Hezbollah Threat to Mobilize the Street: Venting Anger or a Pressure Tactic?

Hezbollah supporters wave the flags of the group and Iran in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a ceremony held last month to coincide with the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. (EPA)
Hezbollah supporters wave the flags of the group and Iran in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a ceremony held last month to coincide with the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. (EPA)
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Hezbollah Threat to Mobilize the Street: Venting Anger or a Pressure Tactic?

Hezbollah supporters wave the flags of the group and Iran in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a ceremony held last month to coincide with the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. (EPA)
Hezbollah supporters wave the flags of the group and Iran in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a ceremony held last month to coincide with the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. (EPA)

“You have the right to be angry. But we ask you to hold that anger inside and be ready to use it when the time comes to achieve your goals and demands.” With those words, Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem addressed supporters in his latest appearance last week.

He then went further: “This anger has its time, and it can erupt,” warning in advance that responsibility for the fallout from any such eruption would lie with those who “do not know how to do their job” or who “try to work against the resistance and its people.”

The remarks have raised a broader question in Lebanon: Is Hezbollah preparing its supporters for a stage in which it moves from containing anger in the street to mobilizing it?

The question comes as southern Lebanon and its residents face severe hardship, mounting losses, and growing political and military pressure.

No decision to take to the streets

For now, there is still a gap between anger and a decision to mobilize.

Qassem Qassir, a political writer close to Hezbollah, said the anger Qassem referred to “is real and present within the resistance’s support base, particularly in the south, which is facing Israeli killings, destruction and massacres, which the Lebanese authorities have been unable to stop despite ongoing negotiations with Israel.”

But Qassir said there was “no information so far indicating any change in Hezbollah and the Amal Movement’s decision not to take to the streets.” Amal, led by parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, is a close ally to the Iran-backed party.

Qassir said some groups occasionally stage spontaneous protests, while anger is also expressed through statements and comments on social media.

Still, he said Qassem’s remarks could be “a signal for steps to come,” particularly amid what he described as “psychological preparations” for possible action if the situation moves toward further escalation.

“Hezbollah’s popular base is ready to mobilize,” he said, pointing to large turnouts whenever supporters are called to an event or funeral.

Protest vs. uprising

Political writer and academic Mona Fayyad drew a sharper distinction between anger inside Hezbollah’s support base and the ability to turn it into collective action.

“The main question is whether there is anger among Hezbollah’s supporters that could lead to an explosion, and whether the secretary-general is capable of turning that anger into actual mobilization,” Fayyad told Asharq Al-Awsat.

She said anger was unsurprising given displacement and the difficult social and living conditions facing Hezbollah’s supporters. But, she added, that did not mean it would become a popular uprising.

Collective action, she said, requires several conditions: a shared sense of threat, confidence in the leadership calling for action, and a belief that mobilization can produce results.

She also warned that a leader who identifies his supporters’ anger while asking them to delay expressing it risks widening the gap between the leadership and its base.

Qassem’s limited charisma “does not help him manage Hezbollah’s relationship with its supporters or turn anger into popular mobilization,” she went on to say.

‘Operating on the margins’

Lawyer and university professor Ali Mourad was more critical.

He said Qassem’s latest speech, particularly his effort to place responsibility for the consequences of the war on the state, reflected “a major illusion” and “a continued attempt to evade responsibility by shifting it onto the state.”

“The situation in the south is extremely difficult, and Jabal Amel is facing one of its most dangerous political and social moments after the people of the south were uprooted from their land,” Mourad told Asharq Al-Awsat.

But he questioned where Qassem’s threatened “eruption” would be directed.

“Against whom would this explosion be, and for what purpose?” he asked. “Would it be against the state, which is now dealing with the consequences of a war it was not part of?”

“The current phase is not one of anger or explosion,” Mourad said. “It is a phase of reassessment, limiting losses and dealing with their consequences.”

He said Hezbollah was “incapable of taking serious steps in this direction” and was instead “operating on the margins to escape its responsibility.”

The people of the south understand that the state is not responsible for what happened and that responsibility for the choices that led to the war lies with Hezbollah, he stressed.

Mourad said the “anger, wounds, and sorrow” felt by southerners should instead be translated into politics by ending the existing duality and moving toward a clearer equation based on “land in exchange for weapons,” rather than “fueling the battle or reproducing it.”

“The tragedy of the people of the south now goes beyond the political dispute between Hezbollah and its opponents,” he said. “Everyone must come under the authority of the state as the only available option.”

Mourad ended with a pointed question: What is the value of calling people into the streets to protest when many are already living there after losing their homes and property?



Iraq Fears Return of ‘Shadow Factions’ to Regional ‘Unity of Fronts’ Campaign

Members of Harakat al-Nujaba movement attend a gathering in Baghdad on Oct. 8, 2023 (AFP)
Members of Harakat al-Nujaba movement attend a gathering in Baghdad on Oct. 8, 2023 (AFP)
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Iraq Fears Return of ‘Shadow Factions’ to Regional ‘Unity of Fronts’ Campaign

Members of Harakat al-Nujaba movement attend a gathering in Baghdad on Oct. 8, 2023 (AFP)
Members of Harakat al-Nujaba movement attend a gathering in Baghdad on Oct. 8, 2023 (AFP)

Fears are mounting in Iraq that armed factions’ refusal to surrender their weapons may be an attempt to buy time ahead of a possible resumption of the war with Iran and the revival of the so-called “Axis of Resistance,” as Baghdad faces growing security and political pressure to prevent attacks on regional targets from Iraqi soil.

Political sources close to the Coordination Framework, an alliance of Iraq’s main Shiite political forces, said negotiations to bring all weapons under state control had made no tangible progress, with several factions yet to hand over the rockets and drones in their possession.

However, the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that some alliance leaders considered it unlikely that the factions would attack countries in the region in support of Iran if the war resumed, given the potential repercussions for Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government, which could face mounting regional and international pressure.

Nujaba Reaffirms Refusal to Surrender Weapons

Those assessments have failed to ease fears that smaller armed groups could resume attacks that would be difficult to attribute directly to major factions, amid rising regional tensions and continuing divisions in Iraq over weapons outside state control.

Underscoring resistance to any change in the factions’ military status, Abdul Qadir al-Karbalai, military deputy of the Harakat al-Nujaba movement, said Wednesday that the group would not participate in the political process and that its position remained unchanged.

In a statement, al-Karbalai rejected the terms “placing weapons under state control,” “handing over weapons” and “disarmament” in reference to what the group calls resistance weapons.

His remarks pose an additional challenge to the government’s efforts to bring weapons under state control, with concerns extending beyond the political standoff between Baghdad and the factions to the possibility of renewed attacks on regional targets from Iraqi territory.

‘Shadow Factions’

Iraqi newspaper Al-Mada, citing informed sources, reported that the closure of the al-Sheeb border crossing with Iran in Maysan province was not solely related to the technical reasons cited by the government.

The move also came amid security fears of a return by so-called “shadow factions,” small groups of five to 10 members suspected of being used to carry out attacks that would be difficult to trace to those responsible.

Security agencies have stepped up surveillance of suspected attack sites over the past two weeks, the newspaper’s sources said, after attacks targeting Saudi Arabia reportedly shifted from areas in the Najaf desert in July to locations near the al-Sheeb crossing in September.

The developments suggest that armed groups may be changing tactics, avoiding heavily monitored sites and seeking new areas from which to operate.

The assessments and the identities of those behind the reported attacks could not be independently verified.

The Iraqi government has maintained that the crossing’s closure is temporary and intended to improve operational efficiency.

Government spokesman Haider al-Aboudi denied any political motive, describing the closure as “a purely administrative measure that requires no political interpretation.”

Meanwhile, Prime Ministerial adviser Abdul Amir Taiban accused the Iranian side of “serious violations” of Iraqi sovereignty, creating chaos along the shared border and deliberately undermining Iraq’s economy through the smuggling of counterfeit currency and drugs.

Mounting US Pressure

The closure comes as Washington steps up pressure on Baghdad over cross-border trade with Iran.

AFP quoted an Iraqi source Wednesday confirming the closure, while an Iranian official said border crossings with Iraq remained open to travelers, although truck traffic was experiencing delays.

Two political sources said Washington was pressing Baghdad to close additional crossings with Iran. One said the US Treasury Department had raised the issue with al-Zaidi during his visit to New York last month.

Security concerns also extend beyond Iraq’s land borders.

A security source in Basra province said Wednesday that a drone fell into the sea about 200 meters from an oil tanker identified as the Corden Eikel, after its crew alerted Iraqi naval forces to the presence of two drones.

One crashed into the water, while the other disappeared from sight, the source said.

Meanwhile, Baghdad is pursuing diplomatic contacts with regional countries in an effort to contain the escalation.

Iraq’s Foreign Ministry said Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein and his Emirati counterpart, Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, discussed by phone ways to create conditions conducive to peaceful understandings that could ease regional tensions and strengthen security and stability.


Yemen’s Houthis Blow Up Roads, Loot Homes in Rural Taiz

A cargo truck overturns on a road between Lahj and Taiz after the Houthis blocked the main route (X)
A cargo truck overturns on a road between Lahj and Taiz after the Houthis blocked the main route (X)
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Yemen’s Houthis Blow Up Roads, Loot Homes in Rural Taiz

A cargo truck overturns on a road between Lahj and Taiz after the Houthis blocked the main route (X)
A cargo truck overturns on a road between Lahj and Taiz after the Houthis blocked the main route (X)

Houthi militias are tightening their grip on rural communities in southwestern Yemen, blowing up roads, erecting military barricades and digging trenches as abductions, home raids and attacks on drinking water sources disrupt daily life and raise fears of fresh displacement.

The crackdown is concentrated in the districts of Al-Shamayatayn and Al-Mawasit in Taiz province and neighboring Al-Maqatirah in Lahj, a vast, densely populated area of strategic importance.

The measures contrast sharply with the Houthis' efforts to restore normal life, win public acceptance of their rule and recruit supporters and fighters through various incentives.

The Yemeni army's Tur al-Baha military command said last Saturday that eight of its soldiers had been killed in Houthi shelling in Al-Maqatirah, without providing further details.

Local sources said Houthi fighters in Al-Shamayatayn had fired an artillery shell at soldiers gathered at a military facility.

Residents of Al-Maqatirah told Asharq Al-Awsat that Houthi gunmen had destroyed sections of roads connecting their villages to Al-Shamayatayn and the city of Al-Turbah.

Last Sunday, the Houthis blew up several culverts along the Hayjat al-Abd road, cutting off the main route linking Taiz to Lahj and Aden and forcing travelers and truck drivers onto the Al-Suha-Karbah road.

Five trucks carrying goods and essential supplies overturned on the alternative route on Tuesday, blocking traffic for hours and damaging large quantities of merchandise. The disruption came as areas under Houthi control faced severe food shortages.

The Yemeni government had improved the Al-Suha-Karbah road as an alternative to Hayjat al-Abd, which has repeatedly closed because of Houthi attacks and flooding. But its rugged terrain and narrow stretches make it unsuitable as a permanent replacement.

The Houthis resort to blowing up roads to impose collective punishment on the residents of Taiz and Lahj (X)

Villages cut off

The Houthis also blew up culverts along Naqil Musayr, a road connecting villages in western Al-Maqatirah to Al-Turbah, the administrative center of Al-Shamayatayn.

Residents must now walk to the city to shop and run errands. Vehicles can reach it only via the rugged Karbah road, a journey of at least three hours.

The group also blew up part of Naqil al-Khazrah, a stone stairway linking Al-Sharaf village and the Al-Jahili area in Al-Shamayatayn to villages in eastern Al-Maqatirah, forcing residents to take lengthy detours.

In Yemen, a naqil is a winding mountain route connecting higher elevations to foothills and valleys. Residents often build long stone stairways along these routes to make travel easier.

The blasts sent huge boulders crashing onto agricultural terraces, damaging farmland and nearby homes.

Residents of both districts told Asharq Al-Awsat that Houthi fighters had erected barricades and military outposts, dug trenches along roads connecting the districts and positioned weapons toward Al-Maqatirah.

The military buildup has left residents fearing they could be targeted on any pretext.

The Houthis have advanced only a few kilometers into Al-Maqatirah along the Hayjat al-Abd road, securing control of the route and blowing up its culverts. They also control the district's eastern areas.

Observers say the group appears satisfied, for now, with its hold over the high ground in Al-Shamayatayn overlooking Al-Maqatirah. Those positions put the district within range of Houthi fire and allow the group to monitor nearby military movements.

The Houthis blew up several rural roads after residents spent many years building them (Facebook)

Abductions and home raids

The Houthis abducted about 20 people in Qadas, in Al-Mawasit district, after a vehicle belonging to the group's so-called "Preaching Committee" caught fire.

The committee works to persuade residents to embrace the Houthis' ideology and sectarian views.

The group accused residents of Al-Mukayshah village of setting the vehicle ablaze and launched a manhunt, tightening security across the area.

Dozens of gunmen were deployed and new checkpoints set up, where passersby were forced to open their phones for inspection and explain why they were traveling.

In Al-Alqamah, west of Al-Shamayatayn, Houthi fighters also looted homes abandoned by residents who had fled fighting following the group's advance from Al-Wazi'iyah district.

Residents said the fighters broke down doors and entered the homes, claiming to be searching for weapons and accusing their owners of collaborating with the Yemeni army and the Saudi-led coalition supporting Yemen's internationally recognized government.

But the raids went beyond searches. Fighters seized household belongings and loaded them onto vehicles before taking them out of the area.

The escalating restrictions, raids and abductions have heightened fears across rural Taiz that hundreds more residents could be forced to flee their homes for Lahj and Aden.


Israeli Fire Kills Three People in Gaza

Palestinians gather around a burning a vehicle after it was hit by an Israeli strike, according to health officials, in Gaza City, October 22, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
Palestinians gather around a burning a vehicle after it was hit by an Israeli strike, according to health officials, in Gaza City, October 22, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
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Israeli Fire Kills Three People in Gaza

Palestinians gather around a burning a vehicle after it was hit by an Israeli strike, according to health officials, in Gaza City, October 22, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas
Palestinians gather around a burning a vehicle after it was hit by an Israeli strike, according to health officials, in Gaza City, October 22, 2026. REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas

Israeli fire killed one person in a car in Gaza City and at least two others in other parts of the enclave on Thursday, health officials there said.

A crowd gathered around the burning wreckage in Gaza City's Tel Al-Hawa neighbourhood as orange-vested emergency workers sprayed it with water, photos from the scene showed, Reuters reported.

Another strike killed a Palestinian man on a bike in the southern city of Khan Younis, and gunfire killed a woman near the Jabalia refugee camp, in the north, the medics added.

The Israeli military said they had struck a Hamas militant in Khan Younis, without giving further details. The military added they were still checking reports of the strikes in Jabalia and Gaza City's Tel Al-Hawa suburb.

Israel, which says the Hamas militant group has been rearming and launching attacks in violation of a year-old ceasefire, has stepped up strikes on the group in recent weeks.

Hamas has denied trying to carry out attacks or rebuild its arsenal and accuses Israel of undermining the Gaza peace deal.

Last year's US-brokered ceasefire calls for eventual reconstruction of the territory. But little progress has been made as negotiators have failed to agree terms for Hamas to disarm and Israel to withdraw its troops.

Israeli airstrikes have continued. At least 1,500 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza since the ceasefire, according to the territory's health officials, while Israel says four soldiers have been killed.

Palestinian authorities say more than 74,000 people have been killed in Israel's assault on Gaza, launched after Hamas-led fighters killed about 1,200 people in southern Israel on October 7, 2023.