Tunnels or Voiceprints: Why Israel Is Killing Qassam Leaders Faster

From right, Qassam Brigades leaders assassinated by Israel in separate attacks: Mohammad Odeh, Rafe Salama, Abu Obeida, and Mohammad Deif, in a photo released by the Israeli military. (Israeli military)
From right, Qassam Brigades leaders assassinated by Israel in separate attacks: Mohammad Odeh, Rafe Salama, Abu Obeida, and Mohammad Deif, in a photo released by the Israeli military. (Israeli military)
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Tunnels or Voiceprints: Why Israel Is Killing Qassam Leaders Faster

From right, Qassam Brigades leaders assassinated by Israel in separate attacks: Mohammad Odeh, Rafe Salama, Abu Obeida, and Mohammad Deif, in a photo released by the Israeli military. (Israeli military)
From right, Qassam Brigades leaders assassinated by Israel in separate attacks: Mohammad Odeh, Rafe Salama, Abu Obeida, and Mohammad Deif, in a photo released by the Israeli military. (Israeli military)

Throughout Israel’s war on Gaza, from October 2023 until a fragile ceasefire was announced two years later in October 2025, Israel’s pursuit of the leaders of Hamas and its military wing, the Qassam Brigades, was neither quick nor easy.

That changed in recent weeks.

A wave of faster, more concentrated assassinations peaked on May 15 with the killing of Qassam commander Izz al-Din al-Haddad after decades on the run. Less than two weeks later, Israel assassinated his successor, Mohammad Odeh.

The killings also reached one of the Qassam’s most prominent commanders, Imad Islim, who was targeted alongside the commander of the northern brigade, though the latter survived.

The campaign did not stop with commanders. It also hit prominent field operatives, most of them involved in the October 7, 2023, attack, as well as officials responsible for military manufacturing.

The pace of the killings has raised questions inside and outside Hamas over why Israel has been able to move so quickly. Some sources pointed to the growth of Israeli intelligence work in Gaza. Others cited Israel’s assault on Hamas tunnels and the security gap left by their destruction.

Hamas field sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that every assassination is investigated by specialists seeking to trace security leads or identify specific breaches.

08 June 2025, Palestinian Territories, Khan Younis: Israeli soldiers stand guard at the European Hospital in Khan Younis, where the Israeli military discovered a tunnel believed to be the site of Hamas military chief Mohammad Sinwar's death last month. (dpa)

Tunnels and the decision to leave them

Four field sources said Israel’s intensified campaign against the tunnels was among the reasons behind the faster pace of assassinations. The campaign, they said, destroyed “very large numbers” of tunnels during and after the war.

Over two decades, Hamas dug hundreds, by conservative estimates, if not thousands, of tunnels for defense, attack, command and control. Some served as command sites for leaders directing battles.

The sources said Israel destroyed large numbers of tunnels through ground operations and airstrikes, at times killing operatives, commanders and even Israeli abductees held inside.

One source said that “because of the attacks, the leadership of the resistance decided to stop relying on tunnels and to act in a way that would help preserve the lives of commanders and operatives, as well as the abductees, with the aim of exchanging them for Palestinian prisoners.”

The sources said Israel launched a series of strikes on tunnels at the start of the war in October 2023. But because the network was so vast, Hamas decided only to leave tunnels in dangerous areas.

By late March 2024, as airstrikes intensified, especially against tunnels containing operatives and Israeli hostages, an immediate decision was made to move them above ground. Strikes on the tunnels later grew more severe.

A turning point

The sources said the move out of the tunnels “marked a turning point.” Tunnels were then used mainly for movement between locations or for specific attacks. They were no longer used except cautiously and temporarily by leaders or by prominent field operatives as hiding places.

Despite the growing danger, some Hamas and Qassam leaders continued to use them. Hamas political bureau members Rawhi Mushtaha and Sameh al-Sarraj were killed alongside Qassam field commanders in a tunnel in the industrial area south of Gaza City in July 2024.

The late Qassam commander Mohammad Sinwar and Qassam commander Mohammad Shabana were also killed, along with others, in a network of tunnels near the European Hospital in Khan Younis in May 2025.

One field source said: “Many field circumstances pushed political and military leaders at the time to resort to the tunnels and use them as hiding places, amid intensified Israeli pursuit of the movement’s and the brigades’ leaders.”

“The options were narrowing more and more,” they added.

Mourners carry portraits of Izz al-Din al-Haddad, the slain chief of the Qassam Brigades, who was killed in an overnight Israeli strike along with his daughter and wife, during their funeral in Gaza City on May 16, 2026. (AFP)

The same source said Haddad was among those who frequently used tunnels to move from place to place at the height of Israeli operations in northern Gaza.

Haddad, he said, survived more than once by remaining underground while Israel operated above him, using tunnels to move from one area to another.

But Haddad and others did not see tunnels as reliable hiding places, the source said.

For long periods during the war and after the ceasefire, they stayed above ground, moving in hiding by different means, without security escorts, and in ways meant to prevent Israel from tracking them. They also communicated through different channels.

Three Hamas field sources said several leaders repeatedly used tunnels, including Mohammad Sinwar and late Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, who was killed in a sudden clash with an Israeli force in October 2024.

Shrinking room to hide

Tunnel destruction was not the only factor. The four Hamas sources said Israel’s expanded control east of the “yellow line”, which covers about 60% to 70% of Gaza, has pushed most of the population west of the line. That has narrowed the space for faction leaders and operatives to find safe or unmonitored locations.

The sources said most leaders and operatives of Palestinian factions are now confined to specific areas, like hundreds of thousands of Gaza residents living in the western parts of the strip after losing their homes and other places assigned to them.

Many stayed with their families or nearby, living in tents and other shelters like many others, making them more exposed to Israeli tracking and surveillance.

Palestinians inspect the site of a destroyed building as smoke billows following an Israeli airstrike in the Al-Rimal neighborhood of Gaza City, Gaza Strip, 15 May 2026. (EPA)

Spy technology and voiceprints

Field sources in Gaza give significant weight to Israeli spy technology in explaining how Israel has reached Hamas and Qassam leaders so quickly.

They agree on the role of spy drones that heavily patrol Gaza’s skies, along with other tools and human intelligence, including informants working with Israel.

One source said Israel has relied heavily on “the technological factor generated by artificial intelligence,” especially through modern Israeli-made drones using advanced cyber programs to track voiceprints, and possibly vital signs, to locate certain leaders in specific places.

The field source, who had reviewed investigations with suspected collaborators, said the drones eavesdrop on calls within specific, defined ranges after jamming them to isolate the voices coming from them or their surroundings. That, they said, may indicate the presence of a person whose voiceprint Israel has obtained through earlier phone recordings or a previous arrest.

The source said some informants working with Israel had managed to “plant various spying devices, some containing cameras and recording equipment, and others the size of an insect,” dropped by drones or planted by ground forces in areas they raided during the war.

One field source said, “Many informants were arrested and executed. A small number were from inside Hamas and the Qassam themselves, while most were from outside it.”

They said: “A person from outside Hamas was arrested after it became clear that he was linked to Haddad’s assassination, after he was spotted at the assassination site and at another location where Haddad had also been present.”

Two sources confirmed the suspect was being interrogated.

“The detainee confessed that he had been tracking Haddad on instructions from an Israeli intelligence officer, who was giving him specific locations where Haddad’s family was present,” said one of the sources.

At the height of the war in Gaza, Palestinians were executed by members of Palestinian factions after being arrested at Israeli attack sites. The Qassam described the proceedings against them as “revolutionary courts.”

They included one person from inside Hamas and another from outside it. Both were accused of “providing information that led to reaching Qassam commander Mohammad Deif, who was assassinated in July 2024.”



Israeli Military Says it Struck Hezbollah Fighters after Drone Spotted

The caskets of Hezbollah fighters killed during clashes with the Israeli army are pictured to the right and left of a mock coffin of Iran's slain supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, during a mass funeral in the southern Lebanese village of Majdel Selm on July 18, 2026. (Photo by Ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
The caskets of Hezbollah fighters killed during clashes with the Israeli army are pictured to the right and left of a mock coffin of Iran's slain supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, during a mass funeral in the southern Lebanese village of Majdel Selm on July 18, 2026. (Photo by Ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
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Israeli Military Says it Struck Hezbollah Fighters after Drone Spotted

The caskets of Hezbollah fighters killed during clashes with the Israeli army are pictured to the right and left of a mock coffin of Iran's slain supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, during a mass funeral in the southern Lebanese village of Majdel Selm on July 18, 2026. (Photo by Ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
The caskets of Hezbollah fighters killed during clashes with the Israeli army are pictured to the right and left of a mock coffin of Iran's slain supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, during a mass funeral in the southern Lebanese village of Majdel Selm on July 18, 2026. (Photo by Ibrahim AMRO / AFP)

Israeli military said it struck a Hezbollah cell near Tebnit in southern Lebanon on Saturday after soldiers identified ⁠a Hezbollah drone in ⁠the area.

The air force located fighters that ⁠had been operating drones and taking cover near Israeli troops, the military said in a statement, adding that the activity ⁠violated ⁠ceasefire understandings.

Hezbollah held a mass funeral for dozens of people, most of them fighters killed in the most recent fighting with Israel, in southern Lebanon's Majdal Selm on Saturday.

The group does not reveal the number of fighters it has lost. But it has organized several funerals during the current lull in fighting, which followed the June 17 signing of a US-Iran memorandum of understanding.

In the heavily-damaged village, Hezbollah buried 44 people, 39 of them fighters and four civilians said to have been killed in Israeli operations, and one man who died of natural causes.


Israeli Strikes in Gaza Kill 3 Children and 6 Adults

A Palestinian inspects a house destroyed in an Israeli airstrike in northern Gaza City, Gaza Strip, 18 July 2026. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
A Palestinian inspects a house destroyed in an Israeli airstrike in northern Gaza City, Gaza Strip, 18 July 2026. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
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Israeli Strikes in Gaza Kill 3 Children and 6 Adults

A Palestinian inspects a house destroyed in an Israeli airstrike in northern Gaza City, Gaza Strip, 18 July 2026. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER
A Palestinian inspects a house destroyed in an Israeli airstrike in northern Gaza City, Gaza Strip, 18 July 2026. EPA/MOHAMMED SABER

Israeli strikes in Gaza City on Saturday killed at least nine Palestinians, including three children, hospital officials said.

A strike on an apartment in the Nasr neighborhood killed at least five people, including the children between the ages of 8 and 18, said Mohammed Abu Selmiya, director of Shifa Hospital where the bodies were taken. Six other people were wounded, including four children between the ages of 8 and 16, he said.

Israel's military said it targeted Hamas infrastructure and had located Hamas militants in the area, without elaborating.

Another Israeli strike hit a group of people in the Zeitoun neighborhood, killing four and wounding another critically, The Associated Press quoted health officials as saying.

The Israeli military said it targeted a “Hamas terrorist" and it was looking into the results of the strike.

Palestinians have reported an increase in the scale of Israeli strikes across the enclave over the past few days.

Despite a ceasefire agreement reached in October between Israel and the Hamas militant group, Israel still carries out near-daily attacks across the territory. It says it is targeting Hamas and other militants who pose a threat.

Hamas and Israel have traded accusations of violating the ceasefire.

At least 1,127 Palestinians, including at least 260 children, have been killed since the ceasefire, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. Five Israeli soldiers have been killed in that time.


Hezbollah Cuts Ties with Lebanon's Presidency While Sparing the Army

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun meets with Army Commander Rodolphe Haykal during an earlier meeting. (Lebanese Presidency)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun meets with Army Commander Rodolphe Haykal during an earlier meeting. (Lebanese Presidency)
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Hezbollah Cuts Ties with Lebanon's Presidency While Sparing the Army

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun meets with Army Commander Rodolphe Haykal during an earlier meeting. (Lebanese Presidency)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun meets with Army Commander Rodolphe Haykal during an earlier meeting. (Lebanese Presidency)

In recent days, Hezbollah has sharply escalated its confrontation with the Lebanese authorities, particularly the presidency, ahead of President Joseph Aoun's visit to Washington. One of the group's lawmakers openly declared that "the bridges with the authorities have been severed and the consequences will not be favorable."

At the same time, however, Hezbollah has continued to avoid direct confrontation with the Lebanese Army's leadership, despite previously warning that it would treat any party attempting to disarm it by force in the same way it treats the Israeli military.

As Lebanese, American, and Israeli discussions continue over implementing the proposed "pilot zones" in southern Lebanon, a plan that would place those areas under the control of the Lebanese Army while removing both Israeli forces and Hezbollah's military presence, the group's recent escalation appears to signal that it is unwilling to cooperate with the proposal. Hezbollah had previously strongly criticized the framework agreement and its provisions.

No Decision to Use Force

According to military sources, there is "no political or military-security decision to implement the pilot zones by force." The sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that "the issue must be resolved through dialogue and politics, not by placing the Lebanese Army in direct confrontation with Hezbollah, as the consequences would be catastrophic on every level."

After Hezbollah MP Hassan Fadlallah used the parliamentary podium earlier this week to launch a sharp attack on President Joseph Aoun, accusing him of "becoming a political actor who deepens divisions among the Lebanese instead of serving as president and a symbol of national unity," fellow Hezbollah lawmaker Ali Fayyad said on Friday that "the problem with this government has become serious, very serious. The bridges with it have been severed, the possibility of reaching an understanding no longer exists, and the consequences will not be favorable."

Escalation in the Streets?

Hilal Khashan, professor of political science at the American University of Beirut, attributed Hezbollah's escalating rhetoric toward the authorities to what he described as the existential challenges the group currently faces "after finding itself on the chopping block and after the decision was made to eliminate its military wing." He added that "it is not unlikely that Hezbollah will escalate in the streets in the coming days and weeks, despite President Aoun's warning that taking to the streets is a red line."

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Khashan said the available indications suggest that "Hezbollah is preparing for confrontation and that the next phase will be extremely difficult and dangerous." He added that concerns over divisions within the Lebanese Army if it were forced into a confrontation with Hezbollah are well founded and that the consequences of such a decision should not be underestimated.

According to Khashan, the army commander is fully aware of those risks and is acting accordingly. President Aoun, himself a product of the military establishment, also understands this reality well and is familiar with the army's internal composition.

Khashan believes Hezbollah is currently in a weakened position. However, he argues that strong communal solidarity has led most Lebanese Shiites to rally behind the group, believing that if Hezbollah were ultimately defeated, the gains achieved by the Shiite community over recent decades would come to an end. In their view, they want their community to remain the dominant force in the country.

A Return to Assassinations?

Ali Al-Amin, political writer and editor-in-chief of the Janoubia news website, argues that Hezbollah "is not operating as a Lebanese political party concerned with the national considerations that shape the president's positions on negotiations, Lebanon's foreign relations, or the country's security. Hezbollah today is, in effect, part of Iran's Revolutionary Guard, and its position toward President Joseph Aoun reflects Iran's position toward him."

Asked whether this rhetoric could foreshadow action by Hezbollah against domestic opponents, whether the government or rival political forces, Al-Amin said such a scenario "cannot be ruled out." He suggested it could take various forms, "including assassinations or efforts to stir unrest in the streets." However, he argued that none of these options would ultimately benefit Hezbollah.

"The more Hezbollah attacks President Aoun, the more Lebanese rally around him and the more isolated the party becomes. Any attempt by Hezbollah to provoke internal confrontation would harm everyone, but there is no doubt that Hezbollah itself would be the first to pay the price."

Hezbollah Wants the Army to Remain Neutral

Responding to another question, Al-Amin argued that Hezbollah's efforts to keep the Lebanese Army out of the confrontation are "far from innocent." He said the party has sought to amplify praise for the army as a military institution loved by all, on the condition that it satisfies all political factions by remaining neutral.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Al-Amin said Hezbollah wants the army to remain, as it has always preferred, "a force that is effectively sidelined except when its role serves the party's own interests." He pointed to Hezbollah's refusal to hand over its positions to the army when requested, citing the case of Ali al-Taher Hill north of the Litani River. He also recalled the explosion that killed six Lebanese soldiers as they attempted to take control of one of Hezbollah's tunnels in the Tyre district following the November ceasefire agreement.

Al-Amin added that Hezbollah also seeks to exploit any disagreement between the government and the army, "even if merely superficial," in order to deepen and magnify those divisions.