Southern Lebanon's First Pilot Zone: The Army Is Back, Hezbollah Is Not

Two Lebanese Army soldiers oversee rubble clearance in the streets of Zawtar al-Gharbiya in southern Lebanon (Asharq Al-Awsat).
Two Lebanese Army soldiers oversee rubble clearance in the streets of Zawtar al-Gharbiya in southern Lebanon (Asharq Al-Awsat).
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Southern Lebanon's First Pilot Zone: The Army Is Back, Hezbollah Is Not

Two Lebanese Army soldiers oversee rubble clearance in the streets of Zawtar al-Gharbiya in southern Lebanon (Asharq Al-Awsat).
Two Lebanese Army soldiers oversee rubble clearance in the streets of Zawtar al-Gharbiya in southern Lebanon (Asharq Al-Awsat).

Abu Fadl Ezzeddine lifts an empty food carton bearing Hebrew writing that blocks the entrance to his home in the southern Lebanese town of Zawtar al-Gharbiya. When he and his family returned to inspect the house, damaged during the war, they discovered that Israeli soldiers had occupied its second floor.

"They moved furniture and ventilation fans from the other floors. They slept here, ate here, and left behind their trash and food scraps," Ezzeddine says, pointing to the rooms the soldiers vacated before withdrawing from the town last week under the implementation of the "pilot zone" arrangement.

Ezzeddine is one of hundreds of residents who have returned to assess whether life in the town can resume following the Israeli withdrawal. Many walk through the streets in shock at the scale of destruction and the disappearance of even the most basic conditions for living.

The Lebanese Army is working to restore a measure of normalcy. Military bulldozers are clearing rubble and reopening roads, while soldiers have deployed along the eastern edge of the town square.

"You have to stop here," one soldier says beside two military vehicles, pointing toward "a dangerous area just a few steps away," referring to Israeli troops and armored vehicles positioned only meters away in neighboring Zawtar al-Sharqiya, which remains under Israeli occupation.

The Army Entered. Hezbollah Did Not.

The Lebanese Army has entered Zawtar al-Gharbiya. Hezbollah has not returned.

There is no visible sign of the group. No new Hezbollah flags have been raised, nor have portraits of its leaders reappeared. Torn fragments of yellow flags still emerge from beneath the rubble, shredded by the force of the explosions. The only flags flying today are Lebanese flags mounted on military vehicles.

Army personnel patrol the town square and neighborhoods adjoining Zawtar al-Sharqiya. One resident jokingly describes the dividing line between the two towns as "the Berlin Wall," while another sarcastically refers to the first military checkpoint on the secondary road from Qaqaaiyat al-Jisr as the "Zawtar Crossing," since the town's main eastern entrance remains under Israeli control.

For residents, the army's presence represents more than a security guarantee.

Locals recall meeting Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to the town on Friday. Haifa Shaqir says Haykal greeted her warmly.

"I welcomed him and told him he was among his own people, and that we were honored by his presence and by the lions surrounding him," she says, referring to the soldiers. "I told him we hoped security would prevail."

She says Haykal replied that he was visiting "his country and his people," promising that "we will see nothing but better days."

"His visit lifted the spirits of people who were broken," she adds.

Restoring Basic Services

The emotional significance of the visit has been matched by practical assistance.

Alongside clearing debris, inspecting homes, and marking those deemed safe for return, residents say the army has begun restoring basic services needed to make daily life possible.

Hassan Ezzeddine, whose toy shop in the town square was destroyed by Israeli forces and whose home in the western neighborhood was damaged during Israeli bombardment, says the Lebanese Army supplied service water and filled the house's storage tanks, allowing him to move back into his home on Friday evening.

Providing essential services was also part of General Haykal's commitment to Mayor Abd Ezzeddine during the same visit.

The mayor says Haykal pledged to help restore services to the town.

"Regarding electricity, I suggested providing residents with solar panels," he says. "He promised to work toward restoring the conditions necessary for people to return."

The army, working alongside the municipality, is reopening roads, removing debris, and, together with Lebanon's Civil Defense, delivering water to residents. Authorities are also trying to provide water tanks for damaged homes to facilitate residents' return.

Yet, Ezzeddine notes, "The army came, but most state institutions have not."

"We haven't seen the Ministry of Social Affairs or any other ministry return," he says. "The only exception has been the Council for the South, which provided food assistance."

He says the issue will be raised with Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, who visited the town and promised a follow-up meeting as well as support for turning Zawtar into a model town.

The number of returning residents, he says, continues to rise daily.

"People are living in homes without doors or windows because they believe returning is their right, and because their land and livelihoods mean everything to them."

Little Life Remains

No more than 10 percent of the town's homes remain damaged but habitable.

Of the remaining buildings, about 60 percent have been completely destroyed, while most of the rest are either structurally unsafe or too badly damaged to accommodate residents.

Entire sections of the town center have been flattened, stretching toward the outskirts of Zawtar al-Sharqiya, where Israeli forces remain deployed.

To the north, airstrikes and demolitions have leveled an entire neighborhood.

The destruction spared neither public nor religious buildings. The municipal headquarters, mosque, hussainiya, and roads all sustained heavy damage. Even a church built only a few years ago suffered destruction. Residents also report what they describe as an attempt to sabotage the town's drinking water well.

Despite the devastation, residents return during daylight hours, relying on a civil society organization for meals and drinking water. Most leave again before nightfall.

Those returning are divided between residents of Zawtar al-Gharbiya and Zawtar al-Sharqiya.

Mustafa Ammar, who is from Zawtar al-Sharqiya, says he comes every day simply to look toward his hometown.

Israeli forces destroyed his home and bulldozed the tobacco fields he cultivated, but he still comes to remain as close as possible to where he was born.

"Administratively, they are two towns," he says. "But the neighborhoods overlap, and the people have always lived as one community. Many residents of Zawtar al-Gharbiya own homes or property in Zawtar al-Sharqiya."

Among them is Abu Mohammad Hraibi, originally from Zawtar al-Gharbiya but a resident of Zawtar al-Sharqiya. He says Israeli forces destroyed his home and broke into his supermarket, which had been fully stocked.

Every two or three days, he travels from his temporary displacement in Sidon to Zawtar al-Gharbiya.

"I come just to look at my town," he says, leaving his children and grandchildren behind at their temporary residence.

A Sudanese man who has worked at a gas station in Zawtar al-Sharqiya for the past 16 years also returned to check on friends and neighbors in both towns.

A Strategic Location

Residents speak hopefully about returning home and rebuilding their lives, but those hopes are quickly overshadowed by Israeli military movements only meters away.

Explosions continue to echo from villages across the valley that remain under Israeli occupation, including Deir Siryan, Taybeh, Qantara, Yohmor, the outskirts of Beaufort Castle, where a massive explosion was heard only hours earlier, and the Ali al-Taher Heights overlooking the town, which Israel has said it intends to occupy.

Residents hope the withdrawal phase will not drag on.

"The Israeli presence this close to us is a constant source of anxiety," one resident says. "There is no sense of security as long as Israel is there."

Because of its strategic location beneath Israeli-held high ground stretching from Taybeh and Oweida to Misgav Am, the town has repeatedly borne the brunt of wars and confrontations.

"This house," Abu Fadl Ezzeddine says, "was destroyed during the 2006 war. We rebuilt it. Now Israeli soldiers have occupied it, burned its rooms, and left it in ruins once again."

Residents hope this conflict will prove to be the last.

Haifa Shaqir, who says she could not recover "even a single spoon" from beneath the rubble of her home, expresses that hope simply:

"We pray God brings relief to the people, so we can rebuild our town to be even more beautiful than it once was."



Israel Demolishes Gunmen’s Homes in West Bank Operation That Has Displaced Thousands

 Smoke, dust and debris rise as the Israeli army demolishes two houses with explosives in connection with an Oct. 23 shooting attack that killed two Israeli soldiers, in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron, Friday, Oct. 30, 2026. (AP)
Smoke, dust and debris rise as the Israeli army demolishes two houses with explosives in connection with an Oct. 23 shooting attack that killed two Israeli soldiers, in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron, Friday, Oct. 30, 2026. (AP)
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Israel Demolishes Gunmen’s Homes in West Bank Operation That Has Displaced Thousands

 Smoke, dust and debris rise as the Israeli army demolishes two houses with explosives in connection with an Oct. 23 shooting attack that killed two Israeli soldiers, in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron, Friday, Oct. 30, 2026. (AP)
Smoke, dust and debris rise as the Israeli army demolishes two houses with explosives in connection with an Oct. 23 shooting attack that killed two Israeli soldiers, in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron, Friday, Oct. 30, 2026. (AP)

Israel demolished on Friday the homes ‌of the assailants who killed two Israeli soldiers at a checkpoint in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron last week, part of an ongoing operation that has forcibly displaced over 3,000 Palestinians.

After the October 23 attack, in which both gunmen were killed, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered the Israeli military to launch a large-scale operation in areas near the checkpoint, triggering protests by Palestinian residents.

Palestinian officials have accused Netanyahu of using the operation to drum up support ahead of a general election in Israel on Tuesday. Israel's government says its operation is a response to the attack ‌on its soldiers.

In ‌a statement announcing the demolitions, Israel's military said it ‌would "continue ⁠to operate proactively ⁠and offensively" to thwart attacks in the West Bank and "protect residents in the area".

The homes demolished on Friday had been occupied by the wives and children of the gunmen before the military forced Palestinians to leave the area over the past week, according to local residents.

The military has also demolished other homes as well as shops, roads, and factories in Hebron since ⁠the attack, according to local officials, though the exact ‌scale of the demolitions is unclear.

It has ‌closed most entrances to the city, severely curtailing freedom of movement for Palestinians, including people ‌in need of medical attention.

UN human rights chief Volker Türk ‌said this week that the displacement of residents raised "grave concerns of unnecessary and disproportionate use of force" and that "threats to empty and erase entire neighborhoods also raise serious concerns of ethnic cleansing."

Netanyahu's government has presided over a rapid expansion of settlements, deemed ‌illegal by UN bodies and most countries, though Israel disputes this.

Under Netanyahu's right-wing coalition there has also ⁠been a surge of ⁠militant settler violence against Palestinians.

In Kafr Malik near Ramallah on Friday, Reuters witnesses documented militant Israeli settlers shoving Palestinians and preventing farmers from harvesting their olives, while the Israeli military was present.

The Israeli military said it had responded to reports from Israeli settlers that Palestinians were throwing stones at them, and had arrested two Palestinians.

It did not address the reports of Israeli settlers attacking Palestinians. A Reuters witness present during the incident did not observe the Palestinians throwing stones.

Attacks have surged during the Palestinian olive harvest, which starts at the end of September and ends in November. The Israeli rights group Yesh Din reported at least 135 physical attacks on the olive harvest as of October 23.


First Algerian Troops Arrive in Niger Where Extremists Threaten Stability

Algeria, which shares a border with Niger, has traditionally regarded stability in ‌the Sahel-Sahara ‌as an important regional security ‌priority. (Getty Images)
Algeria, which shares a border with Niger, has traditionally regarded stability in ‌the Sahel-Sahara ‌as an important regional security ‌priority. (Getty Images)
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First Algerian Troops Arrive in Niger Where Extremists Threaten Stability

Algeria, which shares a border with Niger, has traditionally regarded stability in ‌the Sahel-Sahara ‌as an important regional security ‌priority. (Getty Images)
Algeria, which shares a border with Niger, has traditionally regarded stability in ‌the Sahel-Sahara ‌as an important regional security ‌priority. (Getty Images)

An Algerian army ‌convoy has arrived in Niger in Algeria's first foreign troop deployment since it sent forces to support Egypt during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war.

Niger, like other countries in West Africa's Sahel region, is battling insurgents linked to al-Qaeda and ISIS.

Algeria, which shares a border with Niger, has traditionally regarded stability in ‌the Sahel-Sahara ‌as an important regional security ‌priority.

⁠Energy is an ⁠important focus for Algeria in Niger, where Algerian state-run oil and gas firm Sonatrach has investments.

One major project, the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline with Niger and Nigeria, aims to deliver African gas to Europe ⁠and other international markets.

Reuters spoke ‌to 10 people ‌who said the first Algerian military convoy had ‌reached Arlit, a uranium mining town ‌in the country's northwest.

Algeria has said the decision to deploy troops was taken to protect the country's energy and economic interests, without disclosing ‌the size of the force or the timetable for their arrival.

Military ⁠officers ⁠have ruled Niger, which has uranium, oil and gold resources, since the July 2023 coup that ousted President Mohamed Bazoum, which Algeria initially opposed.


Houthis Suspected of Recruiting Children, Young Men Amid Surge in Disappearances in Sanaa

Human rights reports accuse the Houthis of recruiting more children. (Local media)
Human rights reports accuse the Houthis of recruiting more children. (Local media)
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Houthis Suspected of Recruiting Children, Young Men Amid Surge in Disappearances in Sanaa

Human rights reports accuse the Houthis of recruiting more children. (Local media)
Human rights reports accuse the Houthis of recruiting more children. (Local media)

Disappearances of children and young men have surged in Yemen's Houthi-held capital Sanaa and its outskirts in recent weeks, fueling accusations that the Houthis are luring them into military camps, training them for combat and sending them to battlefronts without their families' knowledge or consent.

The cases have also raised fears among families of possible extortion, as authorities face accusations of failing to investigate the disappearances or disclose the fate of those missing.

Local human rights sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the unexplained disappearances have left residents increasingly alarmed, with children and young men vanishing from schools, streets and residential neighborhoods, sometimes without a trace.

Families have been left to search for their missing relatives on their own, turning to social media to appeal for information as Houthi-controlled security authorities ignore their reports, the sources said.

About 13 children and young men have disappeared from different parts of Sanaa since the start of October, the sources said. Most were aged between 15 and 23, and some were later found at Houthi military camps or on battlefronts after being lured into combat training without their families' knowledge or approval.

Hundreds of disappearances involving children and young men have been reported in Sanaa and other Houthi-controlled cities since the beginning of the year, the sources said. Some families remain in the dark about their missing relatives' whereabouts.

The sources accused Houthi security authorities of ignoring families' reports and appeals, compounding their distress and leaving those missing vulnerable to exploitation and recruitment.

The latest cases, reported over the past two days, involve Amjad Noman al-Sarouhi, 16, who vanished from the al-Ansi neighborhood in central Sanaa's Maeen district, and Mukhtar Abdullah Hassan al-Rifai, 22, who went missing near the Haziz market on the capital's outskirts.

Lured into military camps

Families' accounts have deepened fears that disappearances are being used to funnel children and young men into Houthi military camps, amid accusations that Houthi supervisors and recruitment brokers are exploiting their social and economic hardships to draw them into combat.

In one case, a family spent five days searching neighborhoods and hospitals for a minor who disappeared from Sanaa two months ago, only to learn from a Houthi supervisor that he was at a military camp north of the city.

A relative told Asharq Al-Awsat that the supervisor confirmed Houthi members had lured the boy into the camp and put him through combat training without his family's knowledge.

The relative described five days of fear and anguish as the family searched for the boy, worried he might have been harmed, before discovering he had been taken to a Houthi camp and subjected to military training without their consent.

For Mujeeb, a Sanaa resident and father of four, the disappearances have turned even routine outings into a source of fear.

"We live in constant fear for our children. We no longer feel at ease even when one of them steps out to run a simple errand," he said.

"We fear a Houthi member or supervisor could lure them away or exploit their needs and difficult living conditions, leaving us facing a situation we are powerless to change."

Mujeeb said families wanted their children kept safe and allowed to pursue their education and lead normal lives, free from recruitment and being sent to battlefronts.