Haniyeh’s Assassination: How Did Israel Infiltrate Iran’s Stronghold?

This photo shows the Hamas chief's residence in Tehran where he was assassinated. (Social media)
This photo shows the Hamas chief's residence in Tehran where he was assassinated. (Social media)
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Haniyeh’s Assassination: How Did Israel Infiltrate Iran’s Stronghold?

This photo shows the Hamas chief's residence in Tehran where he was assassinated. (Social media)
This photo shows the Hamas chief's residence in Tehran where he was assassinated. (Social media)

Israel revealed on Sunday new details about the assassination of Hamas political bureau chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on July 31.

Days after Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz admitted Israel's responsibility for Haniyeh's killing, Israel’s Channel 12 said the assassination was carried out with a “precision bomb” placed inside Haniyeh's room and controlled remotely.

The report contradicted Iranian and Hamas reports that claimed Haniyeh was killed by a “short-range projectile.”

It said Israeli agents placed an improvised explosive device in Haniyeh’s room near his bed before the inauguration of new Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on July 31.

The channel said a broken air conditioning unit nearly scuttled Israel’s assassination of Haniyeh, who appeared on the verge of changing rooms before staff at the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps’ guesthouse in Tehran managed to fix the cooling system.

The Israeli decision to take out Haniyeh came shortly after Hamas’ October 7, 2023, attack, when the movement's leader was placed somewhere at the top of a list compiled by senior intelligence officials. It was only a matter of when, Channel 12 said.

Tamir Heyman, former head of the Military Intelligence Directorate, told the channel that for several years Haniyeh had been a well-known figure to the Israeli public, but was not considered a prime target. “The main targets of Israel were military figures, such as Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif,” he said.

But the dramatic shift that turned Haniyeh into a target were events that followed the October 7 attack.

In late January, Israel uncovered documents seized in a tunnel used by Sinwar, proving the deep military coordination between the two men.

Investigative journalist Ronen Bergman said Haniyeh played, in general, a key role in the Hamas military operations, and in particular, in the preparation for the October 7 attack.

How did Israel infiltrate the Iranian stronghold?

The report said the options for where to kill Haniyeh were Qatar, Türkiye, Russia and Iran — the four countries frequented by the Hamas leader.

It explained that Haniyeh could not be assassinated in Qatar as this would have harmed the hostage mediation efforts.

Israel also feared a furious reaction from Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and similarly did not want to anger Russian President Vladimir Putin, leaving Iran as the most suitable option, the channel said.

The fact that Haniyeh stayed repeatedly in the same IRGC guesthouse in the luxurious northern Tehran neighborhood of Saadat Abad made the operation easier to plan.

However, he was guarded as a guest of honor by the IRGC’s top personal security team, requiring a deep level of infiltration in order to pull off the assassination.

Channel 12 said the Haniyeh assassination was at an even higher level than the pager operation that targeted Hezbollah members in Lebanon in September.

“We penetrated the inside and outside of the most guarded Iranian facility,” Iran expert Beni Sabti of the Institute for National Security Studies told the channel.

It reported that planning the operation took months, with unnamed sources describing the mission as “one of the most complex and sensitive operations.”

Israeli agents installed an improvised explosive device in Haniyeh’s room near his bed. The IED was slightly larger than Israel had planned.

Shortly before the planned detonation, the AC unit in Haniyeh’s room broke down, and the Hamas leader left his room to request assistance.

Citing a source familiar with its planning, Channel 12 said the Hamas leader was gone for so long that Israel feared that he was being moved to a different room, which would have scuttled the entire operation.

After some time, though, the AC unit was fixed and Haniyeh returned to his room.

At 1:30 am, there was a huge explosion in the compound.

“After about a minute, the medical team declares him dead, and then [now-Hamas leader] Khalil al-Hayya enters and sees his colleague lying dead and bleeding on the ground, and he himself falls to his knees and bursts into tears,” said Bergman. “It's a dramatic moment.”

Who assisted the Mossad?

The precision and success of the operation reportedly sowed panic in the Iranian leadership, and to this day, and the question of who assisted the Mossad in the operation remains.

According to both Bergman and Heyman, the operation was complex and therefore, could not have been carried out without significant help from within Iran or Hamas.

“This requires a whole network of execution capabilities,” emphasized Heyman. “It probably involves some people who betrayed their country or betrayed their mission and cooperated to allow this to happen.”

On Sunday, Hamas in a statement denied Israeli reports about the assassination of the former head of its political bureau.

It said joint investigation between the movement’s security apparatus and Iran’s security apparatuses showed that Haniyeh was killed by a guided missile weighing 7.5 kg that directly targeted his mobile phone.

“The claims made by the occupation regime are merely a desperate attempt to divert public opinion from this crime, which clearly violates Iran’s sovereignty,” Hamas said.



Hamas Calls for Sanctions Against Israel Over New West Bank Moves 

A drone view shows Kedar Sheep farm, an Israeli outpost in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 20, 2026. (Reuters)
A drone view shows Kedar Sheep farm, an Israeli outpost in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 20, 2026. (Reuters)
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Hamas Calls for Sanctions Against Israel Over New West Bank Moves 

A drone view shows Kedar Sheep farm, an Israeli outpost in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 20, 2026. (Reuters)
A drone view shows Kedar Sheep farm, an Israeli outpost in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, January 20, 2026. (Reuters)

Hamas on Tuesday called for sanctions against Israel, welcoming a joint condemnation by nearly 20 countries of new Israeli measures aimed at tightening control over the occupied West Bank.

Israel has approved a series of initiatives this month backed by far-right ministers, including launching a process to register land in the West Bank as "state property" and allowing Israelis to purchase land there directly.

Late on Monday, 18 countries including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and European powers France and Spain, slammed Israel over the recent moves.

They "are part of a clear trajectory that aims to change the reality on the ground and to advance unacceptable de facto annexation", the countries said.

"Such actions are a deliberate and direct attack on the viability of the Palestinian state and the implementation of the two-state solution."

Hamas hailed the condemnation as "a step in the right direction in confronting the occupation's expansionist plans, which flagrantly violate international law and relevant UN resolutions".

The group in a statement urged the countries involved "to impose deterrent sanctions and exert pressure on the fascist occupation government to halt its policies aimed at entrenching annexation, colonial settlement and forced displacement".

It said the Israeli measures were part of ongoing "aggression" against Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza.

In addition to roughly three million Palestinians, more than 500,000 Israelis live in settlements and outposts in the West Bank, which are considered illegal under international law.

Israel's current government has accelerated settlement expansion, approving a record 54 settlements in 2025, according to activists.

The West Bank, which Israel has occupied since 1967, is envisioned as the core of a future Palestinian state, but many on Israel's religious right view it as part of Israel's historic homeland.


Israel Seeking Direct Military Coordination with Lebanon 

Lebanese soldiers and UNIFIL forces on patrol in Naqoura southern Lebanon. (Reuters file)
Lebanese soldiers and UNIFIL forces on patrol in Naqoura southern Lebanon. (Reuters file)
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Israel Seeking Direct Military Coordination with Lebanon 

Lebanese soldiers and UNIFIL forces on patrol in Naqoura southern Lebanon. (Reuters file)
Lebanese soldiers and UNIFIL forces on patrol in Naqoura southern Lebanon. (Reuters file)

Israel is seeking to alter the post-ceasefire coordination mechanism along the Lebanese border by establishing direct contact with the Lebanese army, bypassing the United Nations peacekeeping force deployed in the south, said Israeli media.

The proposal has reignited debate in Beirut over the future of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 and the role of international oversight in southern Lebanon, with Lebanese officials insisting that any modification must remain strictly within the United Nations framework.

Reports attributed to Israel’s security establishment say the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) has recently adopted what Israeli officials describe as a “confrontational stance” toward the Israeli military.

Israeli media quoted officials as telling American counterparts that direct coordination between the Israeli military and the Lebanese army would be preferable to the current arrangement, which operates through UNIFIL. Some officials reportedly argued that the peacekeeping force now causes “more harm than benefit.”

The Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation said Israel’s security establishment believes UNIFIL has grown increasingly “hostile” in recent weeks.

The force’s mandate in southern Lebanon is due to expire at the end of this year.

Lebanese officials have responded by underscoring that the country’s position remains anchored in international legality and UN authority.

Fadi Alame, head of the Foreign Affairs and Immigrants Committee in Lebanon’s parliament, said Israeli media discussions “do not bind Lebanon,” stressing that “Lebanon’s sole reference remains the international resolutions issued by the United Nations.”

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Alame reiterated Lebanon’s commitment to Resolution 1701 and expressed support for UNIFIL.

He said the force monitors implementation of the resolution and safeguards Lebanon’s rights and sovereignty within the UN framework.

“As long as there is a UN resolution in force, any amendment or termination must occur through the United Nations itself,” he stated. “International law requires an international monitoring body as long as the resolution remains in effect.”

Addressing speculation about replacing UNIFIL or shifting to direct coordination with the Lebanese army, Alame said Beirut’s official stance remains unchanged.

“Lebanon is committed to Resolution 1701 under a clear government decision,” he underlined. “For us, Resolution 1701 and other UN resolutions remain the foundation.”

He added that Lebanon is awaiting a report from the UN secretary-general in June that is expected to outline potential options. These could range from maintaining the current international force to introducing a European-led presence or increasing the number of international observers.

Any proposal, he stressed, would remain subject to UN approval.

Meanwhile, a Lebanese ministerial source told Asharq Al-Awsat that Israel’s proposal for direct coordination without UNIFIL “raises questions,” noting that the peacekeeping force is already embedded in the existing tripartite coordination mechanism.

Communication with Israel is conducted through UNIFIL under an established framework, the source explained, adding that Lebanon insists on maintaining an international sponsor and monitoring body as long as Resolution 1701 has not been fully implemented.

European proposals remain under discussion, including the possibility of a European-led force under French supervision or a mission focused on training and equipping the Lebanese army to assume expanded responsibilities. However, these ideas have yet to crystallize and remain tied to future political and security developments.

The debate follows a UN Security Council decision in August 2025 to extend UNIFIL’s mandate until December 31, 2026, with a coordinated drawdown planned to begin the following year.

UNIFIL has been deployed in southern Lebanon since 1978. It serves as a monitoring and buffer force, overseeing implementation of Resolution 1701 and supporting the Lebanese army’s deployment south of the Litani River.


Gas, Transport and Charity Kitchens Deepen Ramadan Hardship in Gaza

Palestinians share the iftar meal amid homes destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Gaza on Sunday (EPA). 
Palestinians share the iftar meal amid homes destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Gaza on Sunday (EPA). 
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Gas, Transport and Charity Kitchens Deepen Ramadan Hardship in Gaza

Palestinians share the iftar meal amid homes destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Gaza on Sunday (EPA). 
Palestinians share the iftar meal amid homes destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Gaza on Sunday (EPA). 

As Ramadan enters its sixth day, residents of the Gaza Strip are grappling with mounting daily pressures amid a web of crises that extend well beyond soaring prices for basic goods.

For many families, access to essentials such as cooking gas, adequate food and transportation has become an exhausting struggle.

Among the most acute problems is the shortage of cooking gas, leaving most households reliant on firewood. But wood is also scarce and increasingly expensive, particularly during Ramadan, when demand rises, including from restaurants facing the same fuel shortages.

The Gaza Petroleum Authority distributes limited quantities of gas to residents — eight kilograms per household — without a fixed timetable. Distribution cycles are irregular due to the limited and inconsistent flow of supplies into the territory.

Hassan Al-Masri, 45, said residents can wait three or four months to receive just eight kilograms, less than the 12 kilograms or more typically held by a standard gas cylinder.

The shortage has severely affected families’ ability to prepare meals, particularly during Ramadan. Samar Abu Al-Jebin, from Jabalia and currently displaced at a shelter in the Al-Nasr neighborhood, said preparing food for her family of nine, especially the pre-dawn suhoor meal, has become increasingly difficult. On some days, she relies on meals distributed by charity kitchens for iftar.

Even those who manage to receive food aid say the quality has deteriorated.

In a camp on the outskirts of Al-Shati refugee camp, northwest of Gaza City, hundreds of tents shelter families displaced from northern Gaza. Residents say the meals provided by charity kitchens, many operating on behalf of international organizations, are often extremely poor in quality.

Ahmed Labad, 39, displaced from Beit Lahia, said that for nearly two months, even before Ramadan began, meals have been substandard. “Most of it is thrown away,” he said, explaining that only those with no alternative eat the food to feed their children. He questioned the level of oversight on kitchens operating for international and other institutions.

Firas Al-Kafarna, a resident of the camp, said that since the beginning of Ramadan, only the first day’s meal had been of acceptable quality. “After that, families have been throwing the food in the trash,” he said, adding that complaints are coming from displacement camps and shelters across the Gaza Strip due to the very poor meals being served.

Some families living in partially damaged homes also depend on the charity kitchens because of severe economic hardship. Yet residents say much of the distributed food ultimately ends up discarded.

Gaza’s Ministry of Social Development, run by Hamas, has issued instructions to all organizations providing meals — particularly to displaced people — to improve quality.

The ministry stressed that kitchens should not limit distributions to plain rice or thin stews without additions, and called for including meat and poultry, especially given the recent influx of frozen products allowed into Gaza.

According to Al-Kafarna, however, none of the organizations have complied with these directives so far.

Beyond food and fuel, transportation has become another daily burden. A shortage of vehicles — many destroyed during the war — combined with a severe liquidity crisis has complicated movement across the territory.

Anas Hamid, 21, displaced from the Shujaiya neighborhood east of Gaza City to Al-Nasr in the west, said drivers insist on cash payments and frequently vary fares from one location to another. “There is no unified fare,” he said, questioning the absence of effective oversight.

Driver Hassan Al-Hanawi said many drivers avoid electronic banking applications or digital wallets for several reasons, including unreliable internet access, the absence of bank accounts among some drivers, and fuel station owners who require payment in cash rather than electronically.

The Hamas-run government has issued several circulars instructing drivers to accept worn banknotes and encouraging the use of electronic payment systems. However, implementation has remained limited.

With vehicle shortages persisting, many residents have turned to bicycles — once uncommon in Gaza — to meet daily needs. Demand has surged, though supply remains limited and prices have risen sharply compared to pre-war levels.

Nabil Al-Tayef, 26, initially used his bicycle to run errands for his family before joining a delivery office as restaurants and shops gradually resumed operations.

Most delivery services now rely heavily on young men using their own bicycles. Motorbikes are rare, and electric bicycles — recently permitted into Gaza through a single trader — are prohibitively expensive, costing more than $3,500, compared with $500 to $700 before the war.