Allawi: America Ruined Iraq, in Partnership with Iran

Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
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Allawi: America Ruined Iraq, in Partnership with Iran

Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)

When the United States invaded Iraq, the Arabs were astonished and worried, and chose to stay away from the Iraqi scene so as not to be accused of supporting the occupation.

Iran took advantage of this Arab absence and launched a massive operation to prevent the establishment of a pro-Western Iraqi regime.

Tehran facilitated the invasion, but hastened to shake the stability that the Americans were betting on to build what they called the new democratic Iraq. Iran also benefited from dangerous decisions taken by Washington, including the dissolution of the Iraqi army, the de-Baathification, and the illusion of being able to rebuild Iraq from scratch after the dismantling of the state.

Once I asked President Jalal Talabani, who was returning from a trip to Tehran, what Iran really wanted from America. He said that he had concluded that it was ready to negotiate with Washington over files ranging from Afghanistan to Lebanon.

He explained: “Iran does not say that it wants a share, but rather that it seeks normal relations with the US, an end to hostility and to the seizure of Iranian funds in America.”

Talabani was more realistic than former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi. He realized that the relationship with Washington was not enough, and it was necessary to pass through Tehran.

In 2007, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited Baghdad, which was under the US occupation.

As American checkpoints facilitated the passage of the visitor’s convoy, it soon became clear that the Iranian president’s visit constituted a message that the American army would leave one day, but Iran, by virtue of geography, would remain near and inside Iraq. This is what actually happened, especially when slain IRGC Commander Qassem Soleimani began to destabilize Iraqi soil under the feet of the American army.

Iyad Allawi was not pro-American. He did not recognize their right to tailor the new Iraqi political scene as they wanted. Moreover, his meetings with a number of US officials were not fruitful. In parallel, no language of understanding was found with Tehran. He did not accept its terms, while the Iranian capital failed to tolerate his approach.

On March 7, 2010, general elections were held in Iraq. The “Iraqiya” list, led by Allawi, won 91 seats, while the State of Law coalition, led by Nouri al-Maliki, obtained 89 seats.

According to the applicable interpretation of the constitution, Allawi was supposed to be entrusted with the task of forming the new government. Al-Maliki was able to get from the Federal Supreme Court another interpretation of the article that talks about the largest bloc. A severe political crisis erupted that lasted about nine months, and ended in Al-Maliki’s favor.

I asked Allawi about the parties that prevented him from forming the government, he replied: “We achieved victory in the elections despite everything we were exposed to. Five hundred people were subjected to procedures under the pretext of “de-Baathification.” Among them were a number of our candidates. They assassinated nine persons. They closed entire regions to prevent our supporters from voting, and yet we were ahead of them by three seats. In fact, I was surprised by what happened. I did not expect the American and Iranian stances to reach this point. America and Iran prevented me from forming a government. They worked together.”

Allawi continued: “During that period, then-US Vice President Joe Biden visited Baghdad about three times a month. His concern was that I would give up in favor of Al-Maliki. He asked me to assume the presidency of the republic, and I told him that the people elected us to form the government, so how could I become president of the republic without a job or work (the nature of the position is quasi-protocol)... Biden repeated his demand, and I replied: “By God, if you do not allow me to become prime minister, terrorism will grow stronger... as will hatred for the regime...”

“During that period, US-Iranian negotiations were taking place in Muscat. The American delegation was headed by Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Advisor under then-President Barack Obama. The Iranian side conveyed to the Americans a threat, stating that Iran will stop negotiations and cause problems in Iraq if Iyad Allawi becomes prime minister.”

“The truth is that I met Biden about 20 times. I’ve known him since he was in charge of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. His personality is shaky, and he is a liar and a hypocrite,” Allawi stated.

I asked the former premier whether the US destroyed Iraq, he replied: “Yes, America ruined Iraq.”

On whether Washington had partners, he said: “Yes, Iran. Beginning with the dissolution of the Iraqi army, to the Popular Mobilization Forces, the armed militias and terrorism, the death of democracy and the spread of political sectarianism...”

I am Major General Qassem Soleimani

After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, a prominent player appeared on the Iraqi scene: General Qassem Soleimani, commander of the Iranian Quds Force. His role was not only limited to draining the American army, but went beyond to impose his decision in choosing presidents, forming governments, and determining paths. He assumed a similar role in Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen.

I asked Allawi about his relationship with Soleimani, he said: “I met General Soleimani in the house of Adel Abdul Mahdi (later Prime Minister). Adel invited me to dinner, but he did not tell me who would be present... Half an hour later, two men arrived at the place... The first one approached me and said: “I am Major General Qassem Soleimani.” During the meeting, Soleimani told me: “We worked against you all the time.” I replied: “And I was against you all the time.”

Allawi recounted his conversation with the Iranian commander.

“I told him: Why did you work against us? I included you in the Sharm El-Sheikh meeting in defiance of international will. I opened all ways for you. We stopped the activity of the Mujahideen Khalq and seized their heavy weapons. I sent you the strongest economic delegation, on the basis of improving the position of the Iraqi neighborhood. He replied: “We made a mistake, and I am now in the presence of a senior commander.” I told him: “I am neither a big leader nor a watermelon. Do not interfere in Iraq’s internal affairs, and things will return to their normal course.”

Putin: Why don’t you go to Iran?

I asked Allawi to recall the most important pieces of advice he was given to visit Iran, and I will let him narrate it.

“In the seventh month of 2010, I visited Moscow, but I did not have any official status. President Vladimir Putin invited me to a dinner in the Kremlin, attended only by the interpreter. Putin asked me why I don’t go to Iran, and I replied: “Would you, for example, go to Finland to become President of the Republic of Russia?” He said: “No.” I said: “Why do you want me to go to Iran to become their follower? I don’t want the premiership nor the presidency. I am a servant of the Iraqi people and the Arab nation and I am honored to do so, and I am not ready to beg Iran or others for a position.” He asked me: “Do you mind if I send them an advisor of my own?” I replied: “No, but on the condition that I meet them here, in Egypt, or in Baghdad, but I will not go to Iran.”

Allawi continued: “The truth is that Putin is a nice, important and knowledgeable person. My personal opinion is that Russia’s morals are closer to the Arabs than America’s. They are more serious, frank and direct than the Americans.”

Bush does not deserve to be president

I asked Allawi about his impression of his meeting with President George W. Bush. He replied: “He does not deserve to be president of America. I did not see him steadfast in clarity or ideas. They had no policy after the fall of the regime... Disbanding the army, de-Baathification, and all these random practices. I explained this to British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and asked him to talk to him more about the Iraqi file.”



Aoun, Hezbollah Ties Cool as Contacts Stay at Minimum

Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
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Aoun, Hezbollah Ties Cool as Contacts Stay at Minimum

Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)

Relations between Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Hezbollah have grown visibly strained, with contacts confined to what ministerial sources described as “the bare minimum.”

The chill has deepened following Aoun’s recent remarks on Hezbollah’s weapons, which widened the rift between the two sides and triggered pointed criticism from the group at the president.

In a televised interview last week marking the first anniversary of his election, Aoun said that “the role of weapons outside the state has ended with the presence of the army, and their continued existence has become a burden on their own environment and on Lebanon as a whole, with no remaining deterrent role.”

In response, former Hezbollah-aligned minister Mohammed Fneish said in a television interview that the party had “reservations on the president’s recent positions,” adding: “We disagree with him in form and substance in some passages. We are not another party. We are a resistance force that played a major role in liberating Lebanon.”

Cool communication

Ministerial sources familiar with Aoun’s position stressed that “the stances he expressed are not new, but the current circumstances may differ from previous ones.”

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, the sources said the remarks stem from the president’s conviction that weapons outside the framework of the state no longer serve any purpose, that their role has ended, and that they have become a burden on everyone, including the Shiite community and Hezbollah’s own base.

“This is, ultimately, a description of an existing reality,” the sources said.

They added that reactions from Hezbollah’s supporters were expected, but would not prevent communication from continuing, since maintaining contact serves the interests of both sides, particularly Hezbollah.

Aoun and Salam

In recent years, Hezbollah had sought to maintain good relations with Aoun. Its lawmakers voted for him during the presidential election session after months of backing Suleiman Franjieh’s candidacy.

The group’s leadership even opened discreet talks with Aoun on what became known as the “national security strategy,” though these discussions yielded no results. Channels of communication remain open on the issue of weapons north of the Litani River, amid Hezbollah’s refusal to cooperate on this file.

Since the cabinet approved a decision last August restricting weapons to the state, Hezbollah’s leadership and supporters have focused their criticism on the government in which the group is represented.

Ties have worsened between Hezbollah and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, whom the group did not back during parliamentary consultations that named him as premier last year.

A natural reaction

Political writer Dr. Kassem Kassir, who closely follows Hezbollah’s position, said the reaction of the party's supporters to Aoun’s remarks was “a natural response,” particularly because the president did not take into account what he described as the "role of the resistance in protecting Lebanon."

He added that calls to end the role of weapons were made without offering guarantees for what would follow or proposing alternative options.

Kassir told Asharq Al-Awsat that the stance of Hezbollah’s supporters did not necessarily reflect the position of the leadership. Communication channels remain open, but contacts have failed to produce a unified vision.

He added that Hezbollah has formal reservations about the performance of the government and the state, especially regarding Israeli negotiations and what it views as concessions made without guarantees or tangible results.

Duality in rhetoric

University professor and lawyer Ali Murad said that segments of Hezbollah’s supporters on social media adopt an extreme accusatory tone toward anyone who disagrees with them, leaving no room for nuance.

However, he argued that the problem goes beyond the supporters themselves and lies in the political rhetoric and mobilization Hezbollah has relied on for decades, "which entrenched a culture that recognizes only black and white and promotes accusations of betrayal, either fully with us or fully against us."

Murad told Asharq Al-Awsat that the "real issue lies in Hezbollah’s dual rhetoric."

He said the party "is fully aware that the reality has become extremely difficult following major losses and a military defeat on one hand, and the broader retreat of the Axis of Resistance on the other. As a result, a clear contradiction has emerged between what Hezbollah says and what it actually believes."

This contradiction, Murad said, is evident in the speeches of Hezbollah’s secretary general Sheikh Naim Qassem, which reflect two parallel narratives. "One acknowledges reality to a degree while maintaining rejection of handing over weapons. The other is a mobilizing discourse rooted in an earlier era, before the pager operation and the 'support front' war."

“What Aoun said falls in this direction,” Murad said, arguing that Hezbollah in its former state has ended and has become a burden on Lebanon, the Shiite community, and the residents of the south.

"Persisting with the same rhetoric today amounts to rejecting reality and practicing denial, a form of political arrogance reflected by both supporters and the group’s media circles."

No interest in breaking ties

Murad said what angered Hezbollah’s supporters most was “the truth they do not want to acknowledge,” namely that Hezbollah’s role has ended, that it has exited the deterrence equation, and that it can no longer achieve Lebanon’s objectives on its own.

“The president stated a truth that needed to be said,” he said.

Asked whether the relationship between Hezbollah and Aoun was nearing a breaking point, Murad said it was not in Hezbollah’s interest to sever political ties with the president, or even with the prime minister.

He noted that the group understands that the actions of both officials serve Lebanon’s interests and, in particular, the interests of the south.

In some respects, he added, this approach also spares Hezbollah and its base the risks of "fatal choices that could lead to a bleak outcome if denial or political self-destruction were to prevail."


Palestinian Factions Hold Indirect Talks in Cairo on Second Phase of Gaza Ceasefire

A general view shows destruction in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip on January 9, 2026 following Israeli attacks. Gaza's civil defense agency said Israeli attacks in the Palestinian territory killed at least 13 people, including five children, despite a ceasefire that has largely halted the fighting. (AFP)
A general view shows destruction in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip on January 9, 2026 following Israeli attacks. Gaza's civil defense agency said Israeli attacks in the Palestinian territory killed at least 13 people, including five children, despite a ceasefire that has largely halted the fighting. (AFP)
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Palestinian Factions Hold Indirect Talks in Cairo on Second Phase of Gaza Ceasefire

A general view shows destruction in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip on January 9, 2026 following Israeli attacks. Gaza's civil defense agency said Israeli attacks in the Palestinian territory killed at least 13 people, including five children, despite a ceasefire that has largely halted the fighting. (AFP)
A general view shows destruction in the Bureij camp in the central Gaza Strip on January 9, 2026 following Israeli attacks. Gaza's civil defense agency said Israeli attacks in the Palestinian territory killed at least 13 people, including five children, despite a ceasefire that has largely halted the fighting. (AFP)

A Palestinian source from the Fatah movement told Asharq Al-Awsat on Tuesday that “indirect” meetings among Palestinian factions have begun in Cairo to discuss advancing the second phase of the Gaza ceasefire agreement, particularly the formation of the committee to run the enclave, ahead of a broader meeting scheduled for Wednesday.

The second phase of the ceasefire, which came into force on Oct. 10, includes key provisions such as the disarmament of Hamas, the formation of a Board of Peace to oversee the peace process in the territory, the establishment of a technocratic committee to run Gaza’s affairs, and the deployment of an international stabilization force.

The Palestinian source stated that eight Palestinian factions are currently in Cairo, including Fatah and Hamas, to explore ways to advance the stalled second phase.

Fatah may skip the factions’ meeting

The source said discussions include the formation of the technocratic committee, the Palestinian police force to be deployed in the enclave, and related structures, noting that differences remain and that Fatah refuses to meet directly with Hamas.

A second informed Fatah source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the movement may not take part in Wednesday’s planned factions’ meeting.

A Palestinian source stated on Monday that consultations in Cairo were expected to finalize the administration committee and present factions with proposed names, particularly following recent developments involving changes to some nominees in response to Israeli objections.

On Tuesday, another informed Palestinian source stated that an agreement had been reached on the names of most members of the technocratic committee.

In televised remarks late on Sunday, Hamas politburo member Mohammed Nazzal said a delegation from the movement would discuss follow-up on the implementation of the ceasefire agreement amid “major difficulties hindering its application and continued Israeli violations.”

Mediators’ contacts

The Gaza administration committee has moved to the forefront of ceasefire mediation efforts, amid anticipation of decisive US decisions on announcing the Board of Peace and the technocratic committee, as well as Wednesday’s factions’ meeting in Cairo.

Those intensive contacts by mediators “require real US pressure and Palestinian consensus to translate them into momentum for the second phase and to overcome Israeli obstacles,” an Egyptian expert told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Qatari Foreign Ministry spokesman Majed Al Ansari said at a press conference on Tuesday that Doha is working with mediators to accelerate progress toward the second phase of the ceasefire, accusing Israel of obstructing the deal.

“Israel must answer one question: why is the Gaza agreement delayed?” Al Ansari said, adding that “the complexities on the table today require moving forward to the second phase of the agreement, and our contacts are continuous and daily to push the deal ahead.”

Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani and Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty stressed during a phone call the importance of announcing the formation of the temporary Palestinian technocratic committee, in parallel with establishing the international stabilization force, ensuring the flow of humanitarian aid, and creating conditions for early recovery and reconstruction, said a statement by Egypt’s Foreign Ministry on Tuesday.

Abdelatty and Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan also agreed during a phone call on Tuesday on “the need to intensify regional and international efforts to ensure the consolidation of the ceasefire and to move forward with the transition to the second phase of the US president’s plan.”

In a separate call with Palestinian Vice President Hussein al-Sheikh, Abdelatty reaffirmed Egypt’s support for deploying the international stabilization force and technocratic committee, which would help create the conditions necessary for restoring the Palestinian Authority’s role.

Abdelatty also spoke by phone with German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul, who is close to Israel, to discuss Gaza.

Mukhtar Ghobashi, Secretary General of the Al-Farabi Center for Strategic Studies, said mediators’ contacts must be followed by genuine and serious US pressure to announce second-phase decisions, whether on forming the administration committee or the Board of Peace.

Ghobashi said Cairo is keen to push the second phase forward, as reflected in the intensive contacts, but that progress hinges on US pressure, Palestinian consensus, and imminent US decisions this week to end the tragedy in the enclave, for which Israel bears full responsibility.


Lebanon Charges Ex-Central Bank Governor Salameh Over Alleged $44.8 Mln Embezzlement

The Lebanese Central Bank in Beirut (NNA) 
The Lebanese Central Bank in Beirut (NNA) 
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Lebanon Charges Ex-Central Bank Governor Salameh Over Alleged $44.8 Mln Embezzlement

The Lebanese Central Bank in Beirut (NNA) 
The Lebanese Central Bank in Beirut (NNA) 

Lebanese prosecutors have indicted former central bank governor Riad Salameh and two lawyers on charges including embezzlement of public funds, forgery and illicit enrichment, judicial authorities said on Tuesday. 

Salameh, who headed the Lebanese Central Bank for three decades, was detained for about 13 months over alleged financial crimes committed during his tenure and was released in September after paying record bail of more than $14 million. The banker, who remains in Lebanon and is subject to a travel ban, has denied any ‌wrongdoing. 

According to ‌a copy of the indictment issued by Beirut's indictment ‌chamber ⁠seen by ‌Reuters, the panel accused Salameh alongside lawyers Marwan Issa el-Khoury and Michel John Tueni of embezzling $44.8 million from what it described as a central bank "consultancy account". 

It said the chamber also approved a request by the financial public prosecutor to widen investigations into how funds were moved into and out of banks without senior bank managers notifying the central bank's Special Investigation Commission. 

KHOURY SAYS HE HAS NO KNOWLEDGE OF 'CONSULTANCY ⁠ACCOUNT' 

In a statement to Reuters, Khoury said he had no knowledge of the "consultancy account" referenced in ‌the charge, had not been involved in the central ‍bank's financial transactions and had never received ‍funds from the institution. 

He said the indictment itself called for a ‍continuation of the inquiry and that there should not have been an accusation against him before the investigation was complete. 

Khoury said the inquiry had already proved that he had not received any funds from the central bank or any fees in relation to its financial transactions. 

Tueni could not be reached for comment. 

The indictment follows earlier moves by the central bank to file a criminal ⁠complaint against a former senior bank official at the central bank, a former banker and a lawyer over alleged illicit enrichment through misuse of public funds, the bank's acting governor Wassim Mansouri has said. 

Salameh, whose 30-year term ended amid a cascade of domestic and international investigations, has been under scrutiny over allegations that more than $300 million was siphoned off between 2002 and 2015. 

The central bank has said it will act as a principal plaintiff in a state investigation into Forry Associates, a company suspected of receiving commissions from commercial banks and transferring them abroad. The company is controlled by Salameh's brother Raja, who also denies wrongdoing. 

The Salameh ‌brothers are under investigation in France, Germany, Switzerland and other countries over alleged embezzlement.