Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
TT

Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)

In Yemen, bearing the legacy of “The Leader” is no easy task. The title, still reverently used by supporters of the General People’s Congress, belongs to the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

It’s also increasingly difficult these days to reach his nephew, Brig. Gen. Tariq Mohammed Abdullah Saleh, a member of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) with vice-presidential rank.

He has remained largely out of public view as US airstrikes against the Iran-aligned Houthis intensify and military geography across Yemen becomes a testing ground for how long the group can withstand the barrage—over 100 strikes since March 15, 2025.

In written responses to Asharq Al-Awsat, Saleh—who also heads the Political Bureau of the National Resistance—warned against viewing Yemen solely through the lens of US-Iran tensions.

“The world would be making a mistake by accepting Yemen as a bargaining chip in Iranian negotiations,” he said.

Speaking with a tone that balanced diplomacy with defiance, Saleh appeared to sharpen both his political and military knives.

While expressing openness to a peaceful solution, he said intentions alone are not enough to build a path to negotiations.

He warned that keeping Yemen, in his words, “a base for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard” threatens not only Yemenis but also regional and international interests.

Saleh noted that stability in Yemen hinges on supporting a national state rooted in constitutional rule and genuine popular consensus—not on short-term geopolitical deals.

“Yemen is not a battleground for settling scores, nor part of any external compromises,” Saleh told Asharq Al-Awsat in written remarks.

He stressed Yemen’s strategic importance to global shipping routes and said that reducing the country to a pawn in major power negotiations undermines both its sovereignty and regional security.

Red Sea Conflict: A Test of Power and Priorities

The ongoing US air campaign has significantly degraded Houthi military capabilities, destroyed key infrastructure, and killed dozens of fighters and hundreds of civilians.

The strikes, targeting the Iran-aligned group’s operations in the Red Sea region, have disrupted leadership structures—even among those seen by Yemenis as figureheads rather than decision-makers.

Despite the mounting pressure, the Houthis have kept up their pattern of resilience, continuing to claim attacks on US naval vessels and Israeli targets.

Amid the roar of US warplanes and missile strikes from the sea, Saleh underlined the need for stronger support to Yemeni forces on the ground, calling it essential to restoring balance—not as a tool for escalation but as a national imperative to protect civilians and preserve hard-won gains.

He said the Yemeni government is in ongoing coordination with international partners and the Saudi-led coalition backing legitimacy in Yemen to secure further assistance for the national struggle.

At the same time, Saleh pointed to continued cooperation with regional and international partners to bolster Yemen’s coast guard, particularly in the Red Sea—a strategic artery for global trade.

He noted the presence of effective security units along the coastline, reinforcing the country’s role in protecting maritime interests.

Yemen’s battle for sovereignty stretches from the mountains to the seas, and protecting its territorial waters is part of a broader struggle against the Houthis and in defense of state institutions.

Saleh said maritime security cannot be separated from national sovereignty, emphasizing that defending sea lanes is integral to restoring state authority both on land and at sea.

‘The State Is Not Built on Statements’

Saleh outlined his vision for peace in stark terms: “There is no meaning to any settlement that does not subject the Houthis to the Yemeni constitution and the rule of law,” he said, dismissing any notion that the group could be accommodated outside a constitutional framework.

Peace, in his view, is not a matter of goodwill or declarations. It is a constitutional principle that criminalizes taking power by force and mandates republican governance as a guarantee of equal citizenship, social justice, and Yemen’s return to its rightful place as a peaceful and responsible global partner.

He argued that state power is not built through media statements but through real capabilities on the ground. Only that strength, he said, can lead to a just political solution that serves Yemen, its region, and the wider international community.

While reiterating his commitment to peace, Saleh stressed that it cannot come through concessions alone—it requires a redefinition of the balance of power.

“Peace cannot be granted to a group that rejects the state,” he said. “It is forged when the state regains the capacity to enforce the law and protect its citizens.”

A Predictable Escalation

According to Saleh, the recent Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden are not an outburst of sudden aggression, but the continuation of a long-term strategy.

“These are not surprises,” he said, recalling how the group began targeting Yemeni territorial waters with naval mines and missiles years ago.

The Houthis also launched attacks on civilian infrastructure, including oil export facilities, and disrupted maritime sovereignty by jamming communications with shipping firms and blockading Yemeni ports.

For Saleh, the current US-led campaign is not an isolated flare-up, but part of a larger context where Yemen's struggle for sovereignty has always included defending its shores.

According to the PLC leader, the world turned a blind eye to Houthi violations for years—until they threatened international interests.

“These violations were happening early on,” he said. “But the world only began paying attention when its direct interests were affected.”

Saleh voiced regret over the wars the Iran-backed group has dragged Yemen into, but reiterated his belief that military action is the only way to end what he described as “Houthi terrorism directed by Iran.”

No Peace in the Dictionary

In Saleh’s political lexicon, peace with the Houthis—whom he describes as a bloodthirsty group with no commitment to national frameworks and an ideology rooted in an enemy state—is virtually nonexistent.

He accused the Houthis of placing their leadership and institutions tied to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps above Yemen’s state institutions.

“Governance is about managing people’s affairs based on shared frameworks,” Saleh said. “The Houthis do not abide by any of that.” As a result, he believes the conflict is dictated by weapons, not by any political process grounded in consensus or constitutional rule.

Saleh directly blamed Iran for perpetuating the conflict through its armed proxies, keeping Yemen hostage to violence and rebellion.

Tehran denies controlling Houthi decisions, but regional and international powers have repeatedly presented evidence of weapons smuggling and Iranian fingerprints on the group’s arsenal.

A State Denied

Saleh’s stance on the Houthis leaves no room for ambiguity. He sees the core of the crisis in their rejection of statehood, their use of religion as a tool of power, and their prioritization of armed control over any national project or political consensus.

Under these conditions, he says, a return to state institutions and constitutional governance is impossible while an armed group continues to defy the republic and evade any legal restraints on its authority.

‘What Unites Us Is Greater Than Our Differences’

Despite the political gridlock, Saleh acknowledged the challenges facing the Presidential Leadership Council and admitted that delays have occurred on several fronts. Still, he described internal disagreements as “natural,” given the complexity of Yemen’s ongoing crisis.

“In the end,” he said, “what unites us is greater than any differences.”

Saleh affirmed that internal differences within the PLC are normal—especially under the extraordinary circumstances the country is facing. What matters, he stressed, is the leadership’s ability to manage those differences within a framework of national responsibility.

“Disagreements are natural in any leadership body, particularly in exceptional conditions like Yemen’s,” he said. “But more important is our ability to navigate this diversity and divergence while remaining committed to the national interest.”

Saleh acknowledged delays on certain issues, but maintained that coordination among military forces loyal to the internationally recognized government continues to improve. Armed conflict between former battlefield allies who support legitimacy, he noted, has largely come to an end.

Mounting Economic Pressure

On the civilian front, Saleh admitted the council is grappling with significant economic pressures. These include financial fragmentation, Houthi manipulation of monetary policy, the splitting of the central bank, and the looting of public resources in the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa. The situation is compounded by limited international support for the government.

Despite these obstacles, Saleh insisted the council remains the legitimate representative of the Yemeni state—locally, regionally, and internationally. Still, he admitted, “much, much more” is needed, reflecting the scale of the challenges and the narrow room for maneuver.

Managing, Not Denying, Disagreements

Saleh acknowledged criticism of the PLC, especially regarding internal divisions, but said these rifts predated the council’s formation.

“The issue is not the absence of disagreements,” he said, “but our ability to manage them responsibly.” That, he argued, is what keeps the leadership intact and its national mission on course.

Saleh explained that the council’s performance should not be viewed as a defense of outcomes, but rather as a reflection of the sheer complexity of the moment.

He described a leadership body under immense economic strain, facing financial fragmentation orchestrated by the Houthi-run administration in Sanaa and grappling with depleted state revenues.

Despite these mounting challenges, he said, the council continues to serve as a reference point for the country’s legitimate leadership, striving to maintain cohesion in a volatile environment where all outcomes remain on the table.

In this precarious phase, Saleh appears focused not only on confronting threats but on reshaping the idea of unity within Yemen’s state institutions—from the PLC and military landscape to Yemen’s strategic ties with regional and international partners, which he views as critical to any future settlement.

The PLC was formed in April 2022 following Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by the Gulf Cooperation Council in Riyadh. It brought together military and political factions opposed to the Houthis under the chairmanship of Dr. Rashad al-Alimi and seven vice presidents, including Saleh.

The council’s formation was seen at the time as a hopeful turning point—one aimed at pursuing peace and correcting the shortcomings of the previous government. But nearly three years on, critics argue that momentum has faded.

Supporters, however, counter that the council’s ability to remain united despite deep ideological and political differences among its members—many of whom were once rivals—is itself a political achievement amid the ongoing conflict.

 

 



Israeli Strike in Gaza Kills Three Including Child

Children react as people take cover from a reported drone strike while they were queuing to receive meals from a charity kitchen in the Jabalia camp for Palestinian refugees in the northern Gaza Strip on October 24, 2026. (AFP)
Children react as people take cover from a reported drone strike while they were queuing to receive meals from a charity kitchen in the Jabalia camp for Palestinian refugees in the northern Gaza Strip on October 24, 2026. (AFP)
TT

Israeli Strike in Gaza Kills Three Including Child

Children react as people take cover from a reported drone strike while they were queuing to receive meals from a charity kitchen in the Jabalia camp for Palestinian refugees in the northern Gaza Strip on October 24, 2026. (AFP)
Children react as people take cover from a reported drone strike while they were queuing to receive meals from a charity kitchen in the Jabalia camp for Palestinian refugees in the northern Gaza Strip on October 24, 2026. (AFP)

Three Palestinians, including a young girl, were killed Monday in an Israeli airstrike on a camp for displaced people in the southern Gaza Strip, medical sources and first responders said.

Civil defense spokesman Mahmoud Bassal said a total of 11 people had been killed and 50 wounded by Israeli fire and airstrikes in Gaza over the past 24 hours.

"We transported three martyrs, including a child, following an Israeli airstrike targeting a camp for displaced people in the Al-Mawasi area, west of Khan Younis," Bassal told AFP.

Nasser Hospital in the southern Gaza city of Khan Younis confirmed the three deaths.

"Their bodies were torn apart by direct hits from shrapnel from the Israeli missile," the hospital said, adding that several wounded people, including a child and a woman, had also come in for treatment.

The hospital identified the deceased as Hossam al-Zamli, Tamer Abu Sneima, and Jouri al-Soufi, a young girl. The Gaza education ministry gave her age as seven.

Israel's military told AFP it was looking into reports of the strike.

A security source in Gaza told AFP that "several tanks and military vehicles, accompanied by a military bulldozer, advanced on Monday morning into the area west of the Yellow Line in the eastern part of Deir al-Balah", in central Gaza.

After a US-brokered ceasefire took hold in Gaza in October 2025, the so-called Yellow Line was established to divide the areas under Israeli control -- more than 60 percent of the territory -- from those under Hamas control.

The military advance Monday coincided with "heavy gunfire by the occupation forces towards the eastern and northern areas" of Deir al-Balah, home to hundreds of displaced families, the source added.

Since the ceasefire began last year, more than 1,500 people have been killed in Gaza, according to the territory's health ministry.

The war began on October 7, 2023, following an unprecedented attack by Hamas on southern Israel that killed 1,221 people, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures.

Israel responded with a massive military campaign that has destroyed much of Gaza and killed more than 74,500 people, according to the territory's health ministry, which operates under Hamas and whose figures are considered accurate by the United Nations.


Mass Outages in Sudan After RSF Drones Hit Five Power Stations

 People walk through a vegetable market in El Obeid, as drought and heat linked to El Nino threaten harvests, livestock, and water supplies in Sudan's war-affected Kordofan region, El Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, September 13, 2026. (Reuters)
People walk through a vegetable market in El Obeid, as drought and heat linked to El Nino threaten harvests, livestock, and water supplies in Sudan's war-affected Kordofan region, El Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, September 13, 2026. (Reuters)
TT

Mass Outages in Sudan After RSF Drones Hit Five Power Stations

 People walk through a vegetable market in El Obeid, as drought and heat linked to El Nino threaten harvests, livestock, and water supplies in Sudan's war-affected Kordofan region, El Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, September 13, 2026. (Reuters)
People walk through a vegetable market in El Obeid, as drought and heat linked to El Nino threaten harvests, livestock, and water supplies in Sudan's war-affected Kordofan region, El Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, September 13, 2026. (Reuters)

Sudan's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces launched a coordinated drone attack Monday against five power stations, causing mass power outages across the country's east, a government official told AFP.

The drones hit two power stations each in the states of Al-Jazira and Gedaref, and one in White Nile state, "resulting in power outages across large parts of these three states", the official said on condition of anonymity.

All three states are controlled by the Sudanese army, which has since April 2023 been at war with its former ally, the RSF.

The United Nations has repeatedly warned that regular attacks on power stations threaten health and services for millions of people, already facing the world's largest hunger crisis.

An AFP correspondent in Al-Jazira state reported the electricity had been out since 2 am (0000 GMT).

Babiker Youssef, a resident of Al-Fao in Gedaref, said the power there had also been out since the same time.

"My son is diabetic, his insulin has to be stored in the fridge," he told AFP over the phone, scared he would not be able to replace the medication if it spoils.

"We have no idea when the power will come back," he added.

Electricity has been cut for days at a time after past paramilitary drone strikes on power stations and hydroelectric dams, compounding the suffering of nearly 20 million people facing extreme hunger.

- 'Losing our stock' -

Sudan's war is currently being fought primarily via drones, with both sides launching sophisticated attacks from across the country, killing dozens of civilians at a time.

In the first three weeks of October alone, drone strikes killed over 300 people and injured hundreds more, according to a UN tally.

Africa's third-largest country, home to an estimated 50 million people, has been ravaged by the war, which aid workers estimate has killed more than 200,000 people.

The majority of Sudan's hospitals have been forced shut, at least eight million children are out of school and swathes of the country cannot access basic services.

"The electricity had just started to improve three months ago, the power station the militia had destroyed was just repaired and we had hope our irrigation pumps would finally start running again," a 54-year-old farmer, Abdelhafez Daafallah, told AFP over the phone from Al-Jazira's Al-Junaid town.

"We hoped we would be able to finally get back to farming, but now the station has been hit," he said, frustrated after nearly four years unable to till his land.

Farmers in Al-Jazira have struggled to rehabilitate and re-plant their land since the army recaptured the state from the RSF last year.

Further east, in Gedaref, grocer Ibrahim Mohammed, 37, said he was "already facing power cuts for hours before the strike".

"Now I have chicken in the fridge, we either lose our entire stock, or will be forced to sell it off at any price, which is still a loss."

Sudan is also grappling with unprecedented inflation and a currency in freefall, having lost over 25 percent of its value in recent weeks.


Syrian Official: 25% of Displaced People Have Left Northern Camps

A convoy carrying 108 displaced families from the Al-Rasm al-Jadid and Al-Rasm al-Qadim camps in Manbij, north of Aleppo (Syrian Civil Defense). 
A convoy carrying 108 displaced families from the Al-Rasm al-Jadid and Al-Rasm al-Qadim camps in Manbij, north of Aleppo (Syrian Civil Defense). 
TT

Syrian Official: 25% of Displaced People Have Left Northern Camps

A convoy carrying 108 displaced families from the Al-Rasm al-Jadid and Al-Rasm al-Qadim camps in Manbij, north of Aleppo (Syrian Civil Defense). 
A convoy carrying 108 displaced families from the Al-Rasm al-Jadid and Al-Rasm al-Qadim camps in Manbij, north of Aleppo (Syrian Civil Defense). 

Around 25% of displaced Syrians living in camps in northern Syria have returned to their home areas since the launch of the “Syria Without Camps” initiative in May, Deputy Minister of Emergency and Disaster Management Ahmed Ekzayez told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Ekzayez explained that the initiative goes beyond closing displacement camps, focusing instead on restoring conditions in areas of origin to enable safe, voluntary, and dignified returns.

This includes rehabilitating hospitals, clinics, schools, water and sanitation networks, communications and roads, alongside creating employment opportunities for returnees.

Hundreds of Families Return Home

The Syrian Civil Defense reported that approximately 233 families left displacement camps in northern Idlib on Sunday for their home areas in Rural Damascus, Latakia, Homs, Deir Ezzor, Hama and the southern and eastern Idlib countryside.

The returns were organized under the auspices of Idlib governorate, in cooperation with social affairs and emergency management authorities, the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), the Muzn Organization and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. A UN delegation attended the aid distribution.

Most returning families originated from southern Idlib and northern Hama, according to the official SANA news agency.

Meanwhile, the Al-Rasm al-Jadid and Al-Rasm al-Qadim camps in Manbij, eastern Aleppo province, were officially closed after approximately 108 displaced families returned to their home areas in Aleppo and Idlib.

Aleppo’s Directorate of Social Affairs and Labor confirmed the closures following the departure of the final convoy on Sunday.

The Civil Defense Directorate reported that additional voluntary return convoys departed camps in the Idlib and Aleppo countryside under the supervision of the national committee overseeing the “Syria Without Camps” initiative.

Emergency and Disaster Management Ministry teams helped secure the convoys and provide healthcare services.

The operations form part of efforts to implement Decree No. 59, which provides for rehabilitating damaged areas and creating suitable conditions for displaced residents to return.

Plan to Close Camps by 2027

The Syrian government launched its “Syria Without Camps” initiative on May 9, 2026, aiming to resolve internal displacement and dismantle camps by September 2027.

More than 200 camps were closed over the past year, but approximately 140,000 families, representing more than 700,000 people, remained in camps as of September 2026.

Speaking Friday at a UN side event on reconstruction and sustainable solutions to internal displacement following widespread destruction caused by conflict and disasters, Syria’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ibrahim Olabi, appealed for international assistance.

He emphasized the need to rebuild affected communities, restore essential services and create livelihoods to support sustainable returns.

Olabi maintained that the government had addressed the root causes of internal displacement but warned that ensuring lasting returns would require substantial resources.

He also cautioned that the actions of Israeli forces in southern Syria were generating a new wave of displacement.

Sharp Decline in Northern Camps

Before the fall of the Assad government, northern Syria had more than 1,500 displacement camps and shelters, including 1,146 camps in Idlib alone.

Over nearly two years, the number of camps in the north fell to approximately 1,025, comprising 634 in Idlib and 391 in Aleppo.

The number of displaced families living in northern camps also declined from 261,000 to around 140,000, including approximately 82,000 in Idlib and 55,000 in Aleppo.

Across Syria, however, some 1,247 camps and shelters remain, underscoring the scale of the challenge facing authorities as they seek to end prolonged displacement.