Ukraine Aims to Wear Down and Outsmart a Russian Army Distracted by Infighting

A Ukrainian service member is seen, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, near the front line near the newly liberated village Neskuchne in Donetsk region, Ukraine June 13, 2023. (Reuters)
A Ukrainian service member is seen, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, near the front line near the newly liberated village Neskuchne in Donetsk region, Ukraine June 13, 2023. (Reuters)
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Ukraine Aims to Wear Down and Outsmart a Russian Army Distracted by Infighting

A Ukrainian service member is seen, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, near the front line near the newly liberated village Neskuchne in Donetsk region, Ukraine June 13, 2023. (Reuters)
A Ukrainian service member is seen, amid Russia's attack on Ukraine, near the front line near the newly liberated village Neskuchne in Donetsk region, Ukraine June 13, 2023. (Reuters)

The ambush had been postponed three times before Ukrainian commanders decided one recent night that conditions were finally right. Cloaked in darkness, a battalion of Kyiv’s 129th brigade pressed ahead, advancing stealthily on unsuspecting Russian soldiers.

By the time the Russians situated along the front line realized they were under attack, it was too late.

Ukraine's recapture of the small village of Neskuchne in the eastern Donetsk region on June 10 encapsulates the opening strategy of a major counteroffensive launched earlier this month. Small platoons bank on the element of surprise and, when successful, make incremental gains in territory and battlefield intelligence.

"We had a few scenarios. In the end, I think we chose the best one. To come quietly, unexpectedly," said Serhii Zherebylo, the 41-year-old deputy commander of the battalion that retook Neskuchne.

Across the 1,500-kilometer (930-mile) front line, Ukrainian forces are attempting to wear down the enemy and reshape battle lines to create more favorable conditions for a decisive, eastward advance. One strategy could be to try to split Russia's forces in two so that the Crimean Peninsula, which Moscow illegally annexed in 2014, is isolated from the rest of the territory it controls.

Ukraine's troops were given a boost of morale last week by an armed rebellion in Russia that posed the most significant threat to President Vladimir Putin's power in more than two decades. Yet how the revolt by Wagner Group mercenaries under the command of Russian warlord Yevgeny Prigozhin affects the trajectory of the war remains to be seen.

The infighting is a major distraction for Russia's military and political leaders, but experts say the impact on the battlefield so far appears minimal.

For the past four days, Ukraine has stepped up operations around the eastern city of Bakhmut, which Wagner forces seized after months of intense fighting and then handed over to Russian soldiers, who continue to lose some ground on their southern flank.

Along the front line, however, the strength of the Russian military remains unchanged since the revolt.

It is not clear where Ukraine will attempt to decisively punch through, but any success will rely on newly formed, Western-equipped brigades that are not yet deployed. For now, Russia's deeply fortified positions and relative air superiority are slowing Ukraine's advance.

Military experts say it is hard to say who has the advantage: Russia is dug-in with manpower and ammunition, while Ukraine is versatile, equipped with modern weaponry and clever on the battlefield.

But with the autumn muddy season only four months away, some Ukrainian commanders say they are racing against time.

"Although Ukrainian forces are making small and steady gains, they do not yet have the operational initiative, meaning they are not dictating the tempo and terms of action," said Dylan Lee Lehrke, an analyst with the British security intelligence firm Janes.

"This has led some observers to claim the counteroffensive is not meeting expectations," Lehrke said. But it was never going to resemble Ukraine’s blitzkrieg liberation of the eastern Kharkiv region last year, he said, because "Russian forces have had too long to prepare fortifications."

Russian authorities say Ukraine has suffered substantial losses since the start of the counteroffensive — 259 tanks and 790 armored vehicles, according to Putin, whose claims could not be independently verified.

Grinding battles are being waged in multiple combat zones.

A catastrophic dam collapse last month in the southern Kherson region has altered the geography along the Dnieper River, giving Ukrainians more freedom of movement there. Russian military bloggers claim a small group of Ukrainian fighters are making gains in the area, although Ukrainian officials have not confirmed these reports.

Across the agricultural plains of the southeastern Zaporizhzhia region, Ukrainian troops backed by tanks, artillery and drones appear to be chipping away more decisively against Russian positions.

Ukrainian troops would deal a severe blow to Russian forces if they managed to regain access to the Sea of Azov from this direction, effectively cutting off Moscow’s land bridge to Crimea. It’s too early to determine whether this is a realistic goal.

They are still a long way off.

In an underground command center on the front, a Ukrainian Special Forces commander with the call sign "Hunter" stares intently at an aerial view of the lush green battlefield.

His servicemen have just stormed an enemy position, but the return fire is constant. Russians blast rockets into the air, while his fighters hide and wait for orders.

Hunter directs the drone operator to shoot.

On the screen, a huge plume of black smoke swells in the air. A hit, he says.

The battle here will only get harder, analysts say.

Ukrainian troops are still several kilometers from Russia’s main defensive lines. As they penetrate deeper into occupied territory, the fighters will have to contend with Russian defenses organized in a diagonal pattern, 10 kilometers deep in some areas, including minefields, anti-tank ditches and pyramid-shaped obstacles known as "dragon's teeth."

And with each advance, they become more vulnerable to Russian air attacks.

At least 130 square kilometers (50 square miles) of land has been regained in the south since the start of the counteroffensive, Deputy Defense Minister Hanna Malyar said this week.

It’s not the pace many hoped for.

A US official familiar with the Biden administration thinking said the counteroffensive is a "long slog" that is testing Ukrainian forces in ways that few other episodes of the 16-month old war have. The official, who was not authorized to comment and spoke on the condition of anonymity, said that there never was expected to be a "D-Day moment," but that the early going suggests the pace of the counteroffensive will be "tough and challenging" for the Ukrainians.

Unlike some of the earlier battles in the war, in which Russian forces showed little resistance or even fled the battlefield, Ukrainian forces are currently facing stiff resistance, the official said.

In the northeast, Russian forces have stepped up offensive operations in the direction of the Kreminna forest near Lyman with the aim of securing a buffer to prevent incursions close to Moscow’s supply lines, said Lehrke. But it may well have a secondary aim — of forcing more Ukrainian deployments, he said.

The dense forested area has proven to be notoriously difficult terrain.

"The Russians have sabotage groups going into the woods and there have been cases where they enter behind the first line of Ukrainian defenses," said Pavlo Yusov, a press officer with the National Guard’s Thunderstorm brigade, currently in Lyman.

Col. Volodymyr Silenko, a commander of the 30th Mechanized Brigade operating near Bakhmut, pays no mind to criticism over the pace of attacks. It’s much more important to focus on how the adversary is thinking and responding, he said.

"A war is not a competition of raw force and strength of weapons and people, it’s more about who’s more cunning," he said.

Silenko knows the Russians watch his men, the same way he watches theirs; Moscow sees their movements, how they change, how they evolve.

"Our job is to outsmart them," he said.

Deception was a key part of Ukraine's most significant battlefield success to date, last fall's "Kherson ruse." By making it appear that the city of Kherson was the main target of that counteroffensive, Ukrainian forces were able to swiftly retake the northern Kharkiv region.

"That was a master class in deception," said Lehrke. "Whether they can do the same this time remains to be seen."



Locked in Mideast Wars and Battered by Sanctions, Iran is Wary over US Presidential Election

File photo: Iranian lawmakers concerned about gasoline price hike (AFP)
File photo: Iranian lawmakers concerned about gasoline price hike (AFP)
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Locked in Mideast Wars and Battered by Sanctions, Iran is Wary over US Presidential Election

File photo: Iranian lawmakers concerned about gasoline price hike (AFP)
File photo: Iranian lawmakers concerned about gasoline price hike (AFP)

America's presidential election next week comes just after Iran marks the 45th anniversary of the 1979 US Embassy hostage crisis — and for many, tensions between Tehran and Washington feel just as high as they did then.
Iran remains locked in the Mideast wars roiling the region, with its allies — militant groups and fighters of its self-described “Axis of Resistance” — battered as Israel presses its war in the Gaza Strip targeting Hamas and its invasion of Lebanon amid devastating attacks against Hezbollah. At the same time, Iran still appears to be assessing damage from Israel's strikes on the Iran last Saturday in response to two Iranian ballistic missile attacks.
Iran's currency, the rial, hovers near record lows against the dollar, battered by international sanctions over Tehran's nuclear program of enriching uranium closer than ever to weapons-grade levels.
In public spaces, women still openly defy Iran's mandatory law on the headscarf, or hijab, a result of the mass demonstrations over the 2022 death of Mahsa Amini that still haunts the country.
That has left a feel of fatalism among some on the streets of the capital, Tehran, as Americans cast ballots for either Vice President Kamala Harris or former President Donald Trump. Many are split on which candidate would be better for their country — if at all.
“All US presidents elected after the (1979) revolution had the same views about Iran and I think that’s unlikely to change," said Sadegh Rabbani, 65.
Harris and Trump have offered hard-line views on Iran, making Iranians wary. Both candidates have either undertaken or expressed tough stances on Iran.
In 2018, Trump unilaterally pulled America out of Tehran's nuclear deal with world powers, setting off years of attacks across the Middle East even before Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel. Trump has been briefed on Iranian plots to retaliate against him, as well over his decision to launch a 2020 drone strike that killed Iran's top general, Qassem Soleimani, in Baghdad.
Harris, meanwhile, vowed at the September presidential debate that she would always “give Israel the ability to defend itself, in particular as it relates to Iran and any threat that Iran and its proxies pose to Israel.”
For its part, the Biden administration did try indirect negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program that produced no tangible results, though it did reach one prisoner swap deal that saw five Americans detained for years in Iran walk free in September 2023.
In an outdoor coffeeshop in downtown Tehran, popular among the youth, 22-year-old Zahra Rezaei said she preferred a Harris win.
“We saw Trump in the past and he just ran an anti-Iran policy,” Rezaei told The Associated Press. "It is time for a woman ... I think she (Harris) will better since she is not after war.”
Ebrahim Shiri, a 28-year-old postgraduate political sciences student, agreed.
“I think Harris knows the world better," he said. “She and (Joe) Biden convinced Israel not to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities. This means moving toward peace.”
Others believe Trump, with his promises of dealmaking, might be a better fit.
“I do not know what the American people think, but Trump is able to get a quick deal with Iran,“ said Mohammad Ali Raoufi, 43, who runs a double-glazed window workshop. “The Biden administration including Harris failed to reach any (deal) with Iran over the past years when they were in power.”
Reza Ghaemi, a 31-year-old taxi driver, also suggested Trump may lessen tensions in the region since he pushed to withdraw US troops from the Mideast during his term in office.
Iran's government wants sanctions gone and hopes for another nuclear deal Many declined to speak to the AP on camera — Iran has only state-run television and radio stations, so people are suspicious of reporters with video cameras working openly on the street. A woman walking by immediately tightened her previously loose headscarf after seeing the camera.
Those who did speak to the AP mostly expressed worries about a direct United States-Iran war — especially if Trump wins.
While saying he wants Trump to win “for my own reasons,” 53-year-old Ahmad Moradi claimed that would make a US-Iran war "100%” sure to happen.
A woman who only gave her name as Mahnaz, fearing repercussions for speaking openly, suggested that Harris, as a woman, couldn’t reach any deals with Iran because “men can talk to men.”
“I think if Trump is elected, it will be much harder for our kids. Of course it doesn’t matter which one is elected, it’s already tough for us,” said Fariba Oodi.
“We the Iranian people are trapped in some political game. And our kids are paying a price for that," she added. "But I still think if it’s Trump, it will be more difficult, especially for my son who is a student and plans to apply” to study in America.
Iran's reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian, elected after a helicopter crash killed hard-line President Ebrahim Raisi in May, came to power on a promise to reach a deal to ease Western sanctions.
Iranian officials maintain that separating nuclear negotiations from Mideast wars is possible, even as the US has accused Iran of meddling in the November election, which Tehran denies.
Fatemeh Mohajerani, a spokeswoman for Pezeshkian's administration, said Tehran wants to see a change in US policies and a respect for the “national sovereignty of other countries.” It also wants Washington to "avoid tension-making activities as we witnessed in recent years,” she said.
Analysts, however, see a difficult road ahead for any possible US-Iran talks, no matter who wins next Tuesday.
“The talks will be a war of attrition,” Ali Soufi told the pro-reform Shargh newspaper. Saeed Nourmohammadi, another analyst, suggested such talks “are unlikely to be fruitful.”
But ultimately, any decision rests with Iran's 85-year-old Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
“You know, Khamenei has seen eight US presidents" come and go, said Abbas Ghasemi, a 67-year-old retired teacher "He knows how to deal with the next one.”