Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
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Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi is heading to the United States next month to try to save his oil-rich country from “bankruptcy,” while US envoy Tom Barrack is pressing Baghdad to prove it is “doing what is needed” to disarm armed factions before it receives long-awaited help from Washington or its regional allies, reliable sources and Iraqi officials said.

Barrack visited Baghdad on Monday and Tuesday.

The sources said al-Zaidi, backed by the Coordination Framework, an alliance of powerful Shiite parties, hopes US President Donald Trump will help when the two meet in Washington in mid-July, especially by securing loans from the United States that “Gulf states may contribute to,” according to two officials in the Shiite alliance.

Iraqi sources said dozens of Iraqi businessmen will accompany al-Zaidi to Washington, hoping to “revive the nearly empty state treasury.”

But those expectations hinge on more than disarming the factions. The sources said al-Zaidi must also dismantle their economic lifelines, keep their members out of government and cut the channels Tehran uses to reach Baghdad’s revenue-generating institutions, citing the substance of Barrack’s meetings in Baghdad and Erbil.

Since Iraq’s parliament approved Ali al-Zaidi’s government, the prime minister has tried to reposition himself between Iranian influence, which appears to be receding in Baghdad, and mounting US pressure to rein in armed factions and curb their power. Over time, his young government has shown a tactical tilt toward Washington.

‘A success story’

Barrack’s efforts in Baghdad now point to a quiet struggle between Iran and its allies, who are trying to preserve a grey zone without major concessions, and the Americans, who want to separate the Iraq file from negotiations over the nuclear issue and the Strait of Hormuz, in anticipation of gaps in a memorandum of understanding that provides for a 60-day truce before a final agreement.

Barrack and al-Zaidi agreed on Tuesday on “the complete disarmament and dissolution of all armed groups and formations operating outside the authority of the state,” according to a joint Iraqi-US statement.

Reliable sources said US officials are trying to extract as many gains as possible in Baghdad at Iran’s expense, fearing Tehran could secure enough resources and time to rebuild its influence in the region.

The sources said, “The US president wants Iraq’s new government to become a ‘success story’.” But US intelligence circles focused on Iraq are “very cautious about reaching that assessment at the present time,” they added.

Barrack’s visit, his first since his mandate was renewed as US envoy to Baghdad and Damascus, came about two weeks after the Iraqi government launched what it called a “weapons control plan.”

It also came at the height of a financial crisis that an Iraqi official described to Asharq Al-Awsat as “suffocating.” In three months, and “in the best-case scenario,” the government could find itself unable to meet “domestic obligations,” the official said.

The financial crisis is believed to have turned Coordination Framework leaders into pragmatic politicians, pushing them, in record time, into a publicity campaign stressing their desire to bring weapons under state control.

Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Hikma Movement and one of the Coordination Framework’s leaders, said at a recent public seminar in Baghdad that the Shiite alliance would have moved ahead with the weapons-control plan even if the war with Iran had not occurred, describing it as an “internal” need.

Observers are skeptical of the weapons-control process, particularly given the absence of an Iranian reaction to a plan initiated by allied factions and later sponsored and organized by the government.

Since early June, official circles in Tehran have not commented on the integration of members of their Iraqi allies into government institutions, while insisting on including Hezbollah and its weapons in the negotiation items.

It was notable that Iran’s ambassador to Baghdad, Mohammad Kazem Al-e Sadeq, visited the prime minister about two hours after his meeting with US envoy Tom Barrack, who was then on his way to Erbil to meet Kurdish officials.

A ‘down payment’ on weapons control

Pragmatism hangs over Baghdad’s decision-making rooms.

A member of the Coordination Framework told Asharq Al-Awsat that “many inside the alliance have become more realistic in responding to the weapons control plan.”

“Some see it as a ‘down payment’ to win the confidence of regional and international players who were close to deciding to isolate Iraq,” he said.

The member, who asked not to be named, said: “Some alliance leaders shared concerns during recent meetings about a new security and political approach being adopted in the Arab region that could classify Iraq, at best, as an unfriendly state.”

But an Iraqi official said the plan, which has so far covered three armed factions, is meant to repair damage to Iraq’s relationship with Arab and Gulf states, despite doubts over how it will be carried out.

Asharq Al-Awsat learned that a US official told two Coordination Framework leaders in early June that Washington believes the announced plan needs more clarity, given the absence of transparent mechanisms to verify that armed factions will not be able to access their weapons.

Still, reliable sources said the US official described the current process as a “promising step” that was out of reach only years ago. Washington, the official said, understands that Baghdad cannot take revolutionary or shocking steps toward disarmament. But the US assessment of the process will depend on whether concerns are removed that it is “merely a cosmetic exercise.”

So far, Saraya al-Salam, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali have joined the plan by declaring their separation from the Popular Mobilization Forces. Despite the absence of a technical mechanism to handle the groups’ weapons, figures close to the government say Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has become “responsible for the movements of the armed members and their weapons,” and that “the remaining details are not essential.”

‘More forceful’

Barrack arrived in Baghdad to push al-Zaidi forward. Two Iraqi officials told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington wants the government in Baghdad to be “more forceful and clear in disarming the factions.”

A second official, who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to speak publicly, said Barrack’s meetings with officials in Baghdad showed that the United States “encourages serious steps to dissolve economic offices and prevent Iran from benefiting from Iraqi resources.”

The term “economic offices” has been common for years in Iraqi circles. It refers to financial and commercial structures that include official employees and manage the interests of armed factions while increasing their resources.

Barrack’s mission in Baghdad looks like a “minesweeper” operation before US companies enter Iraq to invest in the oil, telecommunications, and transport sectors, which over the past 10 years have become fertile ground for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, according to a former government official.

Asharq Al-Awsat understood from Western diplomats and an Iraqi official that Barrack is acting in Baghdad as “the man who can qualify Ali al-Zaidi as a successful and acceptable partner in the region,” but “not while he is lenient with the power and influence of the factions.”

One diplomat said, “The US president supports Barrack’s approach in Baghdad, but wants quick results that take into account the timing of negotiations with the Iranians.”

An Iraqi official said, “The atmosphere inside the Coordination Framework is receiving multiple signals that Tom Barrack is trying to engineer an approach that brings Baghdad together with Damascus rather than Tehran, and many Shiite forces are uncomfortable with this path.”

Bankruptcy and anger

Whatever Barrack’s approach may be, Washington wants to accelerate change in Baghdad because Iraq needs money.

Two sources said leaders of the Shiite alliance met in early June in the presence of the prime minister and voiced fears of “bankruptcy and the possibility of public anger exploding.”

One Coordination Framework leader told the prime minister: “Based on the data in your hands, we may find ourselves after three months unable to pay salaries, or to meet other domestic obligations.”

“In this case, there are no guarantees that we will be able to confront public anger if we do not find a solution,” he said.

Iraqi journalists said Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi told them during an open meeting with the press last week that Iraq’s treasury had received 1 trillion dinars, about $1 billion, while he needed to secure about 10 trillion dinars to pay public sector salaries, along with “other expenses.”

According to unofficial estimates, Iraq has lost about $250 million a day due to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has halted more than 90% of oil exports through southern ports.

The two sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that “most alliance leaders approved a plan presented by the prime minister that includes a package of political, security and economic reforms to address the crisis.”

But one source said, “The Iraqi government is seeking financial loans from Western and Gulf donors, even though the repercussions of the war with Iran are casting a heavy shadow over relations between Baghdad and those who may wish to help it.”

A ‘reward’ for weapons control

Another dilemma is emerging, one that could weaken the political alliance giving al-Zaidi his strength. The alliance now faces layered pressure as factions join the weapons-control initiative in hopes of securing government posts.

These factions see the new posts as a “deserved reward,” members of the groups say. But they also believe the posts do not match the heavy price they paid by giving up their weapons before their own supporters.

The groups are expected to react in a way that would be “uncomfortable for al-Zaidi” if the United States insists on blocking people listed as terrorists from joining the new government, according to the members.

Sources said the Coordination Framework told al-Zaidi he must fill vacant ministerial portfolios before traveling to Washington and meeting Trump. But a leader in the Shiite alliance quoted Barrack’s recent meetings as saying that “completing the government with individuals belonging to the factions will not make al-Zaidi feel comfortable when he sits in the chair next to the president at the White House.”

Al-Zaidi’s media office did not respond to requests for comment on whether the issue of armed factions’ weapons, or the participation of their representatives in the government, would be among the topics discussed at the White House next month.

Still, Iraq’s prime minister will try to persuade the US president to mobilize a donor coalition that includes Gulf states to secure loans, through contributions in exchange for investments Baghdad is working to make available to regional and US companies, Iraqi officials said.

 

 

 



Lebanon: Judicial Warrants Target Suspects in Hezbollah Explosives Case

Lebanon’s Military Court (National News Agency)
Lebanon’s Military Court (National News Agency)
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Lebanon: Judicial Warrants Target Suspects in Hezbollah Explosives Case

Lebanon’s Military Court (National News Agency)
Lebanon’s Military Court (National News Agency)

The investigation into a Hezbollah explosives shipment has widened, with Lebanese authorities issuing search notices for two people who went into hiding after being summoned for questioning.

Lebanese Army intelligence and the Internal Security Forces' Information Branch are also examining data extracted from phones linked to the case. Meanwhile, authorities have been unable to bring in two Hezbollah officials previously ordered to appear for questioning, as the group refuses to hand over wanted members and demands the return of the truck and its cargo.

Search notices issued as new suspects emerge

Judicial authorities have taken further action as preliminary investigations uncover new information.

A judicial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that Judge Claude Ghanem, the government commissioner to the Military Court, had issued search notices for the wife of detainee Haitham Amhaz and the owner of the truck that transported the explosives.

The two were summoned for questioning by the Lebanese Army's Intelligence Directorate but failed to appear and went into hiding, the source said.

The source added that investigators had made progress in identifying additional people suspected of involvement in the shipment.

The move marks a new development in the security investigation, which continues to examine evidence related to the shipment and those involved in transporting it.

It also adds two names to the list of wanted individuals, while orders to bring in two Hezbollah officials known as "Sajed" and "Zulfiqar" remain unenforced.

Hezbollah refuses to hand over suspects, demands explosives returned

Despite developments in the investigation, Hezbollah continues to demand that the Lebanese state return the truck and its cargo of explosives, while refusing to allow wanted officials and members to appear for questioning.

The group has also escalated its challenge to the Lebanese state, declaring that it would treat "any attempt to arrest one of its officials or members as an Israeli act of aggression."

The judicial source said the preliminary investigation was continuing on two parallel tracks, led by Lebanese Army intelligence and the Internal Security Forces' Information Branch, despite the failure of those summoned to appear.

The source stressed that the investigation would continue regardless of whether the wanted individuals were handed over, saying the procedures would run their course.

Investigators examine phones and communications

The source said data extracted from the phones of detainees Ali al-Kurdi and Haitham Amhaz, as well as Amhaz's wife's phone, had yielded information that investigators were verifying and cross-checking against other findings.

The information remains under review, with no final conclusions or decisions on possible further action, the source said.

The examination of phone data has become particularly important because investigators have been unable to question the wanted individuals.

The source said investigators were focusing on the content of communications and the nature of the connections revealed by the data.

"Important information has undoubtedly emerged and is being examined to determine the responsibility of everyone connected in some way to this shipment," the source said.


Baghdad Fears Armed Factions Could Join Potential US-Iran War

Two Iraqi security personnel flash victory signs in Baghdad on September 30 to mark the withdrawal of US forces (EPA)
Two Iraqi security personnel flash victory signs in Baghdad on September 30 to mark the withdrawal of US forces (EPA)
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Baghdad Fears Armed Factions Could Join Potential US-Iran War

Two Iraqi security personnel flash victory signs in Baghdad on September 30 to mark the withdrawal of US forces (EPA)
Two Iraqi security personnel flash victory signs in Baghdad on September 30 to mark the withdrawal of US forces (EPA)

Iraq's push to bring armed factions under state control faces a critical test as fears mount of renewed war between the United States and Iran, raising the prospect of militia involvement that could drag Baghdad into a regional conflict it is determined to avoid.

The concerns come amid US and Israeli reports of plans to resume strikes on Iran after the November 3 US midterm elections, with efforts to cement a ceasefire at an impasse.

The prospect leaves Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi's government facing a delicate balancing act: keeping Iraq out of another war while preserving ties with Washington, even as armed factions retain military capabilities and the freedom to act independently of Baghdad, observers say.

Al-Zaidi outlined a phased disarmament plan in a September interview with The New York Times during a visit to New York, setting June 30, 2027, as the new deadline for bringing all weapons under state control. The previous deadline was September 30, 2026.

The plan begins with a 90-day period during which factions would halt attacks on US interests and neighboring countries in return for US forces refraining from targeting them. A gradual handover of weapons would follow over the next six months.

But setting a deadline has done little to settle disputes over how the plan would work. Powerful factions remain unwilling to disarm, with some insisting that foreign troops must leave first. Nor do public pledges to accept state control necessarily amount to binding commitments to surrender heavy weapons, missiles or drones.

Risks of escalation

Talib Mohammed Karim, a political science professor at Mustansiriyah University, said the scale of any US strike and Israel's role in it would largely determine how far Iraqi factions become involved.

Direct Israeli strikes on Iran, he told Asharq Al-Awsat, would make it "more serious" for some factions to shift from attacking US interests and bases in the region to striking deep inside Israel, potentially setting off retaliatory attacks and widening the conflict.

Karim said Baghdad's responsibility went beyond restraining armed factions. It must also prevent Iraqi territory from being drawn into the war and safeguard the country's sovereignty and national interests under the constitution.

Factions tied to Iran's supreme leader

Ghalib al-Daami, a media professor at Mustansiriyah University, expects any initial involvement by Iraqi factions to be indirect, most likely through attacks on US interests.

The factions have already declared their readiness to fight alongside Iran if war resumes, Daami told Asharq Al-Awsat. But openly entering the conflict could leave them in a "predicament," he said.

Abdulrahman al-Jubouri, a specialist in US affairs, said the factions do not necessarily share Baghdad's priorities, pointing to Kataib Hezbollah, whose ideology is directly tied to Iran's supreme leader.

"Al-Zaidi's position is not binding on these groups. Some say they remain committed to the truce, but they have not changed their view of the United States as an enemy," Jubouri said.

No united front among factions

Basil Hussein, head of the Kluadha Center for Political Studies, does not expect Iraqi factions to respond in unison to another US-Iran war.

Groups most closely aligned with Iran's Revolutionary Guards, particularly Kataib Hezbollah and the Nujaba Movement, could follow Tehran's calculations and expand their attacks to US interests and energy facilities across the region, Hussein told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Others, including Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali, which have declared their support for bringing weapons under state control, are more likely to stay out of the fighting. But those declarations offer no guarantee of how they would respond if the war spreads, he said.

For al-Zaidi's government, Hussein said, the stakes are especially high. Renewed fighting could hand factions resisting disarmament another reason to keep their weapons while exposing Iraq to US and regional retaliation.

Researcher and academic Abbas Abboud outlined two paths for the factions: honor an agreement with the government to place weapons first under the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and then surrender them in stages, or join attacks on US interests inside or outside Iraq.

The second path could unravel the government's central program, Abboud warned.

If the factions join Iran in a war against the United States, he said, Baghdad could face severe political and security fallout, with Iraq dragged into the fighting "against its will and political decision."

Economic strain and sovereignty

Political researcher Hani Ashour said al-Zaidi's insistence that weapons remain under state control and decisions on war and peace rest with constitutional institutions reflects Baghdad's official determination to avoid another regional conflict.

A renewed US-Iran war could upend the regional landscape, Ashour told Asharq Al-Awsat, as Iraq struggles to shield itself from the fallout while grappling with difficult economic conditions.

Ashour believes the government will not allow factions to join the fighting under any pretext, noting that several have already pledged to place their weapons under state control.

Whether Baghdad can enforce that position, however, depends on turning political pledges into action. Factions remain divided over disarmament, with the timing and terms of any handover still in dispute.

Political researcher Falah al-Mishal said government warnings against those promoting weapons outside state control were in line with al-Zaidi's government program. Under existing laws, he noted, penalties for incitement or terrorist acts can extend to the death penalty.


Aden Governor After Escaping Airport Missile Attack: Hostilities Will Not Deter People of Yemen

Aden Governor Abdulrahman Sheikh tours Aden airport before the Houthi militia attack. (Saba)
Aden Governor Abdulrahman Sheikh tours Aden airport before the Houthi militia attack. (Saba)
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Aden Governor After Escaping Airport Missile Attack: Hostilities Will Not Deter People of Yemen

Aden Governor Abdulrahman Sheikh tours Aden airport before the Houthi militia attack. (Saba)
Aden Governor Abdulrahman Sheikh tours Aden airport before the Houthi militia attack. (Saba)

Aden Governor Abdulrahman Sheikh narrowly escaped a ballistic missile strike on Wednesday when it landed near the city's international airport shortly after he left the facility during a routine inspection tour.

Sheikh, who also serves as Yemen's minister of state, had visited Aden International Airport to inspect runway rehabilitation work before continuing to other sites across the city. Shortly after his departure, he learned of the attempt to target him.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Sheikh said he had been inspecting the third phase of the airport's rehabilitation project, carried out by the Saudi Development and Reconstruction Program for Yemen. Work on the runway was between 70% and 80% complete, he said.

The attack did not interrupt his schedule.

Sheikh continued his tour, inspecting public service projects and visiting various security departments.

Such threats have become part of daily life for officials in the interim capital, Aden, since the war in 2015 and the Houthi coup, forcing authorities to weigh security risks against the need to maintain services and advance reconstruction.

Sheikh said local authorities take precautions against Houthi drone and ballistic missile attacks, including avoiding prolonged stays at inspection sites and keeping official movements unannounced.

He revealed that security agencies had busted several Houthi sleeper cells in Aden and other provinces as part of efforts to protect the city and its vital facilities.

The governor insisted that attacks would not deter Yemenis from performing their duties or halt efforts to improve conditions in Aden.

Beyond security threats, Aden faces mounting pressure to provide essential services, with shortages of cooking gas, strains on electricity supplies and continued demand for medicines and medical equipment.

Sheikh described the overall situation as reassuring despite difficulties securing some basic necessities.

He attributed the cooking gas shortage to disrupted supplies from Marib province, which have been affected by the war, and rising demand that has outpaced available quantities.

Electricity remains another major challenge, with exceptional circumstances placing further pressure on the sector and threatening services that residents depend on.

Healthcare facilities also require regular deliveries of medicines and medical supplies to sustain operations and meet patients' needs.

Sheikh praised support from the Saudi Development and Reconstruction Program for Yemen, the Joint Forces and the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center, highlighting their contributions to the regular supply of medicines and medical equipment.

He said local authorities would continue to oversee development projects and maintain essential services despite security and economic challenges.

For Aden, the missile strike underscored the risks confronting a city struggling to rebuild amid persistent threats.

The attack came moments after the governor left the airport, but his inspection tour went ahead, reflecting the authorities' determination to keep reconstruction and public services moving despite the obstacles posed by the Houthis, stressed Sheikh.