Between Bringing Down Governments and Losing Control: Hezbollah Faces a New Political Equationhttps://english.aawsat.com/arab-world/5278147-between-bringing-down-governments-and-losing-control-hezbollah-faces-new
Between Bringing Down Governments and Losing Control: Hezbollah Faces a New Political Equation
The Lebanese government in session chaired by President Joseph Aoun (Lebanese Presidency)
Since becoming involved politics in 1992, Hezbollah gradually evolved from a parliamentary player with limited influence into a central force in Lebanon’s governing equation. The group first engaged in legislative work and did not directly join governments until 2005, following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon.
Since then, Hezbollah has sought to impose its control and influence over successive governments, obstructing some and bringing down others after introducing the concepts of the “blocking third” and consensual decision-making, while it and its ally the Amal Movement monopolized the entire Shiite ministerial share to use as leverage to topple governments or prevent them from functioning.
In this context, remarks by Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem that “people have the right to take to the streets, bring down the government and bring down the US-Israeli project” did not come as a surprise to those who have closely followed Hezbollah’s conduct over the years in both the formation and collapse of governments. The same applies to comments by Hezbollah Political Council member and former minister Mahmoud Qamati, who said: “The president or anyone else, with a government majority, wants to target the resistance during this era. They should know that they are a passing side that comes and goes, while we are deeply rooted in this country.”
Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem
A Long Path of Pressuring Governments
Hezbollah’s first attempt to pressure the government in a bid to bring it down dates back to 2006, when it and the Amal Movement withdrew their ministers from the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora in protest against the vote in favor of establishing the international tribunal to prosecute Hariri’s killers.
The “Shiite duo” and the Free Patriotic Movement then organized a lengthy sit-in in downtown Beirut on the grounds that the government lacked sectarian legitimacy. Nevertheless, the cabinet continued functioning until May 2008, when Hezbollah launched a military move in Beirut and parts of Mount Lebanon in response to government decisions concerning its telecommunications network.
That escalation led Lebanese factions to convene in Qatar, resulting in what became known as the Doha Agreement, through which Hezbollah secured the “blocking third,” meaning that it and its allies obtained one-third of cabinet seats, enabling them to bring down the government.
That scenario materialized in 2011, when Hezbollah and its allies withdrew their ministers from the government of Prime Minister Saad Hariri, leading to its collapse.
Former Lebanese finance minister, current member of parliament and a high ranking member of the Shiite Muslim Amal movement Ali Hasan Khalil (L), points as he stands next to Lebanon's Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during his visit to the heavily-damaged southern village of Kfar Shouba, near the border with Israel on February 8, 2026.(Photo by Rabih DAHER / AFP)
Salam Government “Freed” From Hezbollah’s Grip
Subsequent governments were formed with Hezbollah and its allies holding the “blocking third,” allowing them to control the decisions and fate of successive cabinets. Six governments were formed from 2011 onward, culminating in the current government headed by Nawaf Salam, which is considered the first government since 2008 to break free from Hezbollah’s dominance through the “blocking third.”
As a result, Hezbollah failed to prevent the government from adopting decisions placing arms exclusively under state control, classifying its military wing as illegitimate, and passing other measures opposed and criticized by the group.
Ali al-Amin, political writer and editor-in-chief of the Janoubia website, said Hezbollah had, since the Doha Agreement, “sought to blackmail successive governments through the invention of concepts such as the ‘guaranteeing third,’ consensus, or legitimacy.”
Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Amin said that “during the current phase, specifically under the present government, the equations have completely changed. The government was formed on different foundations reflecting the new political balance.”
He added that “even if Hezbollah believes bringing down the current government through street pressure is possible, it realizes that forming another government on its own terms is no longer feasible. Therefore, its current threats to topple the government amount to intimidation and rhetorical escalation, nothing more than an expression of the predicament the party is facing, reflected in Sheikh Naim Qassem’s contradictory rhetoric.”
He added that Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri is unlikely to support Hezbollah in such a move, meaning the group has virtually no chance of bringing down the government or changing the policies it is complaining about.
UK Condemns Houthi Attacks on Airports and Civilians as Unacceptablehttps://english.aawsat.com/arab-world/5340516-uk-condemns-houthi-attacks-airports-and-civilians-unacceptable
UK Condemns Houthi Attacks on Airports and Civilians as Unacceptable
The British Minister of State stressed that Resolution 2216 remains the basis for resolving the conflict in Yemen (Doughty's X account)
British Minister of State for the Middle East Stephen Doughty described the Houthis' escalating attacks in Yemen and against Saudi Arabia as appalling, stressing that launching missiles and drones at airports and places where civilians live and work was unacceptable.
In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Doughty said the Houthis had chosen to escalate and reignite the conflict in Yemen, holding the group and those who arm and enable it responsible for the renewed violence.
The British minister said the United Kingdom, as the penholder on Yemen at the UN Security Council, continued to regard Resolution 2216 as a foundation for a political settlement, with London focused on ensuring the full implementation of existing resolutions.
Doughty also described the situation in Taiz as heartbreaking, urging the Houthis to reopen roads, allow humanitarian aid to pass, facilitate medical evacuations and end attacks on civilians.
He warned that Iranian support for the Houthis and other groups was making the conflict more dangerous, while threats to shipping through the Red Sea and the Bab Al-Mandab Strait had consequences extending well beyond Yemen, including for the United Kingdom.
Visit to Riyadh
Discussing his recent visit to Saudi Arabia, Doughty said he had traveled to Riyadh to personally reaffirm Britain's solidarity with its partners during difficult times, including Saudi Arabia and Yemen's legitimate government.
He said he held extensive talks with Saudi Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Waleed Elkhereiji on a range of shared interests and met Saudi Ambassador Mohammed Al Jaber and other senior officials to discuss Houthi attacks on the Kingdom and developments on the ground in Yemen.
According to Doughty, the discussions addressed the Houthis' escalation in recent weeks, both within Yemen and across the border into Saudi Arabia, as well as British efforts to support the Kingdom's defense.
They also covered ways to deliver assistance to those most in need in Yemen, ensure humanitarian access, protect civilians, uphold international humanitarian law and mobilize international support for a political settlement.
Doughty said the talks also explored opportunities for long-term cooperation as Britain and Saudi Arabia approach the centenary of their diplomatic relations.
He noted that bilateral ties had expanded beyond defense and energy to encompass trade, investment and education, alongside cooperation on regional security and stability in the Middle East and efforts to combat terrorist organizations.
The minister also met senior Yemeni officials, including the chairman and vice chairman of the Presidential Leadership Council, the prime minister and the foreign minister, to discuss ways to support the Yemeni government and ensure security and prosperity for the Yemeni people.
Houthi Attacks on Saudi Arabia
Doughty condemned the Houthis' escalation as appalling, stressing that firing missiles and drones at airports and places where ordinary people lived and worked was unacceptable.
He said there could be no justification for such attacks and called on the Houthis to end their reckless actions.
The British minister stressed that there should be no doubt about who bore responsibility for the escalation: the Houthis and those supplying them with weapons and enabling their operations.
He said Britain stood alongside Saudi Arabia and had deployed air-to-air refueling aircraft, fighter jets and military advisers to support defensive operations.
Saudi Arabia's Role in Containing the Escalation
Doughty said Saudi Arabia was facing attacks on its own territory and that Britain's position was unequivocal: the Kingdom had the right to defend itself.
At the same time, he emphasized that the United Kingdom had consistently supported efforts to reach a political settlement in Yemen and remained one of the country's major humanitarian and development assistance providers.
He said Britain and Saudi Arabia shared the same objectives: a stable Yemen, a secure Gulf and safe maritime routes for the shipping on which the entire world depended.
Reflecting on discussions at the Manama Dialogue a few days earlier, Doughty said he had been struck by the determination of many governments and regional partners to find a way back to the political process and address wider instability and its humanitarian consequences.
Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi receives British Minister of State for the Middle East Stephen Doughty (SABA)
Military Developments in Yemen
Asked about developments on Yemen's military fronts, Doughty said the Houthis had chosen to escalate and renew the conflict, while the Yemeni government had the right to protect its people.
He reaffirmed Britain's firm support for Yemen's legitimate government.
The minister warned that continued fighting was costing lives, forcing large numbers of families from their homes and deepening the humanitarian crisis with every passing week.
He said the violence was also undermining regional stability and serving no one's interests.
Doughty stressed that the Houthis must halt their attacks inside Yemen and against Saudi Arabia and return to peaceful dialogue.
Support for the Yemeni Government
Doughty said Britain's partnership with the Yemeni government was longstanding and that London remained committed to working with it to promote regional stability and build a prosperous future for the Yemeni people.
In practical terms, he explained, this involved supporting state institutions so they could serve the population, helping maintain public services and contributing to economic stabilization.
He said the United Kingdom was providing £104 million ($137.9 million) in humanitarian assistance this year and had recently announced that £10 million of that amount would be allocated to the UN emergency fund in response to the renewed conflict.
Doughty added that Britain was using its position at the Security Council and in other international forums to keep Yemen high on the global agenda.
He said London would continue consulting its partners over the coming weeks on what further action could be taken.
The minister noted that Yemen had long been among the world's worst humanitarian crises and stressed the need to break the cycle of destruction through a solution that placed the well-being of the Yemeni people at its center.
Resolution 2216 Remains the Basis for a Settlement
Asked whether London believed new Security Council resolutions were needed in light of developments inside Yemen, Doughty said the United Kingdom held the pen on Yemen at the Council and took that responsibility extremely seriously.
He explained that the existing framework, including Resolution 2216, continued to provide the foundations for a settlement, and that those principles had become even more important amid the renewed fighting.
Britain's priority, he said, was to ensure the full implementation of existing resolutions and provide the UN Special Envoy for Yemen with the support needed to carry out his mission.
Doughty added that London was working closely with Security Council members, including its Gulf partners, to ensure that Yemen remained at the forefront of the international agenda.
Continued Iranian Support for the Houthis
Doughty identified Iran's support for the Houthis and other armed groups as a major factor making the conflict increasingly dangerous.
He said Britain had made clear that such support only deepened regional instability and that de-escalation offered the best path toward peace.
The minister explained that the United Kingdom was working to enforce the UN arms embargo and cooperating closely with partners to prevent weapons from reaching the Houthis.
He added that London continued to hold Iran accountable through sanctions and by raising its concerns in multilateral forums.
Threats to Maritime Navigation
Asked about the risks posed by Houthi control of the Bab Al-Mandab Strait, Doughty said the waterway was one of the world's vital routes for international trade and commercial shipping.
He warned that threats from the Houthis had consequences far beyond Yemen, including for Britain.
The minister emphasized that freedom of navigation was not merely an abstract principle and was just as important in Bab Al-Mandab as in the Strait of Hormuz and other major shipping routes worldwide.
He reaffirmed Britain's commitment to working with allies and partners to keep these waterways open and secure.
As a longstanding maritime nation and the host country of the International Maritime Organization, Britain was working internationally to uphold maritime law and protect vessels and their crews, he added.
A Message to the Yemeni People
Addressing the Yemeni people, Doughty assured them that they had not been forgotten.
He acknowledged the immense suffering Yemenis had endured and described the Houthis' decision to plunge the country back into conflict as tragic.
The minister reaffirmed that Britain had stood alongside the Yemeni government and people for many years and would continue to do so.
He said that commitment would be demonstrated through vital humanitarian assistance, support for public services and government institutions, and continued efforts to keep Yemen high on the international agenda.
Doughty stressed that peace must ultimately be achieved through a political settlement that would provide Yemenis with the security, dignity and opportunities they deserved.
Siege of Taiz Is Heartbreaking
Commenting on the Houthi siege of Taiz, Doughty described the situation in the city as heartbreaking.
He said families had spent years living with closed roads, shelling and sniper fire, even when attempting to reach hospitals, markets or schools.
He placed responsibility for their suffering squarely on the Houthis.
The minister called on the group to reopen roads, allow humanitarian assistance through, facilitate medical evacuations to places where patients could receive safe treatment, and stop attacks targeting civilians.
Doughty also noted that large numbers of families had been uprooted from their homes across Yemen, while humanitarian workers continued to face detention and attacks.
He referred to the death of a UN staff member in a disturbing incident the previous week.
The minister expressed deep distress that Yemeni UN personnel who had dedicated their lives to helping ordinary people remained in Houthi detention.
He conveyed his sympathy to their families and colleagues, noting that the Houthis had yet to acknowledge responsibility for the deaths.
Doughty stressed that the victims' families and the United Nations deserved to know the truth and called for the immediate release of everyone still being held.
Where Does Hamas Still Hold Territory in Gaza?https://english.aawsat.com/arab-world/5340380-where-does-hamas-still-hold-territory-gaza
A concrete block marking the Israeli military’s “Yellow Line” in Bureij, central Gaza (File photo: AFP).
Nearly a week ago, Hussam al-Astal, who leads an Israeli-backed armed group operating in Khan Younis in southern Gaza, appeared in a video announcing the start of an operation he described as a “cleansing of displacement camps in the Mawasi area.”
His remarks came after an attack by another armed group linked to the Israeli military, which resulted in the abduction of dozens of residents from an area theoretically considered to be under Hamas control in Gaza.
Since the ceasefire agreement was announced in October 2025 under US President Donald Trump’s plan, an imaginary boundary known as the “Yellow Line” has separated Israeli-occupied areas east of the line, estimated at more than 60 percent of the Gaza Strip, from areas west of it held by Hamas and other Palestinian factions.
However, intensified operations by Israeli-backed armed groups, including abductions and forced displacement under covering fire from the Israeli military, have raised new questions about the extent of the territory where Hamas still exercises authority.
More than a year after the ceasefire agreement, which Israel has repeatedly violated, Israeli forces have also shifted their positions along the Yellow Line, expanding the area they occupy to more than 65 percent of the Gaza Strip’s approximately 360 square kilometers.
Last week, members of armed groups infiltrated a displacement camp near Abu Hamid roundabout, between central and eastern Khan Younis. Reinforcements subsequently arrived in four-wheel-drive vehicles, while Israeli drones flew overhead to provide support.
The operation resulted in the abduction of 35 Palestinians. Some were released after more than 10 hours of intensive interrogation by Israeli officers, while three remained in captivity.
A similar operation took place at an intersection near the Shujaiya neighborhood. Dozens of those detained were released, while one person remained in custody.
Israeli Occupation Extends Beyond the Yellow Line
According to a map of the areas occupied by Israel, Israeli forces now hold 67 percent of the Gaza Strip as they continue expanding the area covered by the Yellow Line.
In northern Gaza, the Israeli military occupies the entire town of Beit Hanoun, at the northernmost end of the territory, parts of Beit Lahia and a larger section of Jabalia refugee camp.
In Gaza City governorate, which includes the territory’s main urban center, Israeli forces hold all the city’s eastern neighborhoods, including Tuffah, Shujaiya and Zeitoun. Small areas of Zeitoun remain inhabited by displaced Palestinians living under difficult security and humanitarian conditions.
Central Gaza has recently witnessed extensive military activity, with Israeli forces expanding their positions by pushing the Yellow Line farther west, particularly around the Bureij and Maghazi refugee camps, al-Masdar and areas east of Deir al-Balah.
These operations have forced more Palestinians to flee their homes and shelters in recent days.
In southern Gaza, Israel occupies the entire city of Rafah, apart from a small section of Mawasi in the city’s northwestern area, along the southern boundary with Khan Younis.
Israeli forces also occupy large parts of southern Khan Younis, while Mawasi remains under Palestinian authority. The city’s eastern areas, meanwhile, remain entirely under Israeli occupation.
Where Is Hamas?
Four Hamas field sources and two sources from other Palestinian factions told Asharq Al-Awsat in separate accounts that Israeli forces hold most Palestinian areas east of Salah al-Din Road, the main highway connecting northern, central and southern Gaza.
Israeli forces also occupy large parts of the territory’s northern and southern regions.
The sources, who are based in different parts of Gaza, said residents west of Salah al-Din Road, as well as those in areas south of the northern region and north of the southern region, continue to observe a Hamas presence and authority.
However, the movement faces complicated circumstances that prevent it from fully maintaining security and order.
One source estimated that “Hamas’ grip has become fragile and effectively extends to no more than 17 to 20 percent of the Gaza Strip.”
Nevertheless, Hamas has been seeking to assert its presence by proposing humanitarian projects for residents and attempting to confront Israeli-backed armed groups militarily.
Its members have set ambushes for armed men infiltrating areas under its authority, but the Israeli military frequently intervenes to provide covering fire for the groups it supports.
In Gaza City governorate, which once served as the center of Hamas’s political, governmental and security activities, the movement’s position remains unstable because of Israeli attacks targeting the leadership of Hamas, its government and its armed wing, the Qassam Brigades.
Central Gaza currently represents the area where Hamas and its various institutions retain their strongest presence.
According to the sources, this is largely because the central region did not suffer the same level of damage as other parts of the territory during the war, and Israeli ground forces entered only limited sections of it.
In Khan Younis, at the southern end of the Gaza Strip, Hamas faces more complicated conditions. Nevertheless, its hold there can be described as moderate, particularly in the densely populated Mawasi area, which shelters large numbers of displaced Palestinians.
The movement relies on ambush tactics to confront the threat posed by armed groups and Israeli forces in southern and eastern Khan Younis, as well as in the eastern parts of the governorate’s central areas.
These include locations around Abu Hamid roundabout and the Khan Younis municipal headquarters.
Israeli Firepower Extends Beyond Its Positions
Two field sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the differences between areas where Hamas maintains a strong security presence and those where its grip is fragile can be attributed to several factors.
Among them is Israel’s ability to dominate areas from a distance using elevated platforms and drones, as well as airstrikes targeting anyone approaching areas near Salah al-Din Road from the western side in certain locations.
Another factor is Israel’s use of armed groups as a means of extending its reach by pushing farther into areas close to the road.
This has occurred particularly in southern and eastern Khan Younis, northwestern Mawasi in Rafah, eastern Gaza City, and the areas around Jabalia and Beit Lahia in northern Gaza.
More recently, similar operations have also taken place in central Gaza.
The two sources explained that this complex security situation makes it difficult for government security forces or other personnel to reach areas close to the western side of Salah al-Din Road.
As a result, extensive additional areas have effectively fallen under indirect Israeli security control.
This allows armed groups, people collaborating with Israel and others to operate freely in those locations.
The sources said Hamas’ so-called “resistance security” apparatus has responded by periodically setting ambushes for members of these groups, seeking to kill or capture them and prevent them from carrying out their plans.
According to a third source, the Israeli military uses the armed groups to conduct sweeping operations in new areas beyond the Yellow Line, east of Salah al-Din Road.
Israeli forces then advance into those same areas, either several hours later on the same day or the following day, carrying out engineering operations, including bulldozing land and other activities.
The military subsequently extends the Yellow Line to expand the territory under its direct occupation.
The three sources said Israeli forces kill or wound anyone attempting to cross Salah al-Din Road, particularly in areas opposite Khan Younis in the south and Gaza City in the north.
They added that Israeli operations have recently intensified east of Deir al-Balah and al-Masdar in central Gaza.
Israeli forces have also increasingly targeted people approaching areas on the western side of the road, suggesting that the territory over which Israel exercises dominance through firepower now exceeds 70 percent of the Gaza Strip.
Open Defiance
A fourth Hamas source defended the movement’s loss of security authority during and after the war, describing it as “natural” given the changes that occurred in Gaza during Israeli ground incursions into its cities.
The source said government security agencies and those affiliated with Palestinian factions had repeatedly attempted to maintain order deep inside the western areas of the Gaza Strip.
However, each attempt was met with renewed attacks, most of them Israeli airstrikes targeting security positions in forward areas or even locations far from territory directly occupied by Israel.
The Hamas source acknowledged that the weakening of security had recently prompted some members of local families to engage in what he described as “open defiance” of attempts to arrest them in connection with criminal cases.
Some had opened fire on Hamas police officers, while in one incident individuals seized a weapon. Family elders subsequently intervened, and legal and tribal settlements were reached.
As an example, the source cited an incident in Deir al-Balah a few days earlier in which a member of a local clan killed two police officers during an attempt to arrest him.
The deterioration in security has been compounded by intensive Israeli attacks targeting Hamas’ security apparatus.
According to Gaza’s Interior Ministry, these systematic attacks have killed 76 police officers and security personnel since the ceasefire took effect in October 2025.
Hezbollah Members Questioned Over Suspected Reconnaissance Mission in Northern Lebanonhttps://english.aawsat.com/arab-world/5340357-hezbollah-members-questioned-over-suspected-reconnaissance-mission-northern
Hezbollah Members Questioned Over Suspected Reconnaissance Mission in Northern Lebanon
A Hezbollah member in Syria in 2017 (AFP)
Investigations are continuing into the arrest of five Hezbollah members in a remote mountainous area between the Bsharri and Batroun districts of northern Lebanon on Tuesday, amid questions about the purpose of their movements and whether they were conducting surveillance.
Judicial sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that investigators were still gathering information and examining why the men had been moving through isolated, uninhabited areas.
“Preliminary information suggests they were on a reconnaissance mission to survey the area,” the sources indicated.
They added that the five were not alone but were accompanied by others monitoring them from a distance. Following the arrests, those individuals reportedly retrieved mobile phones from a room where the detainees had left their belongings. The five had been arrested without their phones.
The suspects claimed they were visiting the area as tourists, an explanation that raised questions, particularly because one lives locally while the others come from South Lebanon and the Bekaa Valley.
Further suspicions arose over documents and maps allegedly found in their possession, some of which they reportedly attempted to tear up as an Internal Security Forces patrol approached.
Asharq Al-Awsat also learned that investigators were leaning toward bringing charges against the detainees in their individual capacities rather than as Hezbollah members, as occurred in a previous explosives-smuggling case.
According to the judicial sources, the suspected surveillance raises questions about whether the survey was linked to security or military preparations, specific targets, or plans to establish a security or military facility.
Salam: No Limits on Investigation
Prime Minister Nawaf Salam followed developments from Antalya, where he arrived to lead Lebanon’s delegation to a climate summit.
“The era of avoiding accountability and covering things up is over,” Salam stressed, adding that the investigation would face “no limits other than those imposed by the law.”
Gemayel: Hezbollah Has Lost Its Way to the South
Lebanese Kataeb Party leader MP Samy Gemayel stepped up his criticism of Hezbollah, linking the arrests to recent security and political developments.
“On the roads to Jerusalem, Damascus and Sanaa, Hezbollah lost its way to the South and ended up in Fanar and the mountains of Bsharri and Tannourine, after Dahr al-Baidar,” he wrote on X.
He argued that dragging Lebanon into wars, defying state decisions, bringing in a truckload of explosives and deploying security groups in the heart of Mount Lebanon were threats to national security and civil peace.
“If all this does not warrant referring Hezbollah’s leadership to the Judicial Council, then the council should be abolished!” he added.
Lebanese Forces MPs Strida Tawk Geagea and Melhem Tawk warned of possible organized security preparations in the area.
They argued that the available information could not be dismissed as an ordinary security incident.
According to published reports they cited, the seized documents contained names of groups, assignments of personnel and references to weapons, including sniper rifles.
The lawmakers questioned why the detainees were in the area, what documents they had attempted to destroy, who had assigned them their mission and what they intended to accomplish.
They warned that the incident raised the possibility of “reconnaissance movements or organized security preparations targeting peaceful Lebanese areas or specific individuals.”
The two urged the interior and defense ministers and judicial authorities to expand the investigation, establish individual and organizational responsibility, and prosecute anyone implicated by the evidence.
The Free Patriotic Movement, meanwhile, called on security and judicial authorities to complete their investigations and disclose the circumstances of the case to the public as quickly as proper legal procedures allow.
It emphasized that security in Batroun, Bsharri and all other Lebanese regions falls exclusively under the responsibility of the state and its institutions.
The party rejected any security activity outside state authority, insisting that proven violations must be punished without political protection for those responsible.
At the same time, it warned against exploiting the incident to stoke sectarian or regional tensions or deepen divisions among Lebanese citizens.
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