Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
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Inside Barrack’s Plan to Delink Iraq from Iran Talks

Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media
Iraq’s new Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Government media

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi is heading to the United States next month to try to save his oil-rich country from “bankruptcy,” while US envoy Tom Barrack is pressing Baghdad to prove it is “doing what is needed” to disarm armed factions before it receives long-awaited help from Washington or its regional allies, reliable sources and Iraqi officials said.

Barrack visited Baghdad on Monday and Tuesday.

The sources said al-Zaidi, backed by the Coordination Framework, an alliance of powerful Shiite parties, hopes US President Donald Trump will help when the two meet in Washington in mid-July, especially by securing loans from the United States that “Gulf states may contribute to,” according to two officials in the Shiite alliance.

Iraqi sources said dozens of Iraqi businessmen will accompany al-Zaidi to Washington, hoping to “revive the nearly empty state treasury.”

But those expectations hinge on more than disarming the factions. The sources said al-Zaidi must also dismantle their economic lifelines, keep their members out of government and cut the channels Tehran uses to reach Baghdad’s revenue-generating institutions, citing the substance of Barrack’s meetings in Baghdad and Erbil.

Since Iraq’s parliament approved Ali al-Zaidi’s government, the prime minister has tried to reposition himself between Iranian influence, which appears to be receding in Baghdad, and mounting US pressure to rein in armed factions and curb their power. Over time, his young government has shown a tactical tilt toward Washington.

‘A success story’

Barrack’s efforts in Baghdad now point to a quiet struggle between Iran and its allies, who are trying to preserve a grey zone without major concessions, and the Americans, who want to separate the Iraq file from negotiations over the nuclear issue and the Strait of Hormuz, in anticipation of gaps in a memorandum of understanding that provides for a 60-day truce before a final agreement.

Barrack and al-Zaidi agreed on Tuesday on “the complete disarmament and dissolution of all armed groups and formations operating outside the authority of the state,” according to a joint Iraqi-US statement.

Reliable sources said US officials are trying to extract as many gains as possible in Baghdad at Iran’s expense, fearing Tehran could secure enough resources and time to rebuild its influence in the region.

The sources said, “The US president wants Iraq’s new government to become a ‘success story’.” But US intelligence circles focused on Iraq are “very cautious about reaching that assessment at the present time,” they added.

Barrack’s visit, his first since his mandate was renewed as US envoy to Baghdad and Damascus, came about two weeks after the Iraqi government launched what it called a “weapons control plan.”

It also came at the height of a financial crisis that an Iraqi official described to Asharq Al-Awsat as “suffocating.” In three months, and “in the best-case scenario,” the government could find itself unable to meet “domestic obligations,” the official said.

The financial crisis is believed to have turned Coordination Framework leaders into pragmatic politicians, pushing them, in record time, into a publicity campaign stressing their desire to bring weapons under state control.

Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Hikma Movement and one of the Coordination Framework’s leaders, said at a recent public seminar in Baghdad that the Shiite alliance would have moved ahead with the weapons-control plan even if the war with Iran had not occurred, describing it as an “internal” need.

Observers are skeptical of the weapons-control process, particularly given the absence of an Iranian reaction to a plan initiated by allied factions and later sponsored and organized by the government.

Since early June, official circles in Tehran have not commented on the integration of members of their Iraqi allies into government institutions, while insisting on including Hezbollah and its weapons in the negotiation items.

It was notable that Iran’s ambassador to Baghdad, Mohammad Kazem Al-e Sadeq, visited the prime minister about two hours after his meeting with US envoy Tom Barrack, who was then on his way to Erbil to meet Kurdish officials.

A ‘down payment’ on weapons control

Pragmatism hangs over Baghdad’s decision-making rooms.

A member of the Coordination Framework told Asharq Al-Awsat that “many inside the alliance have become more realistic in responding to the weapons control plan.”

“Some see it as a ‘down payment’ to win the confidence of regional and international players who were close to deciding to isolate Iraq,” he said.

The member, who asked not to be named, said: “Some alliance leaders shared concerns during recent meetings about a new security and political approach being adopted in the Arab region that could classify Iraq, at best, as an unfriendly state.”

But an Iraqi official said the plan, which has so far covered three armed factions, is meant to repair damage to Iraq’s relationship with Arab and Gulf states, despite doubts over how it will be carried out.

Asharq Al-Awsat learned that a US official told two Coordination Framework leaders in early June that Washington believes the announced plan needs more clarity, given the absence of transparent mechanisms to verify that armed factions will not be able to access their weapons.

Still, reliable sources said the US official described the current process as a “promising step” that was out of reach only years ago. Washington, the official said, understands that Baghdad cannot take revolutionary or shocking steps toward disarmament. But the US assessment of the process will depend on whether concerns are removed that it is “merely a cosmetic exercise.”

So far, Saraya al-Salam, Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib al-Imam Ali have joined the plan by declaring their separation from the Popular Mobilization Forces. Despite the absence of a technical mechanism to handle the groups’ weapons, figures close to the government say Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has become “responsible for the movements of the armed members and their weapons,” and that “the remaining details are not essential.”

‘More forceful’

Barrack arrived in Baghdad to push al-Zaidi forward. Two Iraqi officials told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington wants the government in Baghdad to be “more forceful and clear in disarming the factions.”

A second official, who asked not to be named because he was not authorized to speak publicly, said Barrack’s meetings with officials in Baghdad showed that the United States “encourages serious steps to dissolve economic offices and prevent Iran from benefiting from Iraqi resources.”

The term “economic offices” has been common for years in Iraqi circles. It refers to financial and commercial structures that include official employees and manage the interests of armed factions while increasing their resources.

Barrack’s mission in Baghdad looks like a “minesweeper” operation before US companies enter Iraq to invest in the oil, telecommunications, and transport sectors, which over the past 10 years have become fertile ground for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, according to a former government official.

Asharq Al-Awsat understood from Western diplomats and an Iraqi official that Barrack is acting in Baghdad as “the man who can qualify Ali al-Zaidi as a successful and acceptable partner in the region,” but “not while he is lenient with the power and influence of the factions.”

One diplomat said, “The US president supports Barrack’s approach in Baghdad, but wants quick results that take into account the timing of negotiations with the Iranians.”

An Iraqi official said, “The atmosphere inside the Coordination Framework is receiving multiple signals that Tom Barrack is trying to engineer an approach that brings Baghdad together with Damascus rather than Tehran, and many Shiite forces are uncomfortable with this path.”

Bankruptcy and anger

Whatever Barrack’s approach may be, Washington wants to accelerate change in Baghdad because Iraq needs money.

Two sources said leaders of the Shiite alliance met in early June in the presence of the prime minister and voiced fears of “bankruptcy and the possibility of public anger exploding.”

One Coordination Framework leader told the prime minister: “Based on the data in your hands, we may find ourselves after three months unable to pay salaries, or to meet other domestic obligations.”

“In this case, there are no guarantees that we will be able to confront public anger if we do not find a solution,” he said.

Iraqi journalists said Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi told them during an open meeting with the press last week that Iraq’s treasury had received 1 trillion dinars, about $1 billion, while he needed to secure about 10 trillion dinars to pay public sector salaries, along with “other expenses.”

According to unofficial estimates, Iraq has lost about $250 million a day due to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has halted more than 90% of oil exports through southern ports.

The two sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that “most alliance leaders approved a plan presented by the prime minister that includes a package of political, security and economic reforms to address the crisis.”

But one source said, “The Iraqi government is seeking financial loans from Western and Gulf donors, even though the repercussions of the war with Iran are casting a heavy shadow over relations between Baghdad and those who may wish to help it.”

A ‘reward’ for weapons control

Another dilemma is emerging, one that could weaken the political alliance giving al-Zaidi his strength. The alliance now faces layered pressure as factions join the weapons-control initiative in hopes of securing government posts.

These factions see the new posts as a “deserved reward,” members of the groups say. But they also believe the posts do not match the heavy price they paid by giving up their weapons before their own supporters.

The groups are expected to react in a way that would be “uncomfortable for al-Zaidi” if the United States insists on blocking people listed as terrorists from joining the new government, according to the members.

Sources said the Coordination Framework told al-Zaidi he must fill vacant ministerial portfolios before traveling to Washington and meeting Trump. But a leader in the Shiite alliance quoted Barrack’s recent meetings as saying that “completing the government with individuals belonging to the factions will not make al-Zaidi feel comfortable when he sits in the chair next to the president at the White House.”

Al-Zaidi’s media office did not respond to requests for comment on whether the issue of armed factions’ weapons, or the participation of their representatives in the government, would be among the topics discussed at the White House next month.

Still, Iraq’s prime minister will try to persuade the US president to mobilize a donor coalition that includes Gulf states to secure loans, through contributions in exchange for investments Baghdad is working to make available to regional and US companies, Iraqi officials said.

 

 

 



Hezbollah Seeks to Ease Supporters’ Anger With Pledge to Cover Displaced Families’ Rent

Hezbollah supporters hold a portrait of former Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah on the second anniversary of his assassination in Beirut’s southern suburbs (Reuters). 
Hezbollah supporters hold a portrait of former Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah on the second anniversary of his assassination in Beirut’s southern suburbs (Reuters). 
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Hezbollah Seeks to Ease Supporters’ Anger With Pledge to Cover Displaced Families’ Rent

Hezbollah supporters hold a portrait of former Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah on the second anniversary of his assassination in Beirut’s southern suburbs (Reuters). 
Hezbollah supporters hold a portrait of former Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah on the second anniversary of his assassination in Beirut’s southern suburbs (Reuters). 

Hezbollah is seeking to ease growing anger among its supporters by pledging to contribute to housing costs for families who lost their homes in the war, nearly six months after a devastating escalation that began on March 2, during which Israel occupied more than 65 villages and towns in South Lebanon.

Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem’s announcement of plans to contribute to a housing project, alongside a commitment to provide accommodation, repairs and reconstruction using the group’s resources and donations, comes amid mounting frustration over its failure to deliver promised housing allowances for nearly two years.

The delays have worsened conditions for thousands of families, particularly those displaced from border communities.

Hezbollah has yet to disclose details of the initiative, leaving prospective beneficiaries hoping that long-promised payments will soon materialize.

No Full Rent Coverage

Residents of Beirut’s southern suburbs understand the announcement to mean that Hezbollah will cover only part of displaced families’ rent rather than the full amount.

Local sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the pledge had dashed hopes of full coverage, as provided in 2006 and following the 2024 war.

“We are waiting for the details to be announced to understand the nature of this support,” they added.

The issue has become increasingly pressing for Hezbollah, which faces a financial crisis that Qassem has attributed to a financial “siege” preventing the transfer of funds from Iran to Lebanon.

Researcher Mohammad Shamseddine estimated that around 35,000 families currently require housing assistance.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that the last payment, made after the March 2026 war, consisted of monthly allowances of up to $400 for households in Beirut and $300 in the south.

No final decision has been reached on the amount to be allocated, its distribution or whether payments would cover specific months or an entire year, he noted.

Following the first round of fighting in 2024, Hezbollah paid up to $10,000 per property for minor repairs, spending an estimated $300 million. It also disbursed $800 million in housing assistance, covering furniture and one year’s rent for those whose homes were completely destroyed.

In 2025, Qassem announced that the group had provided housing allowances to 50,755 people and repaired homes for 332,000 others.

Growing Discontent Among Supporters

Hezbollah opponent Ali Murad linked the announcement to rising dissatisfaction within the group’s support base, ranging from limited objections to occasional public criticism of its decisions and the course it has charted for South Lebanon.

He questioned what options remained available to residents after everything they had endured and whether Hezbollah had a clear vision for the next phase.

Murad told Asharq Al-Awsat that the party was under pressure to offer at least partial accommodation solutions while continuing to blame the state for shortcomings, despite recognizing the severity of its crisis.

He maintained that rental assistance alone could not compensate residents for their losses.

While the government has clear obligations toward its citizens, displaced families primarily need a viable plan allowing them to return to their villages and homes, something currently unavailable, he explained.

Murad urged the state to assume responsibility for the south, not merely by paying compensation or countering Hezbollah, but by becoming the residents’ principal authority and point of reference.

Three Objectives Behind the Pledge

Paris-based professor of law and foreign policy Mohieddine Al-Shuhaimi identified three objectives behind Hezbollah’s announcement.

First, he argued, Hezbollah wants to preempt the state by portraying itself as capable of delivering aid where public institutions appear absent or unable to fulfill their responsibilities.

Second, it seeks to demonstrate that it can still secure funding despite substantial losses, restrictions and sanctions.

Third, the initiative aims to bolster morale among supporters amid emerging, albeit limited and largely unspoken, discontent.

According to Al-Shuhaimi, Hezbollah fears even minor dissent within its ranks and wants to reaffirm its position as the community’s protector rather than leaving that role to the state.

On financing, he observed that although the party has lost substantial revenue sources and parts of its financial network, it retains diminished resources and continues receiving assistance through informal channels despite tighter oversight.

Al-Shuhaimi called on Lebanese authorities to avoid merely reacting to Hezbollah’s initiatives and instead develop a comprehensive financial strategy aligned with a political process.

The state, he concluded, must reclaim its role and work toward ending the exceptional situation created by Hezbollah’s weapons through a coordinated political and financial approach.


Lebanon PM Says Scale of War Recovery beyond State's Capacity

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during a visit to the Lebanese army in southern Lebanon, Aug. 21, 2026. (National News Agency)
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during a visit to the Lebanese army in southern Lebanon, Aug. 21, 2026. (National News Agency)
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Lebanon PM Says Scale of War Recovery beyond State's Capacity

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during a visit to the Lebanese army in southern Lebanon, Aug. 21, 2026. (National News Agency)
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam during a visit to the Lebanese army in southern Lebanon, Aug. 21, 2026. (National News Agency)

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said Friday that rebuilding regions destroyed in the latest Israel-Hezbollah war was beyond the state's capacity, calling for funding as he visited the heavily damaged south.

"I am aware of the magnitude of the crisis" including the destruction, displacement and loss of livelihoods, Salam said in Nabatieh, a major southern city hit hard by Israeli airstrikes.

"But the scale of the needs exceeds the capacities of the Lebanese state and its ability to bear these burdens alone," Salam added. "We still need significant funding" for reconstruction, the prime minister said.

Lebanese militant group Hezbollah drew the country into the broader Middle East war in March by attacking Israel, which responded with massive airstrikes and a ground invasion.

The fighting followed another conflict that erupted in 2023 that led to an all-out war the next year. Lebanon has put the overall death toll from these conflicts at more than 8,900.

Hundreds of thousands of people remain displaced, mainly from the south, while Israel maintains troops in a self-declared "security zone" running around 10 kilometers (six miles) inside Lebanon along the border.

Last month, Salam said the estimated total cost of the two wars could exceed $27 billion.

"I am here today to affirm the return to work of state institutions," he said during Friday's visit.

Violence has decreased since a ceasefire following a US-Iran memorandum of understanding in June, while Lebanon and Israel concluded a US-sponsored framework agreement later that month.

But Nabatieh and surrounding areas in particular have seen continued Israeli attacks.

The Israel-Lebanon deal involves the disarmament of Hezbollah, a gradual withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon's south and the deployment of the Lebanese army to the region, starting in test areas known as "pilot zones".

Salam said it was important to rally "all the capabilities and support we can to achieve a full Israeli withdrawal" and build a state that is the sole decision maker on war and peace.

"This is the path to avoid finding ourselves once again facing a new war or new pretexts to attack Lebanon, or a new expansion of the (Israeli) occupation," he added.

Hezbollah has rejected disarming.


Taiz Repels Simultaneous Houthi Attacks in Fiercest Fighting in Years

Yemeni government forces engage in fierce clashes to prevent Houthis from infiltrating Taiz (Military Media)
Yemeni government forces engage in fierce clashes to prevent Houthis from infiltrating Taiz (Military Media)
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Taiz Repels Simultaneous Houthi Attacks in Fiercest Fighting in Years

Yemeni government forces engage in fierce clashes to prevent Houthis from infiltrating Taiz (Military Media)
Yemeni government forces engage in fierce clashes to prevent Houthis from infiltrating Taiz (Military Media)

Yemen’s Taiz province has witnessed its fiercest fighting in years as the Iran-backed Houthis launched simultaneous attacks on several fronts, opening a new battlefront in Samea district, while government forces intensified ground and airstrikes against Houthi positions and reinforcements across several provinces.

Government forces announced 468 strikes targeting Houthi fighters and equipment on the eastern fronts, in Al-Bayda and in Al-Mansoura in western Taiz’s Al-Wazi’iyah district, claiming hundreds of casualties and the destruction of military hardware.

The Taiz Military Axis media center reported fierce battles in Bani Bakari in Jabal Habashi district, Humeir in Maqbanah and Al-Aqroud southeast of Taiz, claiming Houthi losses in personnel and equipment.

Field sources said that government troops repelled a major assault in Al-Arbaeen, north of Taiz city, and thwarted infiltration attempts in Al-Kuraifat, Aqabat Munif and Al-Tashrifat to the east.

Clashes extended to Al-Shaqab in Sabir Al-Mawadim district, while heavy artillery exchanges continued along the city’s eastern front.

According to local reports, Houthi fighters retreated in Samea following ground strikes that killed or wounded dozens, with government forces seizing military equipment.

Residents also came under fire. Local sources noted that the Houthis fired 23 mortar shells at villages in Al-Dhabab, west of Taiz, spreading fear among civilians.

The Taiz Military Axis media center reported drone strikes on Houthi positions in Al-Kadhah, destroying a 120 mm artillery piece and setting an ammunition depot ablaze. Government forces also shelled positions in Jabal Ghurab, Tabbat Yasin, Al-Ashrouh, Asifarah and Al-Silw.

 

A Houthi fighter firing a mortar during clashes at an undisclosed location in Yemen. (AP)

Intensified Airstrikes

Sources further pointed to airstrikes against Houthi positions and vehicles in Al-Akboush, Al-Ahkoum and Hayfan southeast of Taiz, alongside attacks in Al-Wazi’iyah.

According to Yemeni Armed Forces spokesman Col. Majed Al-Nuzaili, precision strikes were launched against Houthi reinforcements, weapons and equipment, including three artillery batteries in Al-Wazi’iyah and a mobile air defense system he said Iranian experts had developed in Mocha.

He also reported strikes targeting Houthi commanders and fighters in Al-Mansoura and Bab Al-Mandab.

Al-Nuzaili had earlier announced 468 strikes across three fronts, including Al-Wazi’iyah, claiming hundreds of Houthi casualties and the destruction of military equipment.

The broader escalation extended to Saada, Amran, Marib, Hodeidah and Taiz, with reports of strikes against weapons depots, artillery batteries, communications networks, reinforcements and fixed and mobile positions.

Fighting Spreads Beyond Taiz

Clashes erupted in Al-Aghbarah, near Lahj’s Al-Mudarabah and Al-Arah district, along the province’s western border with Taiz. Military and tribal forces also announced the recapture of parts of Al-Mansoura.

In Shabwa, the Shabwa Defense Forces said that Houthi attacks and infiltration attempts were thwarted on four fronts - Harib, Ain, Bayhan and Upper Markha - claiming casualties and forcing the attackers to retreat. Drones simultaneously struck Houthi positions and movements.

The operations reflect an expanding confrontation as government forces seek to consolidate defensive lines and prevent further Houthi breakthroughs along the western coast and approaches to Taiz and Lahj.

 

Yemeni government forces ride on a military pick-up vehicle as they patrol a road leading to a frontline of clashes with Houthi fighters, in Taiz province, Yemen, September 30, 2026. REUTERS/Ebrahim Al-Suhaibi

Government Mobilization

Meanwhile, Yemen’s government began implementing Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi’s directives for general mobilization.

In Aden, Defense Minister Lt. Gen. Taher Al-Aqili chaired a military meeting on readiness and coordination, stressing the need for cooperation between the armed forces, state institutions and society in confronting the Houthis.

Deputy Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Ahmed Al-Basr also met committees established by the defense minister to discuss implementation, allocate responsibilities, mobilize personnel and resources, and strengthen coordination.