Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
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Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)

In Yemen, bearing the legacy of “The Leader” is no easy task. The title, still reverently used by supporters of the General People’s Congress, belongs to the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

It’s also increasingly difficult these days to reach his nephew, Brig. Gen. Tariq Mohammed Abdullah Saleh, a member of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) with vice-presidential rank.

He has remained largely out of public view as US airstrikes against the Iran-aligned Houthis intensify and military geography across Yemen becomes a testing ground for how long the group can withstand the barrage—over 100 strikes since March 15, 2025.

In written responses to Asharq Al-Awsat, Saleh—who also heads the Political Bureau of the National Resistance—warned against viewing Yemen solely through the lens of US-Iran tensions.

“The world would be making a mistake by accepting Yemen as a bargaining chip in Iranian negotiations,” he said.

Speaking with a tone that balanced diplomacy with defiance, Saleh appeared to sharpen both his political and military knives.

While expressing openness to a peaceful solution, he said intentions alone are not enough to build a path to negotiations.

He warned that keeping Yemen, in his words, “a base for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard” threatens not only Yemenis but also regional and international interests.

Saleh noted that stability in Yemen hinges on supporting a national state rooted in constitutional rule and genuine popular consensus—not on short-term geopolitical deals.

“Yemen is not a battleground for settling scores, nor part of any external compromises,” Saleh told Asharq Al-Awsat in written remarks.

He stressed Yemen’s strategic importance to global shipping routes and said that reducing the country to a pawn in major power negotiations undermines both its sovereignty and regional security.

Red Sea Conflict: A Test of Power and Priorities

The ongoing US air campaign has significantly degraded Houthi military capabilities, destroyed key infrastructure, and killed dozens of fighters and hundreds of civilians.

The strikes, targeting the Iran-aligned group’s operations in the Red Sea region, have disrupted leadership structures—even among those seen by Yemenis as figureheads rather than decision-makers.

Despite the mounting pressure, the Houthis have kept up their pattern of resilience, continuing to claim attacks on US naval vessels and Israeli targets.

Amid the roar of US warplanes and missile strikes from the sea, Saleh underlined the need for stronger support to Yemeni forces on the ground, calling it essential to restoring balance—not as a tool for escalation but as a national imperative to protect civilians and preserve hard-won gains.

He said the Yemeni government is in ongoing coordination with international partners and the Saudi-led coalition backing legitimacy in Yemen to secure further assistance for the national struggle.

At the same time, Saleh pointed to continued cooperation with regional and international partners to bolster Yemen’s coast guard, particularly in the Red Sea—a strategic artery for global trade.

He noted the presence of effective security units along the coastline, reinforcing the country’s role in protecting maritime interests.

Yemen’s battle for sovereignty stretches from the mountains to the seas, and protecting its territorial waters is part of a broader struggle against the Houthis and in defense of state institutions.

Saleh said maritime security cannot be separated from national sovereignty, emphasizing that defending sea lanes is integral to restoring state authority both on land and at sea.

‘The State Is Not Built on Statements’

Saleh outlined his vision for peace in stark terms: “There is no meaning to any settlement that does not subject the Houthis to the Yemeni constitution and the rule of law,” he said, dismissing any notion that the group could be accommodated outside a constitutional framework.

Peace, in his view, is not a matter of goodwill or declarations. It is a constitutional principle that criminalizes taking power by force and mandates republican governance as a guarantee of equal citizenship, social justice, and Yemen’s return to its rightful place as a peaceful and responsible global partner.

He argued that state power is not built through media statements but through real capabilities on the ground. Only that strength, he said, can lead to a just political solution that serves Yemen, its region, and the wider international community.

While reiterating his commitment to peace, Saleh stressed that it cannot come through concessions alone—it requires a redefinition of the balance of power.

“Peace cannot be granted to a group that rejects the state,” he said. “It is forged when the state regains the capacity to enforce the law and protect its citizens.”

A Predictable Escalation

According to Saleh, the recent Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden are not an outburst of sudden aggression, but the continuation of a long-term strategy.

“These are not surprises,” he said, recalling how the group began targeting Yemeni territorial waters with naval mines and missiles years ago.

The Houthis also launched attacks on civilian infrastructure, including oil export facilities, and disrupted maritime sovereignty by jamming communications with shipping firms and blockading Yemeni ports.

For Saleh, the current US-led campaign is not an isolated flare-up, but part of a larger context where Yemen's struggle for sovereignty has always included defending its shores.

According to the PLC leader, the world turned a blind eye to Houthi violations for years—until they threatened international interests.

“These violations were happening early on,” he said. “But the world only began paying attention when its direct interests were affected.”

Saleh voiced regret over the wars the Iran-backed group has dragged Yemen into, but reiterated his belief that military action is the only way to end what he described as “Houthi terrorism directed by Iran.”

No Peace in the Dictionary

In Saleh’s political lexicon, peace with the Houthis—whom he describes as a bloodthirsty group with no commitment to national frameworks and an ideology rooted in an enemy state—is virtually nonexistent.

He accused the Houthis of placing their leadership and institutions tied to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps above Yemen’s state institutions.

“Governance is about managing people’s affairs based on shared frameworks,” Saleh said. “The Houthis do not abide by any of that.” As a result, he believes the conflict is dictated by weapons, not by any political process grounded in consensus or constitutional rule.

Saleh directly blamed Iran for perpetuating the conflict through its armed proxies, keeping Yemen hostage to violence and rebellion.

Tehran denies controlling Houthi decisions, but regional and international powers have repeatedly presented evidence of weapons smuggling and Iranian fingerprints on the group’s arsenal.

A State Denied

Saleh’s stance on the Houthis leaves no room for ambiguity. He sees the core of the crisis in their rejection of statehood, their use of religion as a tool of power, and their prioritization of armed control over any national project or political consensus.

Under these conditions, he says, a return to state institutions and constitutional governance is impossible while an armed group continues to defy the republic and evade any legal restraints on its authority.

‘What Unites Us Is Greater Than Our Differences’

Despite the political gridlock, Saleh acknowledged the challenges facing the Presidential Leadership Council and admitted that delays have occurred on several fronts. Still, he described internal disagreements as “natural,” given the complexity of Yemen’s ongoing crisis.

“In the end,” he said, “what unites us is greater than any differences.”

Saleh affirmed that internal differences within the PLC are normal—especially under the extraordinary circumstances the country is facing. What matters, he stressed, is the leadership’s ability to manage those differences within a framework of national responsibility.

“Disagreements are natural in any leadership body, particularly in exceptional conditions like Yemen’s,” he said. “But more important is our ability to navigate this diversity and divergence while remaining committed to the national interest.”

Saleh acknowledged delays on certain issues, but maintained that coordination among military forces loyal to the internationally recognized government continues to improve. Armed conflict between former battlefield allies who support legitimacy, he noted, has largely come to an end.

Mounting Economic Pressure

On the civilian front, Saleh admitted the council is grappling with significant economic pressures. These include financial fragmentation, Houthi manipulation of monetary policy, the splitting of the central bank, and the looting of public resources in the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa. The situation is compounded by limited international support for the government.

Despite these obstacles, Saleh insisted the council remains the legitimate representative of the Yemeni state—locally, regionally, and internationally. Still, he admitted, “much, much more” is needed, reflecting the scale of the challenges and the narrow room for maneuver.

Managing, Not Denying, Disagreements

Saleh acknowledged criticism of the PLC, especially regarding internal divisions, but said these rifts predated the council’s formation.

“The issue is not the absence of disagreements,” he said, “but our ability to manage them responsibly.” That, he argued, is what keeps the leadership intact and its national mission on course.

Saleh explained that the council’s performance should not be viewed as a defense of outcomes, but rather as a reflection of the sheer complexity of the moment.

He described a leadership body under immense economic strain, facing financial fragmentation orchestrated by the Houthi-run administration in Sanaa and grappling with depleted state revenues.

Despite these mounting challenges, he said, the council continues to serve as a reference point for the country’s legitimate leadership, striving to maintain cohesion in a volatile environment where all outcomes remain on the table.

In this precarious phase, Saleh appears focused not only on confronting threats but on reshaping the idea of unity within Yemen’s state institutions—from the PLC and military landscape to Yemen’s strategic ties with regional and international partners, which he views as critical to any future settlement.

The PLC was formed in April 2022 following Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by the Gulf Cooperation Council in Riyadh. It brought together military and political factions opposed to the Houthis under the chairmanship of Dr. Rashad al-Alimi and seven vice presidents, including Saleh.

The council’s formation was seen at the time as a hopeful turning point—one aimed at pursuing peace and correcting the shortcomings of the previous government. But nearly three years on, critics argue that momentum has faded.

Supporters, however, counter that the council’s ability to remain united despite deep ideological and political differences among its members—many of whom were once rivals—is itself a political achievement amid the ongoing conflict.

 

 



Al-Zaidi: Iraq Eyes Europe as It Seeks to Diversify Oil Exports

 German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, right, and Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attend a press conference in Berlin, Germany, Tuesday, Sept. 15, 2026. (AP)
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, right, and Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attend a press conference in Berlin, Germany, Tuesday, Sept. 15, 2026. (AP)
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Al-Zaidi: Iraq Eyes Europe as It Seeks to Diversify Oil Exports

 German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, right, and Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attend a press conference in Berlin, Germany, Tuesday, Sept. 15, 2026. (AP)
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, right, and Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi attend a press conference in Berlin, Germany, Tuesday, Sept. 15, 2026. (AP)

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi said on Tuesday that he discussed selling oil to Europe during visits to France and Germany, as Baghdad seeks to diversify its export routes and reduce its reliance on the Strait of Hormuz.

During a press conference with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in Berlin, al-Zaidi said: "We want to expand and diversify our export routes".

He added that "Iraq cannot remain hostage to a single corridor" as recent events have demonstrated, referring to the Strait of Hormuz, which has been blockaded by Iran during the Middle East war.

Al-Zaidi said that he had discussed oil exports to Europe with Merz and French President Emmanuel Macron, whom he met in Paris on Monday.

Crude oil sales account for nearly 90 percent of Iraq's revenue but its exports have been hurt by the outbreak of the Middle East war between Iran and the United States.

Before the war began in February, Iraq produced around four million barrels per day, and exported an average of 3.4 million bpd, mostly via Hormuz.

Most of its oil exports go to East Asia, with China and India its largest buyers.

Due to the disruption, Iraq began exporting crude using tanker trucks through Syria, as well as through a pipeline to the Turkish port of Ceyhan, although these routes can handle only a fraction of its usual sea-bound trade.

Al-Zaidi said that Baghdad could "double its oil exports through the Mediterranean" to supply markets in Europe and the United States.

Al-Zaidi, who hopes to increase Iraq's oil production to 10 million barrels per day, said that "a large share, or nearly half, can go to European countries and the West".

He said that Iraq and Germany were expected to reach "an understanding on the export of crude oil" while Baghdad would purchase German technology and equipment.

Merz said that the main focus for Iraqi-German cooperation is the economy.

"Many German companies are now active in Iraq. They are developing new solutions, for example for energy supply," he said, adding that "the best example is an agreement on Iraq's electricity supply, which we will sign today".

Merz also expressed his concerns after Yemen's Houthis cemented their control over the Bab al-Mandeb waterway at the entrance to the Red Sea.

"This further exacerbates the situation on the energy markets, and also affects Germany," he said.


Lebanon Prosecutor Requests Charges for Ex-President Aoun Over Beirut Port Blast

Lebanon's then President Michel Aoun is pictured at the presidential palace in Baabda, Lebanon April 7, 2021. (Dalati Nohra/Handout via Reuters)
Lebanon's then President Michel Aoun is pictured at the presidential palace in Baabda, Lebanon April 7, 2021. (Dalati Nohra/Handout via Reuters)
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Lebanon Prosecutor Requests Charges for Ex-President Aoun Over Beirut Port Blast

Lebanon's then President Michel Aoun is pictured at the presidential palace in Baabda, Lebanon April 7, 2021. (Dalati Nohra/Handout via Reuters)
Lebanon's then President Michel Aoun is pictured at the presidential palace in Baabda, Lebanon April 7, 2021. (Dalati Nohra/Handout via Reuters)

A Lebanese prosecutor on Tuesday requested that former president Michel Aoun be indicted over the 2020 Beirut port blast that killed more than 200 people, a judicial official told AFP. 

The prosecutor at Lebanon's Court of Cassation asked the judge overseeing the case, Tarek Bitar, to "press charges against (former) president Aoun," said the official, requesting anonymity. 

The official added that charges were being sought against Aoun because he "had prior knowledge of the presence of ammonium nitrate at the port and its danger, without taking the necessary measures" or referring it to the country's Higher Defense Council. 

The massive explosion on August 4, 2020 killed more than 220 people, injured more than 6,500 and laid waste to swathes of the capital. 

Lebanese authorities have said the explosion was triggered by a fire in a warehouse where tons of ammonium nitrate fertilizer had been stored haphazardly for years, despite repeated warnings to senior officials. 

Nobody has been punished for the blast despite public anger and families of the blast victims demanding justice in a country long plagued by official impunity. 

In March, a judicial official told AFP that judge Bitar had completed his probe. 

He referred the case to the public prosecutor who was to study it, and prosecutor Mohammad Saab submitted his review on Tuesday, the official said. 

The review specified the responsibility of more than 70 defendants, including current and former politicians, security and military officials, and civil servants, some of whom were previously charged by Bitar. 

The charges remain up to Bitar, who could issue them in the coming weeks. 

The case had been bogged down by political and legal wrangling since 2023, after Iran-backed Hezbollah led a campaign demanding Bitar's removal and dozens of lawsuits also sought to remove him from the case. 

However, Bitar resumed his investigations last year as Lebanon's balance of power shifted. 

President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam took office following a 2023-2024 war between Israel and Hezbollah, which weakened the Lebanese armed group. 

Since then, several legal impediments to Bitar's work have also been removed, including the lifting of a travel ban against him. 


Alarmed Yemenis Flee South as Houthis Keep Up Attacks

 Salma Mohammed, 60, a displaced Yemeni woman, sits inside her tent at the Al-Firdaws camp in Ras Imran, just outside Aden, Yemen, Monday, Sept. 14, 2026. (AP)
Salma Mohammed, 60, a displaced Yemeni woman, sits inside her tent at the Al-Firdaws camp in Ras Imran, just outside Aden, Yemen, Monday, Sept. 14, 2026. (AP)
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Alarmed Yemenis Flee South as Houthis Keep Up Attacks

 Salma Mohammed, 60, a displaced Yemeni woman, sits inside her tent at the Al-Firdaws camp in Ras Imran, just outside Aden, Yemen, Monday, Sept. 14, 2026. (AP)
Salma Mohammed, 60, a displaced Yemeni woman, sits inside her tent at the Al-Firdaws camp in Ras Imran, just outside Aden, Yemen, Monday, Sept. 14, 2026. (AP)

After a drone strike sent shrapnel flying into his wife's chest, killing her, Muhammad Aiyash and his three children fled with no belongings to a new makeshift camp for the displaced in the southern Yemeni city of Aden, the interim capital.

Panic has spread as Yemen's Houthis captured territories along the country's Red Sea coast that has enabled the Iran-aligned militants to seize another part of the country and tighten their grip over the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, one of the world's most important shipping routes for goods and commodities, including oil.

"By God, we do not possess even a single grain of flour. We have no mattresses and no clothes," said Aiyash, who is in his 60s and left his home behind in the ancient port city of Mokha in ‌a desperate search ‌for shelter in Yemen's latest crisis.

The UN refugee agency said on Tuesday ‌that ⁠more than 100,000 people ⁠had been internally displaced by the renewed conflict in Yemen, and that thousands more have fled by sea to Djibouti.

In the latest round of fighting, the Houthis have extended their control from the northern, most populous areas of Yemen, to cities and towns and islands in the west.

They have also opened a new area of combat in the Iran war, increasing pressure on ⁠global energy markets following the earlier effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz. The ‌Houthis have also stepped up attacks on Saudi Arabia.

'THE WAR CAME SUDDENLY'

At the Aden camp, families ‌sat beside tents, tending sheep and trying to assemble rudimentary shelters. Children stayed close to their parents as ‌adults carried belongings.

One displaced man, Tawfiq al-Kharij, showed a shrapnel injury to his leg as he sat with relatives outside a tent. He said he escaped with nothing but the clothes he was wearing.

"We were living peacefully in God's care, then the war came suddenly,” Kharij said. "Some died, and others survived."

UNHCR said on Tuesday that humanitarian access ‌remained "a major challenge".

"Insecurity, damaged roads, telecommunications disruptions and movement restrictions are affecting operations," the agency said in a statement.

Khadija Kudaf and her children had to walk for ⁠three days to get to ⁠Aden, a port city. "We didn't even bring the children's clothes," she said.

Yemenis are all too familiar with suffering.

The Arab world's most impoverished country has been mired in conflict since the Houthis seized the capital, Sanaa, in 2014, leading to a civil war that led to one of the world's biggest humanitarian crises.

A UN-brokered truce in 2022 largely halted major fighting, despite expiring six months later, but efforts to turn it into a lasting political settlement have stalled as regional tensions have intensified.

In Taiz province, northwest of Aden, another newly erected camp has begun to receive people fleeing fighting. Women and children carried water in jerrycans at the camp, while others washed clothes and gathered around tents.

A displaced woman there, Taghreed Salem, said families were struggling to find basic supplies.

“We arrived fleeing from the war, from the shells, from the missiles, from the aircraft that strike,” Salem said. “We came as newly displaced people. We want water, we want anything from them,” she said.