Allawi: America Ruined Iraq, in Partnership with Iran

Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
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Allawi: America Ruined Iraq, in Partnership with Iran

Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)

When the United States invaded Iraq, the Arabs were astonished and worried, and chose to stay away from the Iraqi scene so as not to be accused of supporting the occupation.

Iran took advantage of this Arab absence and launched a massive operation to prevent the establishment of a pro-Western Iraqi regime.

Tehran facilitated the invasion, but hastened to shake the stability that the Americans were betting on to build what they called the new democratic Iraq. Iran also benefited from dangerous decisions taken by Washington, including the dissolution of the Iraqi army, the de-Baathification, and the illusion of being able to rebuild Iraq from scratch after the dismantling of the state.

Once I asked President Jalal Talabani, who was returning from a trip to Tehran, what Iran really wanted from America. He said that he had concluded that it was ready to negotiate with Washington over files ranging from Afghanistan to Lebanon.

He explained: “Iran does not say that it wants a share, but rather that it seeks normal relations with the US, an end to hostility and to the seizure of Iranian funds in America.”

Talabani was more realistic than former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi. He realized that the relationship with Washington was not enough, and it was necessary to pass through Tehran.

In 2007, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited Baghdad, which was under the US occupation.

As American checkpoints facilitated the passage of the visitor’s convoy, it soon became clear that the Iranian president’s visit constituted a message that the American army would leave one day, but Iran, by virtue of geography, would remain near and inside Iraq. This is what actually happened, especially when slain IRGC Commander Qassem Soleimani began to destabilize Iraqi soil under the feet of the American army.

Iyad Allawi was not pro-American. He did not recognize their right to tailor the new Iraqi political scene as they wanted. Moreover, his meetings with a number of US officials were not fruitful. In parallel, no language of understanding was found with Tehran. He did not accept its terms, while the Iranian capital failed to tolerate his approach.

On March 7, 2010, general elections were held in Iraq. The “Iraqiya” list, led by Allawi, won 91 seats, while the State of Law coalition, led by Nouri al-Maliki, obtained 89 seats.

According to the applicable interpretation of the constitution, Allawi was supposed to be entrusted with the task of forming the new government. Al-Maliki was able to get from the Federal Supreme Court another interpretation of the article that talks about the largest bloc. A severe political crisis erupted that lasted about nine months, and ended in Al-Maliki’s favor.

I asked Allawi about the parties that prevented him from forming the government, he replied: “We achieved victory in the elections despite everything we were exposed to. Five hundred people were subjected to procedures under the pretext of “de-Baathification.” Among them were a number of our candidates. They assassinated nine persons. They closed entire regions to prevent our supporters from voting, and yet we were ahead of them by three seats. In fact, I was surprised by what happened. I did not expect the American and Iranian stances to reach this point. America and Iran prevented me from forming a government. They worked together.”

Allawi continued: “During that period, then-US Vice President Joe Biden visited Baghdad about three times a month. His concern was that I would give up in favor of Al-Maliki. He asked me to assume the presidency of the republic, and I told him that the people elected us to form the government, so how could I become president of the republic without a job or work (the nature of the position is quasi-protocol)... Biden repeated his demand, and I replied: “By God, if you do not allow me to become prime minister, terrorism will grow stronger... as will hatred for the regime...”

“During that period, US-Iranian negotiations were taking place in Muscat. The American delegation was headed by Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Advisor under then-President Barack Obama. The Iranian side conveyed to the Americans a threat, stating that Iran will stop negotiations and cause problems in Iraq if Iyad Allawi becomes prime minister.”

“The truth is that I met Biden about 20 times. I’ve known him since he was in charge of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. His personality is shaky, and he is a liar and a hypocrite,” Allawi stated.

I asked the former premier whether the US destroyed Iraq, he replied: “Yes, America ruined Iraq.”

On whether Washington had partners, he said: “Yes, Iran. Beginning with the dissolution of the Iraqi army, to the Popular Mobilization Forces, the armed militias and terrorism, the death of democracy and the spread of political sectarianism...”

I am Major General Qassem Soleimani

After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, a prominent player appeared on the Iraqi scene: General Qassem Soleimani, commander of the Iranian Quds Force. His role was not only limited to draining the American army, but went beyond to impose his decision in choosing presidents, forming governments, and determining paths. He assumed a similar role in Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen.

I asked Allawi about his relationship with Soleimani, he said: “I met General Soleimani in the house of Adel Abdul Mahdi (later Prime Minister). Adel invited me to dinner, but he did not tell me who would be present... Half an hour later, two men arrived at the place... The first one approached me and said: “I am Major General Qassem Soleimani.” During the meeting, Soleimani told me: “We worked against you all the time.” I replied: “And I was against you all the time.”

Allawi recounted his conversation with the Iranian commander.

“I told him: Why did you work against us? I included you in the Sharm El-Sheikh meeting in defiance of international will. I opened all ways for you. We stopped the activity of the Mujahideen Khalq and seized their heavy weapons. I sent you the strongest economic delegation, on the basis of improving the position of the Iraqi neighborhood. He replied: “We made a mistake, and I am now in the presence of a senior commander.” I told him: “I am neither a big leader nor a watermelon. Do not interfere in Iraq’s internal affairs, and things will return to their normal course.”

Putin: Why don’t you go to Iran?

I asked Allawi to recall the most important pieces of advice he was given to visit Iran, and I will let him narrate it.

“In the seventh month of 2010, I visited Moscow, but I did not have any official status. President Vladimir Putin invited me to a dinner in the Kremlin, attended only by the interpreter. Putin asked me why I don’t go to Iran, and I replied: “Would you, for example, go to Finland to become President of the Republic of Russia?” He said: “No.” I said: “Why do you want me to go to Iran to become their follower? I don’t want the premiership nor the presidency. I am a servant of the Iraqi people and the Arab nation and I am honored to do so, and I am not ready to beg Iran or others for a position.” He asked me: “Do you mind if I send them an advisor of my own?” I replied: “No, but on the condition that I meet them here, in Egypt, or in Baghdad, but I will not go to Iran.”

Allawi continued: “The truth is that Putin is a nice, important and knowledgeable person. My personal opinion is that Russia’s morals are closer to the Arabs than America’s. They are more serious, frank and direct than the Americans.”

Bush does not deserve to be president

I asked Allawi about his impression of his meeting with President George W. Bush. He replied: “He does not deserve to be president of America. I did not see him steadfast in clarity or ideas. They had no policy after the fall of the regime... Disbanding the army, de-Baathification, and all these random practices. I explained this to British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and asked him to talk to him more about the Iraqi file.”



Türkiye Sees Deal between Syria, Kurdish Forces as ‘Historic Turning Point’

A group of civilians smash a statue of a Syrian Democratic Forces fighter in the city of Tabqa after the Syrian army took control of it, in Tabqa, Syria, January 18, 2026. REUTERS/Karam al-Masri TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY
A group of civilians smash a statue of a Syrian Democratic Forces fighter in the city of Tabqa after the Syrian army took control of it, in Tabqa, Syria, January 18, 2026. REUTERS/Karam al-Masri TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY
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Türkiye Sees Deal between Syria, Kurdish Forces as ‘Historic Turning Point’

A group of civilians smash a statue of a Syrian Democratic Forces fighter in the city of Tabqa after the Syrian army took control of it, in Tabqa, Syria, January 18, 2026. REUTERS/Karam al-Masri TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY
A group of civilians smash a statue of a Syrian Democratic Forces fighter in the city of Tabqa after the Syrian army took control of it, in Tabqa, Syria, January 18, 2026. REUTERS/Karam al-Masri TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY

Türkiye sees an integration deal between Syria's government and Kurdish forces there as an "historic turning point", ahead of which the Turkish intelligence agency played an intensive role to ensure restraint by parties involved, Turkish security sources said on Monday.

Türkiye, a strong supporter of Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, sees the deal ‌as critical ‌to restoring state authority across ‌Syria ⁠and to ‌its own goal of eliminating terrorism at home, including advancing its long-running efforts toward securing peace with the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), the sources said.

Ankara is the strongest foreign backer of the administration in neighboring Damascus ⁠and had threatened its own military operation against the ‌Syrian Kurdish Democratic Forces (SDF) in the ‍north if the ‍group did not agree to come under ‍central government control, Reuters said.

On Sunday, Syria and the SDF struck a wide-ranging deal to integrate the Kurdish civilian and military authorities, ending days of fighting in which Syrian troops captured territory including key oil fields.

The Turkish security ⁠sources said the fight against ISIS group in Syria would continue uninterrupted despite the agreement.

Türkiye's intelligence agency MIT had been in dialogue with the United States - which mediated the Sunday agreement - and the Syrian government ahead of the deal, the sources said. MIT also maintained intensive contacts to ensure restraint among parties, including protecting civilians and critical infrastructure, in ‌Syria in the run-up to the deal, they added.


Syrian Army Deploys in Deir Ezzor Province After Kurdish Withdrawal

A military vehicle of the Syrian army is parked on the highway near Tabqa, after the Syrian army took control of it, Syria, January 19, 2026. (Reuters)
A military vehicle of the Syrian army is parked on the highway near Tabqa, after the Syrian army took control of it, Syria, January 19, 2026. (Reuters)
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Syrian Army Deploys in Deir Ezzor Province After Kurdish Withdrawal

A military vehicle of the Syrian army is parked on the highway near Tabqa, after the Syrian army took control of it, Syria, January 19, 2026. (Reuters)
A military vehicle of the Syrian army is parked on the highway near Tabqa, after the Syrian army took control of it, Syria, January 19, 2026. (Reuters)

Syria's army on Monday deployed its forces in parts of the eastern Deir Ezzor province formerly controlled by Kurdish forces following their withdrawal from the area.

After two days of rapid gains in Kurdish-controlled territory, Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa announced on Sunday a deal with their leader Mazloum Abdi that includes a ceasefire and the integration of the Kurdish administration and forces into the central state.

The government push captured Arab-majority areas that came under Kurdish control during the fight against the ISIS group.

In Deir Ezzor, an AFP correspondent saw dozens of military vehicles heading to the east of the Euphrates river, which once separated Damascus-controlled areas to the west from the US-backed, Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces to the east.

Lines of cars, trucks and motorcycles formed in front of a small bridge leading to the eastern bank.

Some people were also heading there on foot.

"Our joy over liberation is indescribable," Mohammed Khalil, a 50-year-old driver in Deir Ezzor, told AFP.

"We hope things will be better than before. There was... no freedom under the SDF."

Safia Keddo, a 49-year-old teacher, told AFP "the past few years, but today we must turn the page".

"We want children to return to school without fear, and for electricity, water, and bread to be restored. We're not asking for a miracle; we just want stability and a normal life."

The Syrian army said in a statement that it "started the deployment" into the eastern Jazira region "to secure it under the agreement between the Syrian state and the SDF".

The agreement calls for the immediate handover of the provinces of the Arab-majority Raqqa and Deir Ezzor provinces.

The SDF had announced on Sunday that it was withdrawing from areas under its control in the eastern Deir Ezzor countryside, including the Al-Omar and Tanak oil fields.

The SDF had taken control of part of Deir Ezzor after defeating the ISIS group with the support of an international coalition led by the United States.


Qassem's Threat of Civil War Widely Condemned in Lebanon

Hezbollah's then deputy leader Sheikh Naim Qassem speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Beirut's southern suburbs, Lebanon, July 2, 2024. (AP)
Hezbollah's then deputy leader Sheikh Naim Qassem speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Beirut's southern suburbs, Lebanon, July 2, 2024. (AP)
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Qassem's Threat of Civil War Widely Condemned in Lebanon

Hezbollah's then deputy leader Sheikh Naim Qassem speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Beirut's southern suburbs, Lebanon, July 2, 2024. (AP)
Hezbollah's then deputy leader Sheikh Naim Qassem speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in Beirut's southern suburbs, Lebanon, July 2, 2024. (AP)

Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem's continued refusal to lay down his party's weapons in defiance of the state have sparked outrage in Lebanon.

In a televised address on Saturday, Qassem declared that Hezbollah "will not surrender", accusing Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi of "undermining civil peace and inciting strife." He also called on the government to replace the minister.

Ministerial sources close to the presidency told Asharq Al-Awsat that some of Qassem's remarks were viewed as a response to President Joseph Aoun's recent statements in which he indirectly called on the Iran-backed party to "return to reason and the state and hand over its weapons that have become a burden on its community and Lebanon."

The sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that official "decisions were taken to be implemented. Nothing will change the president's convictions."

Qassem escalated his rhetoric to save face in front of Hezbollah supporters, they added, ruling out the possibility that the party would take its objections to the streets.

The process of imposing state monopoly over arms is on the right path, they stressed.

Meanwhile, officials expressed their outrage over Qassem's remarks.

In a post on the X platform, Justice Minister Adel Nassar said: "Those threatening civil war to preserve their weapons must cease giving lectures about patriotism to a minister in government."

Lebanese Forces MP Razi al-Hajj slammed Hezbollah as a "calamity" on Lebanon. In a post on X, he said: "Naim Qassem is working outside the state, manipulating civil peace, inciting strife and standing against the presidency, government and will of the Lebanese people."

"He refuses to hand over Hezbollah's weapons and makes threats of civil war. Day and night he attacks the Lebanese state's official positions and works against them. Hezbollah is Lebanon's real calamity," he remarked.

LF MP Ghayath Yazbeck slammed Qassem for "verbally" and "morally" assaulting LF ministers, "in complete disregard of ethical principles".

He warned that Qassem’s remarks may be a prelude to the assassination of the ministers and "the assassination of the Lebanese state."

"Our ministers represent dignity, sovereignty and the state," he stressed. Indirectly addressing Qassem, he said: "Act smart. Your predecessors made these mistakes and ended up in history’s trash bin. Haven’t you learned anything?"

Responding to Qassem, Kataeb MP Nadim Gemayel said: "The foreign minister's stance is based on the humiliating agreement that you signed after the 'support war'. Lebanon officially agreed to the deal that effectively embodies the president's swearing in oath and government's policy statement in terms of imposing state monopoly over arms across the country."

In a post on X, he hoped the president and prime minister would issue a clear stance in support of FM Raggi.

Addressing Qassem, LF MP Elias Hankach said on X: "By continuing to rebel against state decisions and threaten the Lebanese people, you have become an outlaw gang."

"Just as the army imposed state monopoly over arms south of the Litani River, it will soon do so to its north," he said.

MP Waddah Sadek slammed Qassem, saying on X: "He himself does not believe what he is saying... He is living in a parallel world while the state continues to firmly reclaim its institutions regardless of the critics."

"The only thing Qassem got right was that Lebanon has indeed entered a new phase," he noted. Addressing the Hezbollah leader, he added: "Your weapons are a burden and no longer serve a purpose."

"For years, we have listened to your speeches and endured defeats and destruction that you brought onto the country. Yours is just another speech that won't make a difference," he stated.

MP Fuad Makhzoumi expressed his rejection of Qassem's statements, saying he is "detached from reality" and posing a "frank challenge to the state and its institutions."

In a post on X, he wrote: "You are part of the government, so how can you object to decisions you were a partner to? Whoever objects to government decisions must resign, not defy the state from the inside."

He urged Hezbollah to commit to the ceasefire, United Nations Security Council resolution 1701, and hand over its weapons, otherwise face the responsibility of violating state decisions.

"No one is above the law in Lebanon and threats have only led to destruction that the Lebanese people alone have paid the price of," he added.