Yemeni Presidential Adviser to Asharq Al-Awsat: Serious Efforts Underway to Enforce Rule of Law

Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi. (Saba)
Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi. (Saba)
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Yemeni Presidential Adviser to Asharq Al-Awsat: Serious Efforts Underway to Enforce Rule of Law

Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi. (Saba)
Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi. (Saba)

Engineer Badr Basalmah, an adviser to the Yemeni president, said Yemen is entering a decisive phase in which the state is attempting to reclaim control of the political landscape through what he described as a process of “reverse engineering,” backed by close regional support and aimed at restoring the authority of law and institutions.

He said the recent presidential decisions affecting the eastern provinces marked a pivotal moment with far-reaching political implications that go to the heart of the state’s survival.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Basalmah said the decisions marked a qualitative shift by the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) from a posture of “absorbing reactions” to one of “shaping action” and initiative, a move that he said would strengthen the centralization of sovereign decision-making and prevent the state from fragmenting.

He stressed that Saudi Arabia’s supportive stance toward Yemen’s legitimate government and its decisions represents the cornerstone of the current stability equation, noting that this support should not be read as interference in favor of one party over another, but rather as part of a strategy aimed at regulating the pace of developments and preventing a slide into uncertainty.

Basalmah said the eastern provinces, particularly Hadhramaut and al-Mahra, are undergoing a delicate political phase that could shape the future form of the Yemeni state and lay the groundwork for a future federal model.

From managing balances to institutional sovereignty

According to Basalmah, the recent decisions by PLC Chairman Dr. Rashad al-Alimi cannot be viewed merely within a routine administrative framework. He stressed that they represent a pivotal step with profound political significance tied to the core of the state’s survival.

The importance of these decisions lies in the fact that they embody a qualitative transition by the council from absorbing reactions to producing action and initiative, he explained.

He described this as a “clear political message to domestic and external audiences that the state, in its constitutional and legitimate sense, holds the final say in managing its sovereign institutions, and that it must remain a unifying national umbrella rather than a field for division or exploitation outside the framework of the comprehensive national project.”

Basalmah added that the move represents, at a deeper level, an effort to fortify centralized sovereign decision-making and prevent the state from sliding toward fragmentation or transforming into isolated administrative and security enclaves.

The Saudi role is a cornerstone

He reaffirmed that Saudi Arabia’s support for legitimacy and its decisions are the cornerstone of the current efforts to establish stability, explaining that such support reflects a strategy aimed at controlling the situation and preventing a descent into the unknown.

He said the importance of this role is evident in entrenching what he described as a “golden rule” that partnership does not mean dominance, adding that support for the PLC is intended to de-escalate tensions and prevent the imposition of fait accompli policies by force of arms, particularly in strategically sensitive areas such as Hadhramaut and Mahra.

Basalmah said Saudi Arabia, through this approach, is redrawing the red lines that ensure all parties remain under the state's umbrella, while pushing political forces toward dialogue as the only viable option, rather than what he described as reckless adventures that could threaten regional security and Yemen’s social fabric.

Eastern provinces and the shape of the future state

Basalmah said that the eastern provinces, foremost among them Hadhramaut and Mahra, have become a decisive factor in the Yemeni equation and are undergoing a political transition that could shape the country's future.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that a closer reading of developments points to growing social and political awareness in these provinces toward rejecting absolute subordination or sharp polarization.

What is unfolding in Hadhramaut does not fall within the scope of a fleeting regional movement, but rather within the context of laying the groundwork for a future federal state model, he remarked.

These provinces are seeking to secure their rights to manage their own affairs and protect their territories through national formations, such as the Nation’s Shield Forces, under the umbrella of constitutional legitimacy, Basalmah went on to say.

Current indicators suggest that the option of forced annexation has receded in favor of a path toward a consensual formula that guarantees administrative and security autonomy for regions within a unified, federal Yemen, he stated.

Yemen is witnessing a serious attempt at “reverse engineering” the political scene, where instead of factions imposing their reality on the state, the state, with close regional support, is seeking to reclaim the initiative and impose the logic of law and institutions, he warned.

This process represents a long-term battle requiring a high degree of political wisdom, he urged, stressing that the winner will be whoever aligns with the logic of the state and the interests of citizens, backed by international legitimacy and Arab support.



End of UNIFIL Mission Impacts Hundreds of Jobs in South Lebanon

Head of Mission and Force Commander of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) Major General Diodato Abagnara of the Italian Army reviews the troops at the UNIFIL base, near Mansouri, Southern Lebanon, September 19, 2026. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
Head of Mission and Force Commander of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) Major General Diodato Abagnara of the Italian Army reviews the troops at the UNIFIL base, near Mansouri, Southern Lebanon, September 19, 2026. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
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End of UNIFIL Mission Impacts Hundreds of Jobs in South Lebanon

Head of Mission and Force Commander of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) Major General Diodato Abagnara of the Italian Army reviews the troops at the UNIFIL base, near Mansouri, Southern Lebanon, September 19, 2026. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
Head of Mission and Force Commander of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) Major General Diodato Abagnara of the Italian Army reviews the troops at the UNIFIL base, near Mansouri, Southern Lebanon, September 19, 2026. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir

As UNIFIL’s mandate in Lebanon draws to a close, the implications of its withdrawal extend beyond military and security operations to the labor market in southern Lebanon, where the mission’s decades-long presence has sustained hundreds of jobs and supported local businesses that depend on its demand for goods and services.

As job cuts begin ahead of the withdrawal process, which is set to gather pace at the end of this year, concerns are mounting over the economic and social impact on employees and their families, as well as on small and medium-sized businesses that depend on spending generated by the international force’s presence.

400 Local Employees Work for UNIFIL

According to UNIFIL spokesperson Candice Ardell, the mission currently employs around 400 local staff, most of whom are based in southern Lebanon, while some positions are based in Beirut.

In comments to Asharq Al-Awsat, Ardell said local employees perform a wide range of duties, from the technical work required to support the mission to security, translation, media, political and civil affairs, among other functions.

Most of these positions are based in the south. Many employees live in the area, while others commute to work from elsewhere, she added.

Ardell denied that job cuts had begun as part of UNIFIL’s force reduction and withdrawal process, explaining that the process was expected to start after Dec. 31, 2026.

Families Depend on UNIFIL Salaries

In the border town of Rmeish, 85 families still have members employed directly by UNIFIL on a permanent basis, earning monthly salaries on which they and their families depend for their livelihoods.

Milad Alam, a former Rmeish mayor, told Asharq Al-Awsat in an earlier interview that around 250 other families also have members working for companies contracted by UNIFIL, adding that they, too, stand to lose their monthly sources of income.

Researcher Mohammad Shamseddine said the number of people employed by or contracted to UNIFIL had fallen significantly, noting that the current workforce was well below the roughly 1,200 employees it had previously numbered.

Annual Losses Estimated at $45 Million to $55 Million

Economist Jassem Ajaka warned that UNIFIL’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon would have economic and financial repercussions extending well beyond the south, affecting the Lebanese economy as a whole. The fallout would include reduced foreign currency inflows, job losses and weaker trade and investment, while placing additional pressure on the state treasury.

In comments to Asharq Al-Awsat, Ajaka said UNIFIL’s annual budget stood at about $553 million, estimating that the withdrawal would result in a direct loss of $45 million to $55 million a year in foreign currency inflows, as international forces cease spending locally on contracts with domestic suppliers, restaurants, shops and supply chains.

Ajaka estimated that UNIFIL’s withdrawal would eliminate $15 million to $22 million in annual wages for Lebanese staff, whose average net annual compensation ranges from $15,000 to $25,000.

He estimated that UNIFIL’s withdrawal would add $25 million to $40 million in annual costs for the Lebanese treasury, as the Lebanese army takes over expenses previously covered through cooperation with the international force, putting further pressure on public finances and potentially widening the primary budget deficit.

The economist concluded saying that the real estate sector would be among the hardest hit, particularly in Naqoura, Tyre, Marjayoun and Bint Jbeil. The termination of hundreds of rental contracts held by UNIFIL’s civilian and military personnel could result in annual losses of $10 million to $18 million. He also warned that commercial and residential property values in affected areas could fall by 25% to 45%.


Libya Approves Contentious Türkiye Deal Over Mediterranean Waters

The Libyan parliament meets on Tuesday. (Parliamentary spokesman Abdullah Bliheg)
The Libyan parliament meets on Tuesday. (Parliamentary spokesman Abdullah Bliheg)
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Libya Approves Contentious Türkiye Deal Over Mediterranean Waters

The Libyan parliament meets on Tuesday. (Parliamentary spokesman Abdullah Bliheg)
The Libyan parliament meets on Tuesday. (Parliamentary spokesman Abdullah Bliheg)

Libya’s east-based parliament unanimously approved a contested eastern Mediterranean maritime agreement with Türkiye on Tuesday as Turkish chief of intelligence Ibrahim Kalin visited the capital Tripoli.

The House of Representatives voted to adopt the memorandum of understanding signed in 2019 by Türkiye and Libya’s then-government in Tripoli, the Government of National Accord, which was rejected by Egypt, Greece and Cyprus.

Greece’s Foreign Ministry rejected the vote, saying in a statement that it “does not alter the illegal, invalid and groundless nature of the memorandum.”

The ministry said Türkiye and Libya do not have opposite or adjacent coasts that could provide a legal basis for delimiting maritime zones. It said the agreement disregards the rights of Greek islands, which lie between the Turkish and Libyan coasts.

“Geography and the international Law of the Sea cannot be changed by unilateral, legally unfounded parliamentary decisions,” the ministry said. It added that Greece had informed its partners and allies and “will take all appropriate measures to safeguard its sovereign rights.”

Cyprus also condemned the vote, calling the memorandum “illegal, null, and void.”

The Libyan-Türkiye agreement defines maritime jurisdiction areas between the two countries in the Mediterranean, where major natural gas discoveries in recent years have fueled competing claims to offshore waters.

Lawmakers also repealed two resolutions passed in 2020, parliamentary spokesman Abdullah Bliheg said. One rejected agreements with Türkiye, while the other cut political ties with Ankara. Parliament had opposed the accords at a time when Türkiye was backing the Tripoli government against Libyan National Army Khalifa Haftar’s forces.

Head of the Government of National Unity Abdul Hamid al-Dbeibah meets with Turkish chief of intelligence Ibrahim Kalin in Tripoli. (HOKOMITNA platform)

Officials in both camps welcomed Tuesday’s vote. Saddam Haftar, Khalifa Haftar’s son, said in a statement that the decisions reflected “a move toward overcoming disputes of the past.”

He called the maritime agreement a tool to protect Libya’s economic interests in the Mediterranean and described Türkiye as “a significant regional power.”

The Foreign Ministry of the Tripoli-based Government of National Unity, led by Abdul Hamid al-Dbeibah, called the vote “a positive development” for relations with Türkiye.

It said cooperation would proceed “in accordance with the relevant rules and principles of international law.”

Dbeibah also met Tuesday in Tripoli with Kalin. A government statement said they discussed security, regional developments, and migration.

The European Union has said the agreement violates the rights of third countries. Türkiye is not a party to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

Egypt also rejected the accord. In August 2020, Cairo and Athens signed their own maritime agreement in response. Greek officials have said it effectively nullifies the Turkish-Libyan deal.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty said he discussed the situation in Libya and the eastern Mediterranean in a phone call with his Greek counterpart on Tuesday, without directly mentioning the vote.


Kfara Facility Raises New Questions Over Military Site Verification in Southern Lebanon

Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
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Kfara Facility Raises New Questions Over Military Site Verification in Southern Lebanon

Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)

Israel's claim that Hezbollah has resumed military activity at a facility in southern Lebanon previously entered by the Lebanese army has renewed questions over how military sites south of the Litani River are secured and whether measures are in place to prevent their reuse.

The allegation, involving a facility in the town of Kafra, came as US-sponsored military talks were set to take place in Tampa, Florida, on Tuesday and Wednesday, focusing on security provisions of the "framework agreement" between Lebanon and Israel.

Israeli allegations raise questions over verification

Israeli military spokesperson Ella Waweya said the Lebanese army was asked through a US monitoring mechanism in December 2025 to address a facility in Kafra allegedly used by Hezbollah to store weapons.

The Lebanese army said it had taken the necessary measures, but Hezbollah continued using the site and moving equipment out, according to Waweya.

She released footage purportedly showing Hezbollah members loading weapons onto a truck later targeted by Israeli forces.

The Israeli statement also accused individuals within the Lebanese army of coordinating with Hezbollah, enabling the group to remove military equipment before security measures could be carried out.

Neither the allegations nor the date of the footage could be independently verified. There was no immediate Lebanese response.

Israeli claims aim to pressure army, reset negotiations: Expert

Retired Brigadier General Dr. Khalil Helou said the timing of Israel's announcement, just hours before the Tampa talks, was calculated to pressure the Lebanese army, undermine confidence in its capabilities and force additional conditions that could send negotiations back to square one.

"Israel uses such announcements at carefully chosen political and military moments, regardless of the nature or scale of the reported activity," Helou told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said Israeli claims about Hezbollah movements often coincide with negotiations or Lebanese army deployments, portraying the military as incapable of fulfilling its responsibilities.

"The Israelis know perfectly well that this is not true," he said, accusing Israel itself of obstructing the army's effective deployment in the south.

Helou pointed to the town of Zawtar, where he said the Lebanese army was deployed in the western sector while Israeli forces operated in the east.

"Israeli forces are carrying out explosions and demolitions, and whenever the Lebanese army moves, it comes under attack or shelling near its positions," he said.

He argued that Israel continued to behave as though the war had not ended, linking that stance to Israeli elections and calls by some ministers to annex Lebanese territory.

Helou also cited tunnels dug by Hezbollah between 2014 and 2018, saying Israel had known about them before publicly revealing their existence.

"The timing of Israeli statements and announcements carries political and military significance. No announcement can be viewed in isolation from the circumstances surrounding it," he said.

Footage could become leverage for tougher withdrawal terms

Retired Brigadier General Khaled Hamadeh also questioned the timing of the Israeli announcement, saying it was intended to put pressure on Lebanon's negotiating delegation.

He said Israel could use the footage to demand stricter verification measures to ensure southern areas are free of Hezbollah's military presence, while making its withdrawal conditional on security guarantees that could prolong the occupation.

For Hamadeh, the crucial question is not simply what the images show, but when they were taken and whether they reflect current conditions.

"Are these recent images or do they date back to an earlier period? Were they taken today or during the previous war? We cannot say for certain without verifying their timing and content," he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said the Lebanese army might be unable to definitively confirm or refute Israel's account, particularly if it had no presence in the area or could not gain access to verify conditions on the ground.

"If the Lebanese army has declared control over the area south of the Litani, and Israel then says Hezbollah is still operating militarily from a facility in Kafra, Israel will use that to challenge the effectiveness of Lebanese measures," Hamadeh said.

"It will argue that the declared control has failed to prevent Hezbollah from continuing its military activity."

Hamadeh doubted Hezbollah was preparing to launch another war from the area, but warned that Israel could exploit the allegations, regardless of their accuracy, to reopen negotiations over verification procedures and demand further guarantees before withdrawing.

"I do not believe Hezbollah intends to launch a new war from this area. The problem is how Israel uses this information, regardless of whether it is accurate, to reopen the debate over verification measures and demand additional guarantees before withdrawing," he said.

The absence of a trusted, mutually agreed verification body, he argued, gives Israel considerable room to maneuver.

Israel could cite continuing Hezbollah military activity to justify refusing to withdraw, while Lebanon lacks sufficient leverage to compel it to honor its commitments.

Hamadeh warned that tying withdrawal to further security demands could revive proposals for a drawn-out timetable.

"The agreement reached is supposed to lead to an Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory," he said.

"But giving Israel additional pretexts could reopen the door to a prolonged, phased withdrawal, potentially stretching over five years, on the grounds that the Lebanese state needs enough time to dismantle Hezbollah's military infrastructure and confiscate its weapons."