Mojtaba Khamenei: Iran’s Unseen Leader Shadowed by Late Father

A bird flies near an Iranian flag and a banner with a picture of Iran's Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, in Tehran, Iran, June 28, 2026. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

16:17-1 July 2026 AD ـ 16 Muharram 1448 AH

Mojtaba Khamenei: Iran’s Unseen Leader Shadowed by Late Father

A bird flies near an Iranian flag and a banner with a picture of Iran's Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, in Tehran, Iran, June 28, 2026. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

Mojtaba Khamenei, who has spent his career behind the scenes and is yet to appear in public as Iran's new supreme leader, faces the formidable challenge of occupying the role held by his father for most of the regime's existence.

Iranians knew little about the younger Khamenei when he was named to the lifetime post shortly after a US-Israeli airstrike killed his father Ali Khamenei, supreme leader since 1989, at the start of the Middle East war.

Said to have been wounded himself, Mojtaba Khamenei has issued over dozen written messages as leader that have carried on his father's confrontational ideology, taking aim at Israel and the United States.

In one of his most significant recent interventions, released on June 18, Mojtaba Khamenei said he had given his blessing to talks with the US to end the war despite having a "different view", likely an attempt to stay above the domestic political fray.

Despite the messages and activity on social media channels, there has been no concrete proof that Mojtaba Khamenei is even alive after the February 28 attack that also killed his wife Zahra Haddad Adel and other members of the Khamenei family.

But several Iranian officials have said he was wounded, sparking speculation he could be waiting to recover fully before appearing in public, as well as being mindful of his own security.

With Ali Khamenei's funeral starting Saturday, there will be intense scrutiny for signs of Mojtaba Khamenei emerging, and questions will mount if he fails to appear.

-'Radical' agenda -

Unlike Ali Khamenei, a prominent opponent of the shah who was president in the first decade of the republic from 1981-1989 before becoming supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei has never held a government position before.

But observers believe he was second-in-command at the office of the supreme leader under the veteran chief gatekeeper Mohammad Golpayegani.

He is also seen as close to the leadership of the powerful Revolutionary Guards, a connection that may have proved crucial in his selection by the Assembly of Experts clerical body.

One of the few official insights into the importance of Mojtaba Khamenei came in November 2019 when the US Treasury announced sanctions against him and other senior Iranian officials, including Golpayegani, on the grounds they were pushing Iran's "radical" agenda around the world.

The US said he was designated for representing Ali Khamenei "in an official capacity despite never being elected or appointed to a government position aside from work in the office of his father".

"The Supreme Leader has delegated a part of his leadership responsibilities to Mojtaba Khamenei," the US said, adding that he had "worked closely" with the commanders of the Quds Force -- the Guards branch responsible for operations outside Iran -- and the Basij militia "to advance his father's destabilizing regional ambitions and oppressive domestic objectives".

A sign of his potential sway came during the 2005 presidential elections when former parliament speaker Mehdi Karroubi wrote a letter to the supreme leader complaining that Mojtaba Khamenei had been intervening on behalf of his ultra-conservative rival Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Ahmadinejad went on to cause a sensation by defeating former president Hashemi Rafsanjani. Mojtaba was again seen by some commentators as coordinating the crackdown on protests that followed Ahmadinejad's disputed 2009 election victory.

A leaked US diplomatic cable from 2008 published by Wikileaks said that Mojtaba was "seen by many second only to Golpayegani within the office of the supreme leader".

- 'Unlikely' to have father's influence -

According to an investigation by Bloomberg, which cited anonymous sources and Western intelligence agency reports, Mojtaba Khamenei has amassed wealth estimated at more than $100 million.

It reported he has earned money from oil sales channeled into investments in luxury British real estate, hotels in Europe and property through shell companies in tax havens.

Born in his father's home city of Mashhad in northeastern Iran, Mojtaba Khamenei studied theology in the clerical hub of Qom where he also taught.

"The role of Mojtaba Khamenei is unclear," said Thomas Juneau, professor at the University of Ottawa.

"It is very unlikely at this point that he has the degree of influence that his father used to have."

Iran’s New Leaders Post-Ali Khamenei

People ride past a banner with a picture of Iran's Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, in Tehran, Iran, June 28, 2026. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

16:13-1 July 2026 AD ـ 16 Muharram 1448 AH

Iran’s New Leaders Post-Ali Khamenei

People ride past a banner with a picture of Iran's Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, in Tehran, Iran, June 28, 2026. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

A group of military, theocratic and civilian figures, rather than a single individual, have led decision-making in Iran since the killing of longstanding supreme leader Ali Khamenei in a US-Israeli airstrike at the start of the war.

Khamenei's son Mojtaba was named supreme leader after his death but it is unclear what power he wields and he has yet to be seen in public.

US President Donald Trump said last month that the war had removed a "first set" and "second set" of leaders but maintained that the "third set" was "smart", "very rational" and "not radicalized".

Here AFP looks at the Iranian system's key figures, whose presence at the funeral ceremonies for Ali Khamenei starting Saturday will be closely watched.

- Supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei -

After succeeding his father as supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei in theory sits at the top of Iran's theocratic system in a post-for-life with the final say on all significant policy matters.

But he has yet to be seen in public since being named, with officials saying he was wounded. He has issued numerous written statements on policy matters but is far from replicating the one-man rule of his father.

- Parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf -

The most prominent public face of the leadership in the absence of Mojtaba Khamenei, Ghalibaf led Iran's negotiating team in talks with the United States, first in Pakistan and then in Switzerland last month.

During three decades at the center of the Iranian system he has held posts straddling civilian and military life, as commander of the aerospace forces of the Revolutionary Guards, Tehran police chief, Tehran mayor and now parliament speaker.

During the intense negotiating process with the US, he carefully avoided any joint photo with US Vice President JD Vance, possibly out of concern for possible hardline criticism at home.

- President Masoud Pezeshkian -

President since 2024 following the death of his predecessor Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash, Pezeshkian is seen as belonging to the more moderate wing of politics in Iran.

However, his position as president in no way makes him Iran's number one, and presidents throughout recent Iranian politics have often struggled to impose their will.

But it was Pezeshkian who signed the accord last month with the US that ended the war.

- Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi -

A veteran diplomat, Araghchi has held the post since 2024 following the death of former foreign minister Hossein Amir Abdollahian in the same crash that killed Raisi.

He accompanied Ghalibaf to the talks in Pakistan and Switzerland and also took part in talks in Oman in February with US envoys.

Araghchi, who holds a doctorate in political thought from the University of Kent in England, has vigorously defended Iran's position in TV interviews with foreign media and posts on X.

- Revolutionary Guards Commander-in-Chief Ahmad Vahidi -

A former interior and defense minister, Vahidi is the third commander-in-chief of Iran's ideological army in less than a year after his predecessor Mohammad Pakpour was killed on the first day of the war and Hossein Salami was killed during Israel's 12-day war against Iran in June 2025.

Possibly for this reason, Vahidi has kept a very low profile in the war, making no public appearance. Yet his position gives him immense political and military authority.

- Supreme National Security Council secretary Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr -

Another official who has kept the lowest of profiles but may wield immense power, Zolghadr was named to the key security position after the killing of his predecessor and veteran negotiator Ali Larijani in March in an Israeli airstrike.

Zolghadr's career has been embedded in the Guards and his appointment was seen as further bolstering the role of the ideological army.

- Judiciary chief Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei -

Ejei has, by contrast, been a familiar presence on Iranian television over the last months, on one occasion urging officials to speed up issuing execution verdicts as hangings surged against the backdrop of war.

A softly-spoken cleric and former intelligence minister, he has long been targeted by rights groups who accuse him of presiding over a situation of mass violations.

- Quds Force commander Esmail Qaani -

A shadowy figure, Qaani became commander of the force responsible for the external operations of the Guards after the killing of his predecessor Qassem Soleimani, a man described by Trump as a "mad genius", in a US strike in Iraq in 2020.

Qaani was reported to have been killed in the 12-day war but then later re-emerged in public.

Intense speculation has surrounded his standing after intelligence lapses. But in a rare appearance on state TV, he backed the talks with the US and said Araghchi and Ghalibaf should be "praised".

Features

The Afghan Women Farmers Keeping Their Village Alive

This photograph taken on June 8, 2026 shows Afghan woman farmer Habiba (R) working at a field in the Eshtiwi village of Afghanistan's Parun district. (AFP)

08:42-1 July 2026 AD ـ 16 Muharram 1448 AH

The Afghan Women Farmers Keeping Their Village Alive

This photograph taken on June 8, 2026 shows Afghan woman farmer Habiba (R) working at a field in the Eshtiwi village of Afghanistan's Parun district. (AFP)

In a remote province of northeastern Afghanistan, women farmers are playing a vital role in their community's survival among the snow-capped mountains.

The fields of Eshtiwi show only the first faint signs of growth in June, with small green sprouts emerging around the village.

Habiba, who spoke to AFP while busy weeding, is proud to have been farming in Nuristan province for decades.

"Since I was eight years old, I've been going to the field with my mother," said the 46-year-old, who only has one name.

"When we harvest wheat, beans, potatoes and corn in the fields in autumn and bring them back home, we feel happy," she added.

In Afghanistan, women are generally allowed to farm despite being banned by the Taliban government from most employment.

Mohammad Yahya Faizi, a 34-year-old agriculture graduate, said he respects the women's work.

"We would not have food anymore in the middle of the winter" without their work, he said.

Eshtiwi in summertime is only reachable by a dirt track and, before AFP's visit, it had been years since international media had reached the village.

Faizi said "tasks have been divided between men and women" for generations in the Parun Valley, where residents speak their own dialect.

"Women are busy with agriculture, planting, watering and cooking at home," said Faizi, a village farmer who volunteers with the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations.

Men help with animal-drawn ploughs, handle livestock, and gather firewood for winter, when snow cuts the village off from the outside world for almost six months.

Habiba's day starts at around 4:00 am, when she gets up to pray before preparing breakfast with her daughters on a wood-fired stove.

She makes bread using flour from her wheat, together with red beans from her fields, to eat alongside butter and dried yoghurt made by her husband.

The room, which doubles as a kitchen and bedroom, was decorated with flowers drawn by Habiba's 11-year-old daughter, Nahida, who was practicing English that she had learnt at the village school.

While her mother never had the chance to go to school, Nahida's education will soon stop as girls nationwide are banned from education beyond the age of 12.

This photograph taken on June 8, 2026 shows a river flowing past houses at the Eshtiwi village in Afghanistan's Parun district. (AFP)

- 'Unrecognized' -

FAO has declared 2026 the International Year of the Woman Farmer, with the agency highlighting how "unrecognized" their vital role is in supporting food security.

This is particularly true in Afghanistan, where almost a third of the population needs emergency food aid according to the UN.

Bibi Jan, a 70-year-old who grows beans and potatoes, said farming can be grueling.

"We have to work hard, our hands peel... but there are children to feed," she said.

Habiba dreams of having a tractor, but it is too expensive; there is only one in the village that a family rents out to those who can afford it.

"I'm not that strong; my back and my legs hurt," she said.

Najia, who requested her surname not be used for privacy reasons, agreed local farmers need more tools as well as opportunities to trade.

"Farming is a great profession; it's not just for men," said the 28-year-old, who went to university in Pakistan.

The farmers often have surplus crops, she said, but "there is no structured market to sell our produce."

Being in such a remote area makes it impossible to sell direct to customers, and there are only limited options to meet traders who pass through.

"I sell my potatoes for 70 afghanis ($1.10) for seven kilos (15 pounds), but I would need 150 afghanis" to earn a decent income, Najia said.

This photograph taken on June 8, 2026 shows an Afghan woman farmer working at a field in the Eshtiwi village of Afghanistan's Parun district. (AFP)

- 'Help each other' -

Storage units have been financed by the UN, to allow harvests to be kept and sold when the market improves, and some of the women have received better seeds.

FAO has also introduced agroforestry -- the combination of trees and crops on the same plot -- to diversify their income.

Faizi said that the village, which once produced only apples and walnuts, now has cherry, pear, and peach trees, among others.

But climate change is a big concern, with less predictable snow and rain, or bringing floods that destroy the crops.

The UN Development Program has found that Afghanistan is among a group of countries that "have contributed the least to global warming yet bear its heaviest costs".

For Najia, the weather was a further challenge: "We can't predict it; it just hits us."

But despite the difficulties, she said women love working outdoors together.

"We can help each other," she said, while also providing the village with nutritious food.

"What we grow with our own hands is very healthy."

Features

What Do We Know About the 1968 Pact on ‘Hormuz’ Shipping Routes that Iran is Rejecting?

A boy balances on a tire at the water's edge as ships are seen in the Strait of Hormuz off Bandar Abbas, Iran, Tuesday, June 30, 2026 (AP)

06:34-1 July 2026 AD ـ 16 Muharram 1448 AH

What Do We Know About the 1968 Pact on ‘Hormuz’ Shipping Routes that Iran is Rejecting?

A boy balances on a tire at the water's edge as ships are seen in the Strait of Hormuz off Bandar Abbas, Iran, Tuesday, June 30, 2026 (AP)

By John Yoon

One of Iran’s negotiators in talks with the United States, Kazem Gharibabadi, reasserted claims this week of permanent Iranian control over shipping in the Strait of Hormuz and rejected internationally recognized shipping routes established in 1968.

Tensions over the strait, a crucial path for oil and gas shipments, have threatened a fragile ceasefire between the United States and Iran. Iran has insisted it has authority over the strait and threatened ships that don’t travel on its mandated routes.

Here’s a closer look at the decades-old agreement that established the shipping routes and why Iran is opposed to it.

What was the agreement?

Nearly six decades ago, Omani and Iranian officials negotiated an agreement, ratified by the UN International Maritime Organization, that established the official way to transit the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial waterway for global energy supplies.

The framework, called the Traffic Separation Scheme, was largely a technical solution to prevent collisions between supertankers passing through the waterway, which is just 24 miles wide. It was also a legal solution to the fact that there are no neutral international waters in the middle of the strait where ships transit because the sovereign waters of Iran and Oman overlap.

Why is Iran rejecting it?

At the time, Iran was a dominant military power in the region and did not need to use its geography as leverage, Ali Vaez, the Iran project director at the International Crisis Group, said.

Today, in Iranian officials’ view, the traditional transit routes have allowed warships to pass through the strait, threatening Iran’s security, Vaez said.

Gharibabadi, the deputy foreign minister, noted on Monday that the agreement predated the 1979 Islamic Revolution, which overthrew the shah and brought an authoritarian clerical regime to power.

“Today we told the Omani side that those routes must definitely change,” he said. “We decided that we would also begin expert and technical talks on changing the routes.”

What does Iran want?

Gharibabadi’s remarks solidified Iran’s intention to move away from that framework in favor of negotiating a new system that gives them more control over the waters. Iran has already placed naval mines in the strait, effectively blocking those established 1968 routes.

“They are refining their argument to sound more legalistic,” said Jennifer Parker, a former naval officer now at the University of Western Australia’s Defense and Security Institute. She said the argument was designed to maximize Tehran’s leverage at the negotiating table.

To bypass Iran’s territorial waters, the United States and Oman recently attempted to establish an alternative corridor along the strait’s southern side in Omani waters under a US military escort mission. Gharibabadi reiterated on Monday that Iran would refuse to recognize any such parallel routes.

*The New York Times

Mojtaba Khamenei: Iran’s Unseen Leader Shadowed by Late Father

Mojtaba Khamenei: Iran’s Unseen Leader Shadowed by Late Father

Most Viewed

Iran’s New Leaders Post-Ali Khamenei

Iran’s New Leaders Post-Ali Khamenei

The Afghan Women Farmers Keeping Their Village Alive

The Afghan Women Farmers Keeping Their Village Alive

What Do We Know About the 1968 Pact on ‘Hormuz’ Shipping Routes that Iran is Rejecting?

What Do We Know About the 1968 Pact on ‘Hormuz’ Shipping Routes that Iran is Rejecting?

لم تشترك بعد