Nearly two years after the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime, Syria has begun taking its first steps on a long and complex path toward holding those responsible for violations committed during the years of war to account. The verdict issued in absentia sentencing Assad and several senior officials of his regime to death carries important political and judicial significance, but it has also raised difficult questions about the value of sentences that cannot be enforced, the limits of justice, and the ability of the new state to address a legacy spanning more than five decades.
A Syrian court convicted Assad on charges including premeditated murder, torture, and unlawful deprivation of liberty, considering these acts war crimes and crimes against humanity. Many Syrians welcomed the verdict, seeing it as official recognition of what they had endured after years in which holding those responsible to account seemed almost impossible.
For now, however, the verdict remains largely symbolic because Bashar al-Assad is living in Russia, where he sought refuge after the collapse of his regime in late 2024. Observers believe his handover to the Syrian authorities is unlikely, given his long-standing relationship with Moscow, in addition to legal obstacles related to the death penalty. A number of other senior former officials have also left the country or are hiding in unknown locations, making it difficult to enforce the sentences issued against them.
The new Syrian government has announced the formation of a committee to cooperate with Interpol, with the aim of pursuing and recovering wanted individuals from abroad. The success of this effort, however, depends on the cooperation of the countries where the accused are residing, as well as Damascus's ability to provide guarantees consistent with international law and fair-trial standards.
For victims, justice is not limited to issuing a verdict against the former head of state or a limited number of his associates. The years of war left behind a vast web of responsibility, beginning with decision-makers and extending to investigators, prison guards, and informants who wrote reports that led to people's arrest and transfer to detention centers known for torture, killing, and the mass killing of entire families.
One survivor of the 2013 chemical attack in Eastern Ghouta recalls that she can still remember the cries of the wounded and the feeling of suffocation and burning in her eyes. She lost her brother, her home and the women's center she ran were destroyed, and she was forced to leave her city in 2018. Today, she returns to the area to help rebuild a new center, but each visit confronts her with the destruction and memories that have never left her.
The figures reveal the scale of the task ahead. According to Syrian human rights organizations, more than 234,000 civilians were killed during the war, including more than 202,000 at the hands of the former regime's forces and their allies. Some 181,000 cases of arbitrary detention or enforced disappearance were also recorded, along with more than 45,000 deaths resulting from torture. In addition, 217 chemical attacks attributed to the regime have been documented. Human rights advocates believe the actual toll is much higher.
Justice does not mean criminal trials alone. It also includes determining the fate of the missing, investigating violations, compensating those affected, reforming judicial and security institutions, and preventing the crimes from being repeated. Observers stress the need to place victims at the heart of this process, not merely as witnesses, but as participants in determining priorities, compensation mechanisms, and how their experiences are preserved in collective memory.
The Syrian authorities have established two committees to address this issue. One is dedicated to the missing and has launched a platform allowing families to submit information. The other is focused on justice. So far, however, the second committee's work has been limited to crimes committed by the former regime, without clearly including violations committed by armed factions, extremist organizations, or any other parties that took part in the conflict.
This is where the need for balance becomes apparent. Comprehensive accountability does not mean equating the scale of crimes or ignoring the former regime's responsibility for the majority of documented violations. It does, however, require investigating crimes committed by all sides according to the same legal standards. Limiting justice to one side could weaken some Syrians' trust in the process and lead them to view it as a political tool rather than the foundation for genuine national reconciliation.
The death penalty is also a matter of debate among Syrians. While some victims consider it a just punishment proportionate to the scale of the crimes, human rights advocates reject it in principle and call for public, independent trials that result in lawful and enforceable sentences. They fear that harsh verdicts issued in absentia, if not based on transparent procedures, could undermine the legal value of accountability.
Another challenge is protecting witnesses and survivors. Giving testimony may force them to relive moments of fear and loss, which is why they need psychological, legal, and security support. Their suffering should not become political or media material. Instead, it should be met with official recognition, appropriate compensation, and guarantees that their participation remains voluntary.
This process will also require time, resources, and independent judicial expertise. Millions of documents, survivor testimonies, and mass graves require meticulous work that cannot withstand haste. Its success also depends on the authorities' ability to earn the trust of society and ensure that trials are not used for revenge or to settle political disputes, regardless of popular pressure or growing demands for retribution.
The trial of Assad remains a significant symbolic step because it brought an end to a period in which impunity had appeared entrenched. But it is only the beginning. Real justice will be measured by Syria's ability to find the missing, open the archives, preserve evidence, hold those responsible from all sides accountable, and reform the institutions that allowed the violations to occur. Without that, the verdict will remain a powerful headline attached to a case that has yet to be fully opened.
