba' day in the West Bank city of Ramallah, 12 May 2026. EPA/ALAA BADARNEH
Palestinians attend a rally marking 'Nakba' day in the West Bank city of Ramallah, 12 May 2026. EPA/ALAA BADARNEH
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Palestinians in Gaza Mark Anniversary of 1948 Mass Expulsion and Say Today's Catastrophe is Worse

Palestinians attend a rally marking 'Nakba' day in the West Bank city of Ramallah, 12 May 2026. EPA/ALAA BADARNEH
Palestinians attend a rally marking 'Nakba' day in the West Bank city of Ramallah, 12 May 2026. EPA/ALAA BADARNEH

Blink and you might miss the few stone walls that are all that’s left of the village that Yusuf Abu Hamam’s family was forced to flee when he was an infant in 1948.

The village, al-Joura, was demolished by the Israeli military at the time. It has since vanished under neighborhoods of the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon and the grounds of a national park.

The neighborhood where Abu Hamam’s family ended up — and where he spent most of his life — now lies also largely in ruins. Buildings in the Shati Camp in the northern Gaza Strip have been razed and wrecked by Israeli bombardment and demolitions during the past 2½ years of war, The Associated Press said.

On Friday, Abu Hamam and millions of Palestinians mark the 78th anniversary of the Nakba, Arabic for “catastrophe,” referring to the mass expulsion and flight of some 750,000 Palestinians from what is now Israel during the 1948 war surrounding Israel’s creation. It’s the third commemoration of the Nakba since the war in Gaza began.

The 78-year-old Abu Hamam, one of a dwindling number of Nakba survivors, says the current war is an even greater catastrophe.

More than six months after an October ceasefire, he and the rest of Gaza’s more than 2 million people are now crammed into less than half of the 25-mile-long strip along the Mediterranean coast, surrounded by an Israeli-controlled zone encompassing the rest of the territory.

“There is no country left,” Abu Hamam said, speaking next to his home, which was heavily damaged by Israeli shelling earlier in the war. “A square kilometer and a half extending from the sea, this is what we are living in ... It’s indescribable, unbearable.”

What was the Nakba? For Palestinians, the Nakba meant the loss of most of their homeland. Some 80% of the Palestinians who lived in the area that became Israel were driven from their homes by forces of the nascent state before and during the war. The fighting began when Arab armies attacked following Israel’s establishment as a home for Jews in the wake of the Holocaust. Palestinians who remained behind hold Israeli citizenship.

After the war, Israel refused to allow Palestinian refugees to return to ensure a Jewish majority within its borders. Palestinians became a seemingly permanent refugee community that now numbers some 6 million, with most living in refugee camps in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Gaza.

Around 530 Palestinian villages in what became Israel were destroyed, according to the Palestinian Bureau of Statistics.

Abu Hamam’s birth village was one of them. Al-Joura was seized by the Israeli military as it advanced against Egyptian forces in November 1948. Soldiers were ordered to destroy every home in al-Joura and neighboring villages to ensure their Palestinian populations couldn’t come back, according to military archives cited by Israeli historian Benny Morris.

Refugees swelled the population of the tiny patch of territory along the southern coast that became the Gaza Strip. They stayed in tent camps, run by a newly created UN agency for Palestinians, UNRWA, which provided aid and schooling. Those camps, like Abu Hamam’s Shati Camp, grew into dense urban neighborhoods over the decades, before many were flattened during the latest Gaza war by Israeli bombardment.

In Gaza, Palestinians live a new Nakba

The ancestors of Ne’man Abu Jarad and his wife, Majida, were already living in what would become the Gaza Strip in 1948. They both recall stories from their families about refugees streaming in by foot from areas further north, like the village Abu Hamam came from.

Though they avoided the original Nakba, there was no escaping from what Majida now calls “our Nakba.”

Their hometown has been wiped off the map. Over the past year, Israeli bulldozers and controlled detonations have razed nearly every building in the northern Gaza towns of Beit Lahiya and Beit Hanoun. A new Israeli military base stands about 700 meters (765 yards) from where the Abu Jarads’ house once stood, according to satellite photos.

Also gone is the southern Gaza city of Rafah, once home to a quarter million people, and other villages and neighborhoods located in the Israeli-held half of the Gaza Strip. The military says it is destroying positions used by Hamas and preparing the area for reconstruction. Satellite photos show nearly every structure reduced to rubble.

Over the last 31 months of war, the Abu Jarads and their six daughters have been displaced more than a dozen times as they fled Israeli bombardment and offensives. They currently live in a camp in the southern city of Khan Younis. Their tent offers little shelter from biting winter winds or summer heat, Majida said.

Their daughters have been out of school for over two years now.

“The Nakba of ’48, I don’t think it can be compared to our Nakba,” Majida said. “In ’48, they say people were displaced once and settled in one place, and they are still there until now. But our Nakba, honestly, is more severe because our displacement has happened multiple times. There is no stability.”

Around 90% of Gaza’s more than 2 million people have lost their homes, according to UN estimates, with most of them now sheltering in huge tent camps with rat infestations and pools of sewage. They are dependent on aid to survive.

Israel’s offensive has killed over 72,700 Palestinians, according to local health officials. It was triggered by Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel that killed some 1,200 people. Militants also abducted 251 hostages.

In the northern West Bank, tens of thousands of Palestinians are entering their 15th month of displacement, after the Israeli military ordered them out of their refugee camps as it launched an operation it said was targeting militant groups.

Since then, troops have demolished or heavily damaged at least 850 structures across the refugee camps of Nur Shams, Jenin and Tulkarem, according to an analysis of satellite imagery by Human Rights Watch released in December.

Saving what was lost, again and again

The 1948 Nakba also brought the loss of Palestinians’ history, as those fleeing struggled to keep hold of the documents and possessions tying them to their homes.

One of the largest archives of Palestinian documents dating back to the Nakba belongs to UNRWA.

UNRWA staff members, who fled their offices in Gaza after Israel ordered the north evacuated, had to leave behind the agency’s extensive archive.

The staff then launched a mission to rescue the most crucial documents — birth, death and marriage certificates and refugee registration cards, according to Juliette Touma, a former senior UNRWA official.

Without those documents, Palestinians could lose their rights and refugee status. Staffers crammed their personal suitcases full of papers and carried them through checkpoints and out of the territory, Touma said.

The current war has cost Palestinians in Gaza what little remained of their personal histories. Majida’s parents’ home in Beit Hanoun was destroyed, and with it family photos.

“There is nothing left,” she said.

Abu Hamam, too, says everything has been lost.

“When this war came, it devoured trees, stones and people,” he said. “Entire families were erased from the civil registry. Hundreds of families are still buried under the rubble.”



Egypt’s Greece, Cyprus Partnerships Do Not Hinder Ties With Türkiye

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi stands between Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi stands between Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Egyptian Presidency)
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Egypt’s Greece, Cyprus Partnerships Do Not Hinder Ties With Türkiye

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi stands between Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi stands between Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Egyptian Presidency)

Growing cooperation between Cairo and Ankara, which has expanded into defense and military coordination, is raising questions about its impact on the strategic partnership linking Egypt with Greece and Cyprus since 2014.

The development comes as Türkiye’s relations with Athens and Nicosia remain constrained by long-standing disputes over maritime boundary demarcation and energy issues in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Egyptian experts who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat acknowledged that balancing Cairo’s regional relationships was no easy task. They stressed, however, that the Egyptian-Turkish rapprochement was not directed against Cyprus or Greece and could also serve their interests.

They said Egypt could play a role in bringing the sides closer together, given its determination to maintain balanced relations with all three countries.

Established partnership

Egypt, Greece and Cyprus have maintained a strategic partnership since the first presidential-level meeting of their trilateral cooperation mechanism in 2014.

At the time, relations between Cairo and Ankara were deeply strained following the fall of Muslim Brotherhood rule after the June 30 uprising. Some analyses suggested that Egypt had turned to partnerships with Cyprus and Greece to balance Türkiye.

Egypt, Cyprus and Greece launched a summit-level trilateral cooperation mechanism, holding its first meeting in Cairo in November 2014.

The three countries have since taken turns hosting their meetings annually, with the 10th round held in Cairo in January 2025.

Earlier this year, Cairo hosted political consultations among the foreign ministers of Egypt, Greece and Cyprus.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty highlighted “the special nature of the relations linking Cairo with Athens and Nicosia, which contributed to a convergence of views on establishing the trilateral summit mechanism.”

He described the mechanism as “a model for cooperation and regional integration.”

The latest step in the growing relationship between Egypt and Türkiye was the signing of a letter of intent on defense cooperation during Egyptian Defense Minister Ashraf Salem Zaher's visit to Ankara last Sunday.

It was the first visit of its kind since President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi traveled to Ankara on May 8, 2013, when he was serving as defense minister.

Greek caution

Greek newspaper eKathimerini examined the growing Egyptian-Turkish rapprochement in a report published on July 15.

It said that while the rapprochement did not directly threaten Greek interests so far, it was increasing concerns amid broader regional geopolitical shifts.

Rakha Ahmed Hassan, a member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs and a former ambassador, said Egypt stressed on all occasions and in its meetings with Türkiye, Greece and Cyprus that there was no way to resolve their disputes except through dialogue and negotiation.

“Egypt seeks to maintain a balance in its relations with the three countries,” Hassan told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Egypt’s task in achieving this balance is not easy because of the difficulty of the situation itself,” he said.

“Türkiye does not recognize the international law of the high seas concerning the division of maritime boundaries and the economic maritime zone in the Eastern Mediterranean, while Greece and Cyprus insist on its application. Egypt is also a signatory to this 1982 law.”

The main disputes between Türkiye, on one side, and Greece and Cyprus, on the other, center on complex geopolitical and economic issues.

Chief among them is the Cyprus conflict, the oldest of these disputes. It dates back to 1974, when Turkish forces intervened in the northern part of the island following a coup backed by the military council then ruling Greece.

Ankara says its intervention was intended to protect Turkish Cypriots, while Cyprus and Greece consider it an occupation of the northern part of the island.

The disputes also include disagreements over maritime boundary demarcation, airspace, the continental shelf and exclusive economic zones in the Aegean Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean.

These disputes intensified with natural gas discoveries and competition over the exploitation of energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Egypt as a bridge

Bashir Abdel Fattah, an Egyptian academic and international relations researcher, said Egypt had begun paying greater attention to the Mediterranean dimension of its foreign relations a decade or more ago, focusing on Cyprus and Greece.

“Egypt demarcated its maritime borders with them and entered into security arrangements, regular military exercises and high-level security and strategic coordination,” Abdel Fattah told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The two countries also play an important role in strengthening Egypt’s relations with the European Union. At the same time, Egypt restored momentum to its relationship with Türkiye after a period of political disagreements.”

Abdel Fattah said there was no contradiction between Egypt’s rapprochement with Türkiye and its close relations with Greece and Cyprus.

“Cairo is keen to diversify its relationships, and this is its sovereign right,” he said.

“Contrary to any concerns, Egypt could serve as a bridge for rapprochement between Türkiye, Greece and Cyprus and help resolve disputes over maritime boundary demarcation and the sharing of Eastern Mediterranean resources.”

Relations between Egypt and Türkiye have grown rapidly since 2023, as ties between the two countries returned to normal and Sisi and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan exchanged visits.

This was reflected in military cooperation, particularly in training and cooperation in the defense industries.

Amr el-Shobaki, an adviser at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, said the Egyptian-Turkish rapprochement, particularly in the military field, could understandably concern Israel.

“But it will never be directed against Greece and Cyprus,” Shobaki said.

“On the contrary, through this rapprochement with Türkiye, Egypt could play a major role in easing tensions between Türkiye, Greece and Cyprus because of its strong and distinguished relations with all three countries.”

Shobaki told Asharq Al-Awsat that it was natural for Greece and Cyprus to monitor developments in the rapprochement between Egypt and Türkiye, given the sensitivity of their position toward Türkiye.

“But they undoubtedly have strong confidence in Egypt because of the strength of their relations with it,” he said.


Komala: A Frequent Target of Iranian Attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan

A drone is intercepted in the sky over Erbil, Iraq, July 15, 2026, in this screengrab obtained from a social media video. (Dlawer/X/via Reuters)
A drone is intercepted in the sky over Erbil, Iraq, July 15, 2026, in this screengrab obtained from a social media video. (Dlawer/X/via Reuters)
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Komala: A Frequent Target of Iranian Attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan

A drone is intercepted in the sky over Erbil, Iraq, July 15, 2026, in this screengrab obtained from a social media video. (Dlawer/X/via Reuters)
A drone is intercepted in the sky over Erbil, Iraq, July 15, 2026, in this screengrab obtained from a social media video. (Dlawer/X/via Reuters)

At least nine people were killed and others wounded on Friday in a missile and drone attack suspected of having been carried out by Iran against an Iranian Kurdish opposition group in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, a group official said.

The attack targeted positions belonging to the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan in the Zargwezela area near Sulaymaniyah, the official said, requesting anonymity for security reasons.

The group said Iran was behind the strike, the official added. Tehran did not immediately claim responsibility.

Iran has previously attacked Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based in the Kurdistan Region.

Abdullah Azarbar, a member of the Politburo of the Komala Party, said the attack began at around 6 a.m. and involved eight large bunker-busting missiles.

Nine members of the group’s Peshmerga forces were killed and three others seriously wounded, he added. Three missiles struck the headquarters where the casualties occurred.

A security source had earlier said a party headquarters in the Surdas subdistrict of Sulaymaniyah province had been hit by missiles. Authorities opened an investigation to determine the circumstances of the attack and identify those responsible, the source said.

The Kurdistan Region Security Agency said seven missiles struck three areas in Sulaymaniyah province early on Friday.

Four landed in Zargwezela, one in Qasardi village and two near Tal Kobani in the Qaradagh area, the agency said. Its teams were still assessing casualties and material damage.

The Kurdistan Region Counter-Terrorism Service had earlier said coalition forces intercepted and destroyed eight explosive-laden drones over Erbil early on Friday. No casualties were reported.

Residents of Sulaymaniyah and Halabja provinces said they heard loud explosions in the early hours of the morning.

The Kurdistan Region Presidency condemned the missile and drone attacks on Sulaymaniyah and Erbil provinces, calling them a “dangerous development and a flagrant violation” of Iraqi sovereignty.

It warned that continued attacks could threaten Iraq’s stability and undermine efforts to strengthen security and peace in the region.

Komala repeatedly targeted

The Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan is one of Iran’s oldest opposition groups. Founded in the late 1960s as a leftist Kurdish movement, it rose to prominence during the unrest that followed Iran’s 1979 revolution.

The group later entered into armed conflict with the new authorities over Kurdish autonomy and political freedoms.

After years of fighting inside Iran, Komala moved much of its operations and many of its bases to Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, where it established political and military headquarters and camps.

It has since faced repeated Iranian attacks, particularly by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, which accuses Iranian Kurdish opposition parties of seeking to destabilize the country.

Komala combines political opposition to Tehran with advocacy for Kurdish rights in Iran. Tehran says such groups pose a security threat.

The 2022 “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests renewed attention on Iranian Kurdish opposition parties, although most remained based outside Iran.

Since the war between Iran and the United States began in February, no independent tally has established a final figure for the number of attacks on Komala bases.

Available reports, however, indicate that Iranian Kurdish opposition headquarters in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region were hit by a wave of missile and drone strikes during the conflict.

According to statements by the party and its allies, sites belonging to Iranian Kurdish opposition groups were repeatedly attacked, including bases linked to Komala and other parties in Erbil and Sulaymaniyah provinces.

The Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan also said missile strikes had targeted Peshmerga positions.

Human rights reports and Kurdish sources said bases belonging to Iranian Kurdish opposition parties, including Komala, were among the targets of dozens of missile and drone attacks during the war.


Delay of Lebanon-Israel Technical Meeting Stalls Implementation of Pilot Zones Plan

An Israeli flag hangs from a building in an area occupied by Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)
An Israeli flag hangs from a building in an area occupied by Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)
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Delay of Lebanon-Israel Technical Meeting Stalls Implementation of Pilot Zones Plan

An Israeli flag hangs from a building in an area occupied by Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)
An Israeli flag hangs from a building in an area occupied by Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)

The United States has postponed a virtual meeting between Lebanese, Israeli and US military delegations that had been expected on Friday to discuss the first phase of the “pilot zones” plan.

The delay puts the practical rollout of the framework agreement between Lebanon and Israel on hold, particularly the pilot zone arrangements, and renews questions over an implementation process that still has no clear timetable.

The technical meeting was agreed during the latest round of negotiations in Rome at the start of the week. It was intended to finalize the first phase mechanism: Israeli forces would withdraw from several pilot zones, allowing the Lebanese army to deploy there under the supervision of the monitoring committee. The plan would then expand in later stages.

Sources familiar with the negotiations told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington requested the postponement, saying more time was needed to complete technical files, operational plans and implementation procedures.

No new date was set.

The sources said the meeting could instead take place during a visit by US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper, who is due in Beirut on July 23. Cooper met President Joseph Aoun and Lebanese army commander General Rodolphe Haykal late last month.

Military sources, however, linked the delay to Israeli actions on the ground in Lebanon.

“Israel is continuing its systematic destruction of border villages in what appears to be an attempt to complete its objectives on the ground before committing to any implementation agreement,” the sources said.

They said Israel, which still refuses to withdraw from Lebanese territory, was trying to limit the pilot zone plan to locations it does not occupy. Washington, meanwhile, is pressing Israel to begin implementing the agreement by withdrawing from areas under its control.

The sources said the disagreement explained Israel’s attempts to buy time and delay the start of actual implementation.

The sixth round of direct Lebanese-Israeli negotiations, held in Rome under US sponsorship, ended with an agreement to finalize the pilot zone structure and begin implementation within days.

The plan forms part of the framework agreement aimed at consolidating the ceasefire and preparing for a gradual Israeli withdrawal in return for the deployment of the Lebanese army. But the agreement sets no binding deadline for a full Israeli withdrawal.

Israel says it will not leave the security zone it seeks to retain, stretching about 10 km from the border, until Hezbollah has been disarmed in those areas.

That condition is widely seen as highly difficult under Lebanon’s current circumstances.

Israeli soldiers walk at the entrance to Beaufort Castle in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)

Violations and destruction continue

On the ground, Israeli violations continued across southern Lebanon as the Lebanese army expanded its deployment.

The army deployed in the town of Froun in the Bint Jbeil district and began intensive patrols. Froun is one of six villages being considered for the pilot phase.

Israeli forces continued demolishing homes, most recently in Bint Jbeil.

Israeli drones also struck Mayfadoun and Choukine, carried out three strikes on the Naqoura road and hit Mansouri. Another strike on Naqoura wounded a Syrian worker.

Israeli forces also carried out a large explosion on Friday morning in Hadatha, near the outskirts of Aita al-Jabal, and continued combing operations in several border areas.

Rescue teams recovered the bodies of victims of the strike on Mansouri late on Thursday.

Residents of Haris appealed to the Lebanese army to evacuate civilians trapped during an Israeli combing operation, the state-run National News Agency reported.

This handout photograph released by the Lebanese army press office on July 15, 2026 shows Lebanese army vehicles patrolling in southern Lebanon. (Lebanese Army Press Office / AFP)

Hezbollah steps up criticism, warns of internal instability

Hezbollah, meanwhile, continued to attack the framework agreement and the Lebanese authorities’ handling of the negotiations.

Hezbollah lawmaker Ali Fayyad said the Rome talks had exposed the weakness of Lebanon’s official position.

He accused the authorities of pursuing negotiations despite continuing Israeli military operations and following policies aimed at satisfying the United States and Israel.

Fayyad warned that the approach threatened domestic stability.

“These authorities are determined to take the country to an extremely dangerous place,” he said.

He said the process would neither restore Lebanese territory nor protect sovereignty, but would instead cost the country its internal stability and national unity.

Fayyad said the “resistance [Hezbollah] is ready for all possibilities and options” and remained committed to what he described as its principles of defending Lebanon, liberating occupied territory and securing the return of residents to their villages.