US, Domestic Pressures Seen Behind Baghdad Dismissals

 Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Iraqi government media/Handout
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Iraqi government media/Handout
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US, Domestic Pressures Seen Behind Baghdad Dismissals

 Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Iraqi government media/Handout
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. Iraqi government media/Handout

A shake-up by Iraqi Prime Minister al-Zaidi in security and economic posts has raised questions over the messages he is trying to send: is he seeking to redraw the balance of power inside the state, or responding to external demands tied to his expected visit to the United States next month?

The moves came as talks to complete the cabinet lineup were still under way, giving them added political weight. Iraqi prime ministers have often avoided sweeping decisions in sovereign institutions before fully securing their governments, wary of clashing with the political forces that have anchored the system since 2003.

The changes touched some of the state’s most sensitive institutions, including the National Security Service and the central bank.

Supporters say the move shows a push to bring in new faces and project the prime minister’s ability to act independently. Critics say some of the decisions amount to recycling familiar figures within the ruling system.

Coordination Framework reaction

What drew more attention than the reshuffle itself was the response from the main political forces, especially the Coordination Framework, which backed al-Zaidi’s rise to office.

So far, there has been no strong public objection, although the decisions affected figures long tied to centers of influence inside the state.

Yassin al-Bakri, a political science professor at Al-Nahrain University, said the steps carried several messages at once. He described them as an early show of force, a test of political reactions and an attempt to present al-Zaidi as a figure able to move from business into the management of Iraq’s complex political balances.

Al-Bakri told Asharq Al-Awsat that the prime minister had stepped into an area several predecessors had avoided by moving to reorder influential posts before completing his cabinet.

That could give him wider room to negotiate over the remaining ministries, especially the Interior Ministry, which remains contested by several political parties.

Between home and abroad

The timing of the decisions carries added weight as al-Zaidi’s expected visit to the United States approaches, along with an anticipated meeting with US President Donald Trump next month.

Observers believe the changes may be meant to reassure Washington that the new government is ready to take steps on institutional reform and strengthening state authority, especially after meetings al-Zaidi held with US officials in recent weeks.

Basil Hussein, head of the “Kloatha” center for studies, said the timing of the changes, alongside a meeting with US envoy Tom Barrack, makes it difficult to dismiss the possibility that they are linked to understandings with Washington.

But Hussein said a broader reading also suggests that al-Zaidi is trying to reshape what he called the “hard core” of the security and financial agencies, ensuring their loyalty to the prime minister’s office rather than to the political forces that brought them in.

Under this reading, the reassignment of some figures affected by the reshuffle suggests the prime minister is trying to gradually loosen existing networks of influence without directly confronting powerful forces inside the Coordination Framework. But this view is weakened by the fact that some dismissed figures were replaced by others from the same party-linked circles or their allies.

Analysts are divided over whether al-Zaidi’s decisions mark the start of a confrontation with the political class or merely a calculated maneuver within existing understandings.

On one hand, his background as a businessman and his previous ties with influential actors give him deep knowledge of the system’s power centers and weak points. That could give him more room to maneuver than some of his predecessors had.

On the other hand, the limits of that room remain tied to several factors: the outcome of his expected visit to Washington, the level of external support he may secure and the willingness of Iraqi political forces to adapt to his efforts to redistribute influence inside state institutions.

Some decisions also looked, to observers, more like political settlements than a rupture. Influential figures were moved to other posts rather than pushed out entirely, suggesting the continued need to preserve the balances that govern Iraq’s political system.

In the end, al-Zaidi’s changes look like an early test of the limits of executive power in Iraq. They carry reformist elements and messages of strength, but they have not yet amounted to a break with the forces that brought him to power.



Iraq’s Maliki Joins Chorus Rejecting Militia Disarmament

Members of Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah carry the group’s flag in central Baghdad. (File photo - AFP)
Members of Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah carry the group’s flag in central Baghdad. (File photo - AFP)
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Iraq’s Maliki Joins Chorus Rejecting Militia Disarmament

Members of Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah carry the group’s flag in central Baghdad. (File photo - AFP)
Members of Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah carry the group’s flag in central Baghdad. (File photo - AFP)

State of Law Coalition leader Nouri al-Maliki has joined a growing chorus of critics of Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government program, unanimously approved by parliament, to restrict arms to state control.

Less than a month after the State Administration Coalition, comprising leading Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish forces, gave Zaidi full authority to determine how to handle the issue after Sept. 30 — when the remaining US troops are due to leave Iraq — armed factions, notably Kataib Hezbollah and Harakat al-Nujaba, rejected the deadline. They argue that their weapons are “ideological” and tied to the Iran-led “Axis of Resistance.”

Maliki joined them Wednesday, declaring in televised remarks that “there will be no handover of weapons” after Sept. 30.

Instead, he advocated “regulation and containment” of weapons through a mechanism still under discussion.

Maliki pointed that distinctions could be drawn among heavy, medium and light arms.

His position came despite an earlier warning from the State Administration Coalition that any armed activity outside state authority after Sept. 30 would be dealt with under the counterterrorism law.

Shifting Terms

A visit to Iraq by Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf further complicated the process amid indications that Tehran was unwilling to see all factions surrender their weapons.

The government subsequently agreed to a Shiite Coordination Framework committee that would begin talks with armed groups after the end of September to persuade them to establish a mechanism for “regulating weapons, not disarming them,” as Maliki put it.

Maliki serves on the three-member committee alongside former Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani and Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri.

While Sudani has made no statement on surrendering weapons, Amiri and Maliki have taken turns, using terms such as “regulating,” “freezing” or “deferring” weapons rather than “disarmament.”

Maliki’s comments followed Amiri’s description two days earlier of the 2019 Tishreen protests as a “sedition” intended to topple the Shiite political system.

Amiri also identified the “resistance” as the so-called “third party” that carried out killings of protesters, leaving thousands dead or wounded, mostly from poor Shiite neighborhoods in Baghdad and central and southern provinces.

Political observers viewed his remarks as a deliberate message that armed factions “were, and remain, the ones protecting the political system when it is threatened.”

Akram al-Kaabi, secretary-general of Harakat al-Nujaba, meanwhile said US President Donald Trump was “deluded” if he believed he could achieve a victory in Iraq after failing to do so in Iran.

The government has maintained that the deadline for surrendering weapons remains unchanged and coincides with the US withdrawal, saying armed groups could be compelled to comply once the American presence ends and there is no longer justification for carrying arms.

Saleh al-Arbawi, head of the Wa’i Movement, told Asharq Al-Awsat that any handover could be circumvented or merely symbolic, saying armed groups follow “a transnational ideology and leadership” and have received no order to relinquish their weapons.

The government, he said, faces either confrontation or potentially lengthy dialogue and compromise. He added that the wider the current conflict becomes, the more difficult restricting arms to state control will be.


Syria Says Thwarted Escape Attempt of Man Linked to Assad-era General

A large Syrian flag flutters above Tishreen Park in Damascus, June 4, 2025. (AFP)
A large Syrian flag flutters above Tishreen Park in Damascus, June 4, 2025. (AFP)
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Syria Says Thwarted Escape Attempt of Man Linked to Assad-era General

A large Syrian flag flutters above Tishreen Park in Damascus, June 4, 2025. (AFP)
A large Syrian flag flutters above Tishreen Park in Damascus, June 4, 2025. (AFP)

Syrian authorities on Thursday said they foiled an escape attempt by a man close to a general who served ousted ruler Bashar al-Assad and led a militia linked to Assad's cousin.

Security forces in the Damascus countryside said they "thwarted an escape attempt by Alaa Zahreddine, a key associate of the criminal Ghiath Dalla and former leader of the 'Shield of the Homeland Brigade' militia", accusing him of being "implicated in crimes against civilians".

"After his identity was confirmed during a stop at a security checkpoint, Zahreddine drew his weapon and shot himself, committing suicide to avoid capture. His companion in the vehicle was arrested."

Syrian authorities had previously said that the brigade was linked to Rami Makhlouf, cousin of former Syrian president Assad who was ousted in 2024.

The operation comes days after security forces said they killed an Assad-era army commander in a firefight while trying to arrest him in the Alawite-majority Syrian coast.

Authorities said both men were linked to Assad-era general Dalla.

Dalla, a former officer in the much-feared Fourth Brigade, had announced on social media last year the formation of a "military council for the liberation of Syria".

The announcement came shortly before deadly violence targeting the Alawite minority, to which Assad's family belongs, erupted on the Syrian coast in March 2025.

Authorities accused armed Assad supporters of sparking the violence by attacking security forces.

A national commission of inquiry said at least 1,426 members of the minority were killed, while the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitor put the toll at more than 1,700.


DR Congo Latest to Promise Moving Israel Embassy to Jerusalem

 Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, addresses the African Water Forum in N’Djamena, Chad, on July 16, 2026. (AFP file)
Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, addresses the African Water Forum in N’Djamena, Chad, on July 16, 2026. (AFP file)
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DR Congo Latest to Promise Moving Israel Embassy to Jerusalem

 Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, addresses the African Water Forum in N’Djamena, Chad, on July 16, 2026. (AFP file)
Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, addresses the African Water Forum in N’Djamena, Chad, on July 16, 2026. (AFP file)

The Democratic Republic of Congo said Thursday it would move its embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, joining a small group of countries including the United States in taking the symbolic step of backing Israeli sovereignty in the contested holy city.

After a visit by President Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, the two countries in a statement said they would take steps for "the relocation of the embassy of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem", without giving a timeline.

Tshisekedi and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in a meeting spoke of their "shared commitment to strengthening diplomatic relations", the statement said.

Tshisekedi has spoken warmly about Israel for years, saying his support is driven by his Christian faith. He has also been eager for support from the United States, which has increasingly pressured Rwanda over armed rebel advances in DR Congo.

The announcement comes weeks after Colombia's new hard-right president, Abelardo de la Espriella, also announced that he would move his country's embassy to Jerusalem, a sharp shift from his leftist predecessor who criticized Israel over its Gaza offensive.

The vast majority of countries, if they recognize Israel, keep their embassies in Tel Aviv on the grounds that the status of Jerusalem will be settled in a final resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

President Donald Trump shattered that consensus in 2018 during his first term by moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, which is home to Israel's parliament, prime minister and most other major governmental institutions.

Since Trump's move, only a handful of small, US-aligned countries have followed suit -- Fiji, Guatemala, Honduras, Papua New Guinea and Paraguay.

Kosovo and Somaliland, which are not member-states of the United Nations, have also opened what they consider their embassies in Jerusalem.

Argentine President Javier Milei, another right-wing Latin American who is an outspoken supporter of Israel, has promised to move his country's embassy to Jerusalem.

The shift has not yet taken place, however, reportedly due to disagreement over an Israeli company's plans to drill in the British-ruled Falkland Islands, which Argentina claims and calls the Malvinas.

Israel captured the eastern part of Jerusalem from Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War and annexed it, declaring Jerusalem, home to Judaism's holiest site, to be its eternal, undivided capital.