Allawi: America Ruined Iraq, in Partnership with Iran

Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
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Allawi: America Ruined Iraq, in Partnership with Iran

Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)
Allawi and Al-Maliki in one of their meetings in Baghdad in 2010 (Getty)

When the United States invaded Iraq, the Arabs were astonished and worried, and chose to stay away from the Iraqi scene so as not to be accused of supporting the occupation.

Iran took advantage of this Arab absence and launched a massive operation to prevent the establishment of a pro-Western Iraqi regime.

Tehran facilitated the invasion, but hastened to shake the stability that the Americans were betting on to build what they called the new democratic Iraq. Iran also benefited from dangerous decisions taken by Washington, including the dissolution of the Iraqi army, the de-Baathification, and the illusion of being able to rebuild Iraq from scratch after the dismantling of the state.

Once I asked President Jalal Talabani, who was returning from a trip to Tehran, what Iran really wanted from America. He said that he had concluded that it was ready to negotiate with Washington over files ranging from Afghanistan to Lebanon.

He explained: “Iran does not say that it wants a share, but rather that it seeks normal relations with the US, an end to hostility and to the seizure of Iranian funds in America.”

Talabani was more realistic than former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi. He realized that the relationship with Washington was not enough, and it was necessary to pass through Tehran.

In 2007, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited Baghdad, which was under the US occupation.

As American checkpoints facilitated the passage of the visitor’s convoy, it soon became clear that the Iranian president’s visit constituted a message that the American army would leave one day, but Iran, by virtue of geography, would remain near and inside Iraq. This is what actually happened, especially when slain IRGC Commander Qassem Soleimani began to destabilize Iraqi soil under the feet of the American army.

Iyad Allawi was not pro-American. He did not recognize their right to tailor the new Iraqi political scene as they wanted. Moreover, his meetings with a number of US officials were not fruitful. In parallel, no language of understanding was found with Tehran. He did not accept its terms, while the Iranian capital failed to tolerate his approach.

On March 7, 2010, general elections were held in Iraq. The “Iraqiya” list, led by Allawi, won 91 seats, while the State of Law coalition, led by Nouri al-Maliki, obtained 89 seats.

According to the applicable interpretation of the constitution, Allawi was supposed to be entrusted with the task of forming the new government. Al-Maliki was able to get from the Federal Supreme Court another interpretation of the article that talks about the largest bloc. A severe political crisis erupted that lasted about nine months, and ended in Al-Maliki’s favor.

I asked Allawi about the parties that prevented him from forming the government, he replied: “We achieved victory in the elections despite everything we were exposed to. Five hundred people were subjected to procedures under the pretext of “de-Baathification.” Among them were a number of our candidates. They assassinated nine persons. They closed entire regions to prevent our supporters from voting, and yet we were ahead of them by three seats. In fact, I was surprised by what happened. I did not expect the American and Iranian stances to reach this point. America and Iran prevented me from forming a government. They worked together.”

Allawi continued: “During that period, then-US Vice President Joe Biden visited Baghdad about three times a month. His concern was that I would give up in favor of Al-Maliki. He asked me to assume the presidency of the republic, and I told him that the people elected us to form the government, so how could I become president of the republic without a job or work (the nature of the position is quasi-protocol)... Biden repeated his demand, and I replied: “By God, if you do not allow me to become prime minister, terrorism will grow stronger... as will hatred for the regime...”

“During that period, US-Iranian negotiations were taking place in Muscat. The American delegation was headed by Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Advisor under then-President Barack Obama. The Iranian side conveyed to the Americans a threat, stating that Iran will stop negotiations and cause problems in Iraq if Iyad Allawi becomes prime minister.”

“The truth is that I met Biden about 20 times. I’ve known him since he was in charge of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. His personality is shaky, and he is a liar and a hypocrite,” Allawi stated.

I asked the former premier whether the US destroyed Iraq, he replied: “Yes, America ruined Iraq.”

On whether Washington had partners, he said: “Yes, Iran. Beginning with the dissolution of the Iraqi army, to the Popular Mobilization Forces, the armed militias and terrorism, the death of democracy and the spread of political sectarianism...”

I am Major General Qassem Soleimani

After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, a prominent player appeared on the Iraqi scene: General Qassem Soleimani, commander of the Iranian Quds Force. His role was not only limited to draining the American army, but went beyond to impose his decision in choosing presidents, forming governments, and determining paths. He assumed a similar role in Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen.

I asked Allawi about his relationship with Soleimani, he said: “I met General Soleimani in the house of Adel Abdul Mahdi (later Prime Minister). Adel invited me to dinner, but he did not tell me who would be present... Half an hour later, two men arrived at the place... The first one approached me and said: “I am Major General Qassem Soleimani.” During the meeting, Soleimani told me: “We worked against you all the time.” I replied: “And I was against you all the time.”

Allawi recounted his conversation with the Iranian commander.

“I told him: Why did you work against us? I included you in the Sharm El-Sheikh meeting in defiance of international will. I opened all ways for you. We stopped the activity of the Mujahideen Khalq and seized their heavy weapons. I sent you the strongest economic delegation, on the basis of improving the position of the Iraqi neighborhood. He replied: “We made a mistake, and I am now in the presence of a senior commander.” I told him: “I am neither a big leader nor a watermelon. Do not interfere in Iraq’s internal affairs, and things will return to their normal course.”

Putin: Why don’t you go to Iran?

I asked Allawi to recall the most important pieces of advice he was given to visit Iran, and I will let him narrate it.

“In the seventh month of 2010, I visited Moscow, but I did not have any official status. President Vladimir Putin invited me to a dinner in the Kremlin, attended only by the interpreter. Putin asked me why I don’t go to Iran, and I replied: “Would you, for example, go to Finland to become President of the Republic of Russia?” He said: “No.” I said: “Why do you want me to go to Iran to become their follower? I don’t want the premiership nor the presidency. I am a servant of the Iraqi people and the Arab nation and I am honored to do so, and I am not ready to beg Iran or others for a position.” He asked me: “Do you mind if I send them an advisor of my own?” I replied: “No, but on the condition that I meet them here, in Egypt, or in Baghdad, but I will not go to Iran.”

Allawi continued: “The truth is that Putin is a nice, important and knowledgeable person. My personal opinion is that Russia’s morals are closer to the Arabs than America’s. They are more serious, frank and direct than the Americans.”

Bush does not deserve to be president

I asked Allawi about his impression of his meeting with President George W. Bush. He replied: “He does not deserve to be president of America. I did not see him steadfast in clarity or ideas. They had no policy after the fall of the regime... Disbanding the army, de-Baathification, and all these random practices. I explained this to British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and asked him to talk to him more about the Iraqi file.”



Australian Citizens with Alleged ISIS Ties Depart Syria’s Roj for Repatriation

Family members of suspected ISIS militants who are Australian nationals walk toward a van bound for the airport in Damascus during the first repatriation operation of the year at Roj Camp in eastern Syria, Monday, Feb. 16, 2026. (AP Photo/Baderkhan Ahmad)
Family members of suspected ISIS militants who are Australian nationals walk toward a van bound for the airport in Damascus during the first repatriation operation of the year at Roj Camp in eastern Syria, Monday, Feb. 16, 2026. (AP Photo/Baderkhan Ahmad)
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Australian Citizens with Alleged ISIS Ties Depart Syria’s Roj for Repatriation

Family members of suspected ISIS militants who are Australian nationals walk toward a van bound for the airport in Damascus during the first repatriation operation of the year at Roj Camp in eastern Syria, Monday, Feb. 16, 2026. (AP Photo/Baderkhan Ahmad)
Family members of suspected ISIS militants who are Australian nationals walk toward a van bound for the airport in Damascus during the first repatriation operation of the year at Roj Camp in eastern Syria, Monday, Feb. 16, 2026. (AP Photo/Baderkhan Ahmad)

A group of Australian citizens left on Monday a camp in northeast Syria housing people with alleged ties to ISIS militants to begin the journey to their home country, part of an ongoing repatriation process.

Relatives of the 34 individuals, from 11 families, traveled from Australia to accompany them, said Hakmiyeh Ibrahim, the director of the Roj camp. They will make their way to the Syrian capital, Damascus, and then fly to Australia, The Associated Press reported.

Roj camp houses about 2,200 people from around 50 nationalities, mostly women and children, who have supposed links to the extremist group. Most in the camp are not technically prisoners and have not been accused of a crime, but they have, in effect, been detained in the heavily guarded camp, controlled by the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces.

The most well-known resident of the Roj camp, Shamima Begum, was 15 when she and two other girls fled from London in 2015 to marry ISIS fighters in Syria. Begum married a Dutch man fighting for ISIS and had three children, who all died. She recently lost an appeal against the British government’s decision to revoke her UK citizenship.

Monday's operation is the first this year. Ibrahim, the camp director, said 16 families were repatriated last year, including German, British and French nationals. In 2022, three Australian families were repatriated.

The fate of the Roj camp and the similar but larger al-Hol camp has been a matter of debate for years. Human rights groups have cited poor living conditions and pervasive violence in the camps, but many countries have been reluctant to take back their citizens who are detained there.

Government forces took control of al-Hol camp last month amid fighting with the SDF that led to state forces seizing most of the territory in northeast Syria previously controlled by the Kurdish forces.

The UN refugee agency said Sunday that a large number of residents of al-Hol camp have left and that the Syrian government plans to relocate those who remain.

Separately, thousands of accused ISIS militants who were held in detention centers in northeastern Syria have been transferred to Iraq by the US military to stand trial there.


Aid Mechanisms Deployed to Fill UN Void in Yemen’s Houthi-Controlled Areas

The Houthis deprived millions of Yemenis of life-saving aid (local media)
The Houthis deprived millions of Yemenis of life-saving aid (local media)
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Aid Mechanisms Deployed to Fill UN Void in Yemen’s Houthi-Controlled Areas

The Houthis deprived millions of Yemenis of life-saving aid (local media)
The Houthis deprived millions of Yemenis of life-saving aid (local media)

Humanitarian operations in Yemen are entering a new and more complex phase after the United Nations was forced to rely on alternative aid-delivery mechanisms in Houthi-controlled areas, following the closure of its offices and the seizure of its assets. The move has reshaped relief efforts in one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

The shift comes as Amman prepares to host an international donor conference aimed at curbing the rapid deterioration in food security, amid warnings that hunger could spread to millions more people this year.

Recent humanitarian estimates show that about 22.3 million Yemenis - nearly half the population - will require some form of assistance in 2026, an increase of 2.8 million from last year. The rise reflects deepening economic decline and persistent restrictions on humanitarian work in conflict zones.

Aid sources say the United Nations is reorganizing its operations by transferring responsibility for distributing life-saving assistance to a network of partners, including international and local non-governmental organizations and the International Committee of the Red Cross, which continues to operate in those areas.

The transition aims to ensure continued access to food and medicine for the most vulnerable despite the absence of a direct UN presence, which has been undermined by restrictions imposed by the Houthis.

International agencies are increasingly adopting a “remote management” model to reduce risks to staff and maintain aid flows. Relief experts caution, however, that this approach brings serious challenges, including limited field oversight and difficulties ensuring aid reaches beneficiaries without interference.

Humanitarian reports warn that operational constraints have already deprived millions of Yemenis of essential assistance at a time of unprecedented food insecurity. More than 18 million people are suffering from acute hunger, with millions classified at emergency levels under international food security standards.

The upcoming donor conference in Jordan is seen as a pivotal opportunity to re-mobilize international support and address a widening funding gap that threatens to scale back critical humanitarian programs.

Discussions are expected to focus on new ways to deliver aid under security and administrative constraints and on strengthening the role of local partners with greater access to affected communities.

Yemen’s crisis extends beyond food. The health sector is under severe strain, with about 40 percent of health facilities closed or at risk of closure due to funding shortages. Women and girls are particularly affected as reproductive health services decline, increasing pregnancy and childbirth-related risks.

The World Health Organization has warned that deteriorating conditions have fueled outbreaks of preventable diseases amid falling immunization rates, with fewer than two-thirds of children receiving basic vaccines.

More than 18,600 measles cases and 188 deaths were recorded last year, while Yemen reported the world’s third-highest number of suspected cholera cases between March 2024 and November 2025.


Washington Finalizing Draft Sudan Ceasefire Mechanism

A man walks near heavily-damaged buildings in the Lamab suburb on the southwestern outskirts of Sudan's capital Khartoum on July 30, 2025 as residents return amidst reconstruction efforts. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
A man walks near heavily-damaged buildings in the Lamab suburb on the southwestern outskirts of Sudan's capital Khartoum on July 30, 2025 as residents return amidst reconstruction efforts. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
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Washington Finalizing Draft Sudan Ceasefire Mechanism

A man walks near heavily-damaged buildings in the Lamab suburb on the southwestern outskirts of Sudan's capital Khartoum on July 30, 2025 as residents return amidst reconstruction efforts. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
A man walks near heavily-damaged buildings in the Lamab suburb on the southwestern outskirts of Sudan's capital Khartoum on July 30, 2025 as residents return amidst reconstruction efforts. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)

Washington is preparing to send the final draft of a proposed UN-backed mechanism to monitor a humanitarian ceasefire in Sudan to the warring parties, according to Massad Boulos, special adviser to US President Donald Trump for Middle East affairs.

Speaking at a Sudan session during the Munich Security Conference, Boulos said work on the monitoring mechanism - coordinated with the United Nations - has been under way for weeks as a prelude to a broader political process.

He stressed that Trump is determined to “end the war in Sudan and stop the suffering of Sudanese facing the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.”

His remarks came during a panel alongside British Home Secretary Yvette Cooper and German Federal Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development Reem Alabali-Radovan, following a brief exchange with Sudanese Prime Minister Kamel Idris, who moderated the session.

Idris said the Sudanese government would not negotiate with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), arguing that it “no longer exists” as a legal entity.

He noted that the RSF had been established under Sudanese law and later dissolved, saying those currently fighting are “a mix of militias and foreign mercenaries from Colombia and other countries.”

Idris stressed that the Sudanese army is acting defensively, while its rivals are committing war crimes and crimes against humanity.

In comments to Asharq Al-Awsat after the session, he stressed that the government is not categorically opposed to dialogue, saying it was willing to meet with the backers of the RSF rather than the fighters themselves.

Asked about the US-Saudi initiative referenced by Boulos, Idris said Sudan has its own peace proposal that complements earlier initiatives, including the US-Saudi effort. The plan, he remarked, focuses on protecting the state and ending unprecedented war crimes committed by rebel militias.

He said the Sudanese initiative does not include direct dialogue with militias and does not recognize them, describing them instead as mercenary groups.

Idris rejected the idea of a ceasefire lacking concrete measures, saying any truce must include relocating militias to designated camps, screening their fighters, and examining the possibility of reintegrating some into society.

Boulos, for his part, noted that his efforts are being carried out within an international “Quartet” comprising the United States, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates. He stressed that he maintains equal distance from both sides and warned against all forms of external military support.

Alabali-Radovan called for international pressure to end the conflict, citing the scale of the humanitarian crisis, while Cooper stressed the need for accountability, specifically citing crimes committed in El Fasher, saying she is awaiting a UN report to ensure those responsible are held to account.