Egypt Calls for Urgent Humanitarian Truce in Sudan

FILE PHOTO: Displaced women from South Kordofan sit on the ground in El Obeid, North Kordofan State, Sudan, January 15, 2026. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Displaced women from South Kordofan sit on the ground in El Obeid, North Kordofan State, Sudan, January 15, 2026. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig/File Photo
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Egypt Calls for Urgent Humanitarian Truce in Sudan

FILE PHOTO: Displaced women from South Kordofan sit on the ground in El Obeid, North Kordofan State, Sudan, January 15, 2026. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Displaced women from South Kordofan sit on the ground in El Obeid, North Kordofan State, Sudan, January 15, 2026. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig/File Photo

Egypt renewed its call for “an urgent and immediate humanitarian truce in Sudan” and stressed the need for “a comprehensive and complete ceasefire across all Sudanese territory.”

Egypt’s permanent representative to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Ambassador Amr Ramadan, said on Friday that the situation in Sudan requires a responsible position that supports mechanisms trusted by the Sudanese people.

He also called for “strengthening national institutions as an essential and indispensable pillar for achieving justice and protecting human rights.”

The appeals come as fighting escalates in Sudan, particularly in El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan state, where drones have been used by the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

The scene recalls El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state, which fell to the RSF last year after months of siege and the deaths of hundreds of people.

At the UN Human Rights Council meeting, Ramadan said: “The highest and most urgent priority today is to reach a real humanitarian truce that would pave the way for a comprehensive halt to military operations.”

He renewed Egypt’s call for “a comprehensive and complete ceasefire across all Sudanese territory” and urged “the launch of a purely Sudanese political process, without any external dictates or interference.”

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk also called on Friday for greater light to be shed on how resources such as gold are being exploited to fuel the conflict.

Ambassador Salah Halima, a member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs, said: “There is difficulty in advancing solutions to the Sudanese crisis.”

“We are still going in circles, between tracks calling for a humanitarian truce, a ceasefire, and the launch of political dialogue, without any of them being implemented,” he said.

Halima said the crisis requires understandings that the international quartet could adopt, describing it as the most capable and influential mechanism for reaching a settlement to the humanitarian crisis.

The quartet mechanism, which includes Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and the United States, is working to secure a ceasefire in Sudan.

It held a ministerial-level meeting in Washington last September and announced: “a roadmap that includes a timeline to end the crisis in Sudan, beginning with the implementation of a humanitarian truce as soon as possible.”

Halima said the tracks for resolving the Sudanese crisis “must be implemented in parallel,” covering the security, military, humanitarian and political dimensions, as well as reconstruction.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that “the start could be the launch of a political dialogue among Sudanese parties, which would issue a decision on a ceasefire,” saying this “could create pressure on the parties to the war.”

Makki al-Maghribi, director of the International Relations Unit at the Sudanese Center for Thought and Strategic Studies, said: “A humanitarian truce in Sudan remains difficult.”

He said any “real cessation of hostilities requires a commitment from the Rapid Support Forces militia in the areas it controls, which has not happened since the start of the war.”

Maghribi told Asharq Al-Awsat that “there is a new formulation of international mediation on Sudan ... through a quartet meeting held in Cairo that included Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Türkiye and the United States.”

“The position of most countries in the new mediation is always read in the context of preserving Sudan’s unity,” he said.



Gaza War Reaches 1,000 Days: A Tragedy in Numbers

A child amid the rubble of a building destroyed by Israel in Al-Shati camp, west of Gaza City, last Wednesday. (AFP)
A child amid the rubble of a building destroyed by Israel in Al-Shati camp, west of Gaza City, last Wednesday. (AFP)
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Gaza War Reaches 1,000 Days: A Tragedy in Numbers

A child amid the rubble of a building destroyed by Israel in Al-Shati camp, west of Gaza City, last Wednesday. (AFP)
A child amid the rubble of a building destroyed by Israel in Al-Shati camp, west of Gaza City, last Wednesday. (AFP)

A thousand days have passed since the Oct. 7, 2023, attack carried out by Hamas against Israeli military sites and settlements along the Gaza border, and since the start of a bloody war that lasted two years in the enclave.

A ceasefire agreement was reached on Oct. 10, 2025, but it remained fragile amid daily Israeli violations.

Asharq Al-Awsat reviews the most prominent figures published by government bodies and international organizations active in Gaza on the war.

According to the latest cumulative toll, 73,078 people were killed and more than 173,541 wounded, including 1,063 killed after the ceasefire and 3,438 wounded.

The dead included more than 21,500 children, among them 1,022 under the age of one. They included 520 infants who were born during the war and killed in it. The toll also included 12,470 women, more than 9,000 mothers and 22,000 fathers. Some 2,700 families were wiped entirely from the civil registry after attacks hit their homes and killed them all.

About 9,500 Palestinians remain missing under the rubble of destroyed homes. Others are believed to be held in secret Israeli prisons, with no information disclosed about their fate.

Israel bombed 38 hospitals during the war, while 96 medical clinics were forced out of service, despite the start of partial rehabilitation work at some facilities under harsh conditions. Some 1,700 medical personnel were killed, including doctors, nurses, administrators, paramedics and others. Israel also destroyed 16 civil defense centers and 84 vehicles.

Some 22,000 patients and wounded people urgently need treatment abroad as Gaza’s health crisis deepens.

More than 1.9 million cases of infectious disease were recorded, ranging from mild to moderate, with most patients recovering. More than 2 million displaced people remain inside the enclave, living in harsh conditions in more than 132,000 displacement tents, most of them worn out and unfit for living.

During the war, Israel closed the crossings for more than 670 days, blocking the entry of aid trucks and endangering the lives of more than 2 million Palestinians. They included 650,000 children who suffered from malnutrition and hunger.

Some 58,000 children were orphaned after losing one or both parents. Some 460 people died from famine, including 164 children, while 28 displaced people died from the cold, among them 25 children.

Israel continued to target schools, fully or partially, causing extensive material damage. More than 620,000 students were denied their right to education. More than 20,051 students were killed, along with 830 teachers and 194 academics.

Israel completely destroyed 410,000 buildings and housing units, blew up more than 5,080 kilometers of electricity networks, destroyed 1,047 mosques in full, dug up a large number of cemeteries, and destroyed and bulldozed 87% of agricultural land. It also destroyed hundreds of factories and companies. Initial losses from the war exceeded $80 billion.


Demolitions in South Lebanon as Israel Redraws Border Strip

This picture shows the destruction in the southern Lebanese village of Froun on June 30, 2026. (Photo by Kawnat HAJU / AFP)
This picture shows the destruction in the southern Lebanese village of Froun on June 30, 2026. (Photo by Kawnat HAJU / AFP)
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Demolitions in South Lebanon as Israel Redraws Border Strip

This picture shows the destruction in the southern Lebanese village of Froun on June 30, 2026. (Photo by Kawnat HAJU / AFP)
This picture shows the destruction in the southern Lebanese village of Froun on June 30, 2026. (Photo by Kawnat HAJU / AFP)

Israel has revived its policy of wide-scale demolitions in southern Lebanon, with the Israeli army blowing up sites on Thursday and Friday in the towns of Hadatha, Beit Yahoun, Kounine, al-Tiri and Kfar Tibnit.

The operations coincided with air strikes, artillery fire, heavy warplane and drone flights, and attacks around Arnoun-al-Shaqif, Nabatieh al-Fawqa and Yater.

An Israeli drone also struck a vehicle in Siddiqin, in Tyre district, in two consecutive attacks, wounding two people. Israeli drones dropped stun grenades in Safad al-Battikh and al-Mansouri, with no casualties reported.

The Israeli army said it killed a Hezbollah member in the Ali al-Taher heights, saying he was detected as he emerged from an underground facility and was hit in an air strike.

It also said the Givati Brigade had ended its mission in southern Lebanon after eight months of operations, saying it had destroyed hundreds of Hezbollah infrastructure sites.

As the escalation unfolded, Israeli military spokesperson Ella Waweya said the air force struck about 10 sites it described as Hezbollah infrastructure in Bint Jbeil, Beit Yahoun, Kounine and Baraachit.

She said forces from the 91st Division also targeted a truck overnight near the security zone, saying it was carrying weapons for Hezbollah and that secondary explosions after the strike pointed to ammunition inside.

The operations come as Lebanon awaits the implementation of the first phase of the “framework agreement,” which is meant to open the way for gradual Israeli withdrawals.

But no practical steps have been taken, while Israel’s military presence, bulldozing and demolition work continue, raising questions over whether the operations are preparing for withdrawal or redrawing the security reality in the south.

Facts on the ground suggest the campaign goes beyond targeting Hezbollah sites or tunnels. It points to a re-engineering of the border area by removing anything that could be used militarily and turning border villages into devastated zones where life would be difficult to restore.

Removing anything that can be used militarily

Retired Brig. Gen. Saeed Qozah told Asharq Al-Awsat that the large-scale demolitions carried out by the Israeli army in Hadatha, Beit Yahoun, al-Tiri and around Kounine did not appear to be isolated operations.

“Rather, they fall within a military plan aimed at clearing the areas Israel now controls of any military infrastructure that could pose a future threat, especially tunnels, ammunition depots and facilities that could be reused,” he said.

Qozah said the towns fall within what Israel now regards as a security zone. The Israeli army, he said, is combing through them “inch by inch,” so that if it is forced to withdraw at any stage, it does not leave behind tunnels, weapons depots or facilities that armed groups could later use.

“The Israelis have announced in recent days that they discovered tunnels in several areas. They had also previously blown up a large tunnel in Majdal Zoun, causing a powerful tremor.

So it is natural that they continue to blow up any tunnel or military facility they find inside the areas they control, because their goal is to remove anything that could pose a future threat to them,” he said.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Israeli army seizes the equipment and weapons it finds, while destroying facilities, tunnels and depots to prevent them from being used again. The pace of demolitions, he added, is “likely to continue as long as surveying and military engineering operations last inside these areas.”

Qozah said developments in the battlefield, together with the installation of military gates and repeated Israeli statements about not withdrawing from the areas it has occupied, show that Israel is moving to entrench a new security belt in southern Lebanon.

“The installation of gates, the continued demolition operations and the insistence of Israeli officials, foremost among them Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel Katz, on remaining in what they call the security zone are all signs that Israel is working to create a security belt that closely resembles the belt that existed between 1982 and 2000,” he said.

The main difference between the previous security belt and what is happening today is that villages inside this zone have suffered sweeping destruction, making it easier for the Israeli army to impose control and reducing the chances of resistance operations against its positions, he added.

From removing tunnels to preventing life from returning

Retired Brig. Gen. Bassam Yassin told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Israeli army’s return to wide-scale demolitions in southern Lebanese towns, especially Hadatha, Beit Yahoun, Kounine and al-Tiri, “does not fall only within the framework of targeting Hezbollah’s military infrastructure, but reflects Israel’s move into a new phase of cementing facts on the ground in the areas it controls.”

Yassin said Israel is working to turn the strip it occupies into a buffer zone stripped of the basic conditions for life.

“The goal is not only to remove military sites or facilities, but to prevent any sign of life from remaining inside this area, because rebuilding it will take many years, making the return of residents more difficult,” he said.

He added that the widespread destruction also serves a direct military purpose: securing full freedom of movement for Israeli forces inside the occupied area.

Removing buildings and urban infrastructure exposes the terrain to the Israeli army and limits any future ability to use it for military operations or fortified positions, ensuring Israeli forces retain freedom of maneuver.


Wave of Apologies Prompts Reappraisal of Kadhimi's Government in Iraq

Former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi (AP)
Former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi (AP)
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Wave of Apologies Prompts Reappraisal of Kadhimi's Government in Iraq

Former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi (AP)
Former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi (AP)

After years of facing political and media accusations of corruption, former Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi is witnessing an unusual development in Iraq’s political scene: a wave of public apologies from media and political figures who had accused him and his government of corruption or helped promote those allegations.

The apologies came after a "legal battle" that ended with court rulings in Kadhimi’s favor in several lawsuits he filed against his accusers, after the judiciary concluded that no evidence had been presented to substantiate the allegations against him. The rulings have reopened debate over his government’s record, coinciding with a broad anti-corruption campaign led by Iraq’s current government.

In the years following his departure from office, Kadhimi faced a widespread campaign accusing his government of involvement in corruption and mismanagement. The campaign included political figures, media personalities and social media activists.

Those close to Kadhimi, however, argued that much of the campaign was an extension of the political struggle that accompanied the transfer of power rather than being based on fully substantiated judicial cases.

“Legal battle”

Kadhimi’s lawyer, Amir al-Daami, said the defense team turned to the courts after what he described as a surge in direct accusations linking Kadhimi and his government to corruption without evidence.

He said the “fair legal battle,” as he called it, “ended with justice for the former prime minister,” adding that “the judiciary treated those cases as direct criminal accusations, not merely political opinions or expressions of positions.”

“All those who were sued were unable to prove what they attributed to Kadhimi, leading to court rulings in his favor,” Daami told Asharq Al-Awsat. He said the judiciary “drew a line between the right to political criticism and making corruption accusations without legal basis.”

The issue did not stop at court rulings. It also led some of Kadhimi’s most prominent critics to publicly reassess their positions.

Journalists, politicians and former lawmakers have apologized to the former prime minister, saying they “were wrong to treat circulated accusations as facts without possessing conclusive evidence,” according to recent statements.

Journalist Iyad al-Samawi, once one of Kadhimi’s fiercest opponents, said: “The facts that emerged prompted him to review his position, and fairness requires admitting error when facts change.”

He said, “Political disagreement should not lead to adopting accusations without proof.”

Observers say the apologies, whether they grow or remain limited, point to a shift in how Kadhimi’s time in office is being judged, especially after a legal process ended without specific accusations being proven in court. Others described the apologies as “a wave of changes and a new political mood in the country.”

A source close to the former prime minister told Asharq Al-Awsat that “more than 14 Iraqi figures” have so far reviewed their positions on Kadhimi and apologized to him.

Kadhimi took office at one of the most difficult moments in Iraq’s modern history. He came to power amid mass protests, an economic crisis, the broad influence of armed factions and the pressure of the COVID-19 pandemic.

During his term, his home was targeted in a drone assassination attempt. The Green Zone also saw demonstrations by armed factions that reached the perimeter of the government palace, reflecting the intensity of political polarization in the country at the time.

Supporters of Kadhimi’s government say it managed a sensitive transitional phase. They also say the state benefited from the Emergency Support for Food Security and Development Law, which provided major financial resources to cover spending when passing the general budget was not possible.

Some observers say those resources gave the following government financial room to maneuver. Kadhimi’s critics, however, say any assessment of that period should remain tied to a broader review of the economic and administrative policies his government pursued at the time.

Al-Zaidi and the corruption campaign

The debate comes as Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi leads a broad anti-corruption campaign, during which he has repeatedly said he is prepared to pay with his life to continue on this path.

The campaign has reached senior officials and opened files described as among the most sensitive in years, amid public calls for investigations to continue without political or partisan considerations.

Al-Zaidi’s government is facing mounting political pressure as the investigations widen.

A drone spotted near the government palace in Baghdad has drawn wide attention. Security authorities said they handled the incident without incurring losses.

But an informed political source told Asharq Al-Awsat that some circles interpreted it as a warning from parties harmed by the anti-corruption campaign. There has been no official confirmation of that interpretation.

Sadrist movement leader Moqtada al-Sadr on Friday affirmed “the firmness of his position on reform and fighting corruption,” declaring full support for the government’s reform campaign while warning against targeting “reformers,” in a reference to al-Zaidi.

Al-Zaidi has appeared among citizens in a Baghdad shopping center in recent days, a move observers saw as an attempt to underscore his reliance on public support.

He has also repeatedly said he does not intend to establish a political party or run in the next elections, reinforcing the image of his campaign as a government project rather than an electoral one.

Ihsan al-Shammari, head of the Political Thinking Center, told Asharq Al-Awsat that any future settlements in corruption cases should remain within legal frameworks and differ from the political deals seen in previous stages.

He said recovering funds and holding those involved accountable should take place under the law and after all those responsible are exposed, not through political understandings.