Israeli Army Plans Reinforcing West Bank Settlers with Heavy Arms

An Israeli army excavator demolishes buildings during a military operation in Nur Shams refugee camp, near the West Bank city of Tulkarem, 31 December 2025. (EPA) 
An Israeli army excavator demolishes buildings during a military operation in Nur Shams refugee camp, near the West Bank city of Tulkarem, 31 December 2025. (EPA) 
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Israeli Army Plans Reinforcing West Bank Settlers with Heavy Arms

An Israeli army excavator demolishes buildings during a military operation in Nur Shams refugee camp, near the West Bank city of Tulkarem, 31 December 2025. (EPA) 
An Israeli army excavator demolishes buildings during a military operation in Nur Shams refugee camp, near the West Bank city of Tulkarem, 31 December 2025. (EPA) 

The Israeli army has begun to permanently bolster its forces in the northern West Bank, as part of a broader plan to arm settlers with machine guns and small anti-tank missiles and to build new settlements, and revive others.

Under the cover of war and shifting attention to multiple fronts, the army now says they are required to protect nearly twice the amount of populated territory in the West Bank, following the establishment of dozens of settlements and agricultural outposts over the past three years, according to a report published on Sunday by the Israeli Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper.

The report said military officials estimate that additional territorial security battalions will be required as the 2005 disengagement is effectively reversed in the northern West Bank.

Meanwhile, it noted, the military is already moving to implement the rollback of the disengagement in parts of the West Bank.

In recent days, the Israeli army has begun opening new access routes in the northwestern West Bank to pave a road bypassing the Palestinian village of Silat al-Dahr and to establish a new military outpost.

The outpost is intended to protect the settlement of Sa-Nur, which was evacuated during the disengagement.

According to the report, similar steps are expected near the former settlements of Homesh, Kadim and Ganim, which have remained in ruins for nearly two decades and are slated to be rebuilt.

Following the 2005 disengagement under a plan by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, the four settlements of Homesh, Sa-Nur, Ganim, and Kadim were dismantled.

But the government of Netanyahu annulled the move and started rebuilding these settlements.

Expansion Led by Smotrich

Yedioth Ahronoth said the expansion is being led by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who holds responsibility for civilian affairs in the West Bank.

Among senior officers, Smotrich is informally referred to as the “defense minister for the West Bank,” reflecting his growing involvement and influence over policy in the area, the report explained.

It said the government has approved 21 settlements, including Sa-Nur, and an additional 19 have since been authorized.

Central Command officials are now discussing their locations and construction timelines.

According to the report, military officials say the sustained operations carried out in the northern West Bank over the past two years helped create conditions that made settlement activity in the area more feasible from a security standpoint.

“Until a few years ago, entering the Balata refugee camp in Nablus meant facing heavy gunfire and explosive devices,” military officials said. “Today we can enter there in broad daylight and face at most stone throwing. Deterrence has increased due to the change in approach and sustained pressure on terrorist elements.”

Enhancing Capacities

As settlements expand, the report said the military is also increasing intelligence, surveillance and communications capabilities in the northern West Bank, including observation towers, radar systems and enhanced command-and-control infrastructure.

The existing academy and the renewed settlement at Homesh are expected to alter daily life in the northwestern West Bank by 2026, according to the newspaper’s writer, Yoav Zitun.

With the planned changes, the military estimates that at least one additional battalion will be required in the initial stage to protect the rebuilt settlements.

The West Bank Division currently operates 23 permanent territorial defense battalions, from southern Mount Hebron to the Jenin sector near Afula.

In recent years, amid waves of terror attacks, reinforcement deployments have raised the number to nearly 30 battalions.

Zitun wrote that Sa-Nur, which is expected to be rebuilt after nearly 20 years, will fall under the Samaria Regional Brigade, which has already doubled the number of Israeli communities under its responsibility over the past three years to nearly 40 settlements and outposts.

Arming Settlers

According to Yedioth Ahronoth, since October 7, 2023, the Israeli army has focused on protecting residents and road traffic primarily from within Palestinian areas, conducting continuous operations inside Area A.

It said new settlements are to be defended primarily from the surrounding area, while internal security will rely on civilian emergency response squads.

“These squads consist of local residents who receive weapons and military training from the Israeli army and operate under regional security coordinators within the framework of the regional brigades,” the newspaper wrote.

Over the past two years, it said, the military has carried out a broad reform of emergency response squads, particularly in the West Bank.

Members have been equipped not only with rifles and ammunition but also with machine guns, anti-armor weapons, communications gear and additional equipment. The military is also considering issuing fragmentation grenades and small anti-tank missiles.

The army is also planning for scenarios previously considered unlikely, including mass violence involving thousands of armed Palestinians.

Officials stress there is currently no indication of such a development, and that weapons in Palestinian hands are generally limited to small arms and improvised explosive devices.

Last week, the Palestinian Department of Work and Planning has released its 2025 annual report documenting settler violence and Israeli demolition operations across the occupied territories.

In 2025, it said, settler groups carried out 5,538 attacks against Palestinian civilians and their property. These attacks involved live ammunition, arson, and physical assaults.

It noted that 17 Palestinians were killed and 971 were injured, mainly by direct gunfire.

Also, 16,795 fruitful trees were uprooted or destroyed, 5,631 head of livestock stolen or killed,

600 vehicles were damaged and 187 residential and agricultural structures were burned or demolished.

The report also noted demolished 2,047 structures were demolished in 2025, including 1,437 structures and 610 homes.

 

 



Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
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Lebanese Army Chief Faces Labeling Dispute During Washington Visit

Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)
Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal during his visit to Washington (Lebanese Army Command)

What was meant to be a routine visit by Lebanese Army Commander General Rodolphe Haykal to Washington to discuss military support and aid coordination turned into a political flashpoint, after a brief meeting with US Senator Lindsey Graham ignited a dispute over whether the army chief would describe Hezbollah as a “terrorist organization.”

The controversy was sparked by a brief meeting with hardline Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who publicly said he cut the meeting short after Haykal declined to use the designation in what he called the “context of Lebanon.”

What happened in the Graham meeting

In a post on X, Graham said: “I just had a very brief meeting with the Lebanese Chief of Defense General Rodolphe Haykal. I asked him point blank if he believes Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. He said, “No, not in the context of Lebanon.” With that, I ended the meeting.”

“They are clearly a terrorist organization. Hezbollah has American blood on its hands. Just ask the US Marines,” he added.

“They have been designated as a foreign terrorist organization by both Republican and Democrat administrations since 1997 – for good reason.”

“As long as this attitude exists from the Lebanese Armed Forces, I don’t think we have a reliable partner in them.”

“I am tired of the double speak in the Middle East. Too much is at stake,” Graham concluded.

The reaction went beyond expressions of displeasure. Some US coverage suggested Graham effectively raised questions about the “usefulness” of continuing support for the Lebanese army if such a gap persists between the US position and Lebanon’s official language.

Haykal’s answer raises its cost in Washington

Inside Lebanon, the issue is not limited to the stance on Hezbollah. Still, it extends to the army’s role as a unifying institution in a country whose political balance rests on sectarian arrangements and deep sensitivities.

Adopting an external designation, even a US one, in official language by the head of the military could be interpreted domestically as a move that risks triggering political and sectarian division or drawing the army into confrontation with a component that has organized political and popular representation.

That explains why Lebanese voices, including some critics of Hezbollah, defended the logic that “the state does not adopt this classification.” Therefore, the army commander cannot formally do so.

In other words, Haykal sought to avoid two conflicting languages: Washington’s legal and political framing of Hezbollah, and the Lebanese state’s language, which walks a fine line between the demand for exclusive state control over arms and the avoidance of reproducing internal fractures.

US State Department position

Amid the controversy surrounding the Graham meeting, an official US position emerged on Tuesday through the US Embassy in Beirut, welcoming the visit and focusing on the core US message.

The statement said that “the Lebanese Armed Forces’ ongoing work to disarm non-state actors and reinforce national sovereignty as Lebanon’s security guarantor is more important than ever.”

The wording was notable because it separated two levels: continued US reliance on the army as a state institution, and, in practice, linking that reliance to the issue of disarming non-state actors.

The phrase avoids direct naming but, in the Lebanese context, is widely understood to refer primarily to Hezbollah.

The visit’s broader track

Despite the political awkwardness, Haykal’s visit was not reduced to a single meeting. He held senior-level military talks, including meetings with US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine.

According to a statement from a Joint Chiefs spokesperson, the meeting “reaffirmed the importance of enduring US defense relationships in the Middle East.”

The visit coincided with broader discussions in Washington on support for the Lebanese army and plans to extend state authority, as international reports spoke of Lebanon entering new phases of a plan to dismantle illegal weapons structures in the south and north.

The army commander’s visit had initially been delayed for reasons that add another layer to understanding Washington’s sensitivity to the military’s language.

In November 2025, sources quoted the US State Department as saying Washington canceled scheduled meetings with the Lebanese army commander after objecting to an army statement on border tensions with Israel, prompting the visit to be postponed to avoid a pre-emptive political failure.


Egypt Steps Up Efforts to Support Gaza Administration Committee After Entry Stalled

Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
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Egypt Steps Up Efforts to Support Gaza Administration Committee After Entry Stalled

Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians inspect the damage after Israeli aircraft targeted a five floor house last night, in Khan Younis southern Gaza Strip on February 6, 2026. (AFP)

Egypt is intensifying efforts to back the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, hoping it can begin operating inside the enclave to implement commitments under the second phase of the ceasefire agreement, which started about two weeks ago but has yet to take shape on the ground.

Experts told Asharq Al-Awsat that those Egyptian efforts, through phone calls and meetings with international partners, are focused on two main objectives: pushing for the deployment of police forces and an international stabilization force on the one hand, and securing a gradual Israeli withdrawal on the other, increasing pressure on Israel to move the agreement forward.

A member of the administration committee said in a brief phone statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, speaking on condition of anonymity, that there is still no specific date for entering the enclave.

In the Slovenian capital, Ljubljana, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty stressed Cairo’s full support for the work of the committee headed by Dr. Ali Shaath.

He made the remarks during a dialogue session of the Arab-Islamic committee on Gaza with Slovenian Foreign Minister Tanja Fajon.

The foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Bahrain attended the meeting. Abdelatty stressed the importance of the committee’s role in managing the daily affairs of Gaza’s residents and meeting their basic needs during the transitional phase.

He underscored the need to ensure the continued flow of humanitarian and relief aid into the enclave, as well as the formation and deployment of an international stabilization force to monitor the ceasefire.

Abdelatty reiterated his stance during a phone call on Friday with British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper.

The Gaza committee, established under the ceasefire agreement, operates under the supervision of the Board of Peace, chaired by US President Donald Trump. The committee has been holding meetings in Cairo since it was announced last month and has yet to enter Gaza.

Ahmed Fouad Anwar, a member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs and an academic specializing in Israeli affairs, said Egypt is making significant efforts to facilitate the committee’s mission as quickly as possible and enable it to operate.

He said this would limit Israeli obstacles, increase pressure on Israel, and place it under the obligations set out in the plan, particularly withdrawal from Gaza. This would counter intense pressure from Tel Aviv to accelerate the disarmament of Hamas without implementing its Gaza agreement commitments.

Palestinian political analyst Abdel Mahdi Motawea said Israel objected not only to the committee’s work but even to its emblem.

He noted, however, that Israel is not the only party hindering the committee. Hamas and other factions want to impose conditions on the committee’s work.

He warned of serious concerns that the committee could be marginalized, stressing that Egypt’s extensive efforts to support it are crucial at this critical stage of the Gaza agreement.

Hamas announced days ago that it was ready to hand over management of the enclave to the committee, while Israel continues to obstruct it.

Anwar expects the committee to begin operating in the enclave soon if Egypt’s efforts and those of international partners succeed and Washington responds positively.

He warned that the committee's failure would threaten the ceasefire agreement.


Gaza Deal Mediators Have Few Options on Hamas Disarmament

Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
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Gaza Deal Mediators Have Few Options on Hamas Disarmament

Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)
Hamas fighters in Gaza City. (AFP)

Israel’s demand for the disarmament of Hamas has become the top priority since the second phase of the Gaza agreement began 10 days ago.

It exposed deep uncertainty over how such a step could be enforced amid firm resistance from the movement, which says it will not relinquish its weapons unless progress is made toward establishing a Palestinian state.

Analysts speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat said the issue has left mediators with minimal options, ranging from complete disarmament to freezing weapons, either by persuading Hamas or applying pressure.

The demand has become a political pressure tool that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and others in Israel are likely to use increasingly in the run-up to elections, they added.

Israeli opposition figure Benny Gantz, who is preparing for elections, called on Thursday in a post on X for the “disarmament of Hamas.”

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Wednesday that Israel will dismantle Hamas if it does not agree to lay down its arms.

Netanyahu, following a meeting on Tuesday with US envoy Steve Witkoff, said he was insisting on the non-negotiable demand to disarm Hamas before any step toward rebuilding Gaza.

Military and strategic analyst Brig. Gen. Samir Ragheb said mediators have few options other than reaching understandings or exerting pressure, noting that the demand to disarm Hamas has been echoed by Israel, Washington, the EU, and donors, and has become an obstacle to ending the war and launching reconstruction.

He said Netanyahu and others would use the issue electorally and as a pretext to collapse the agreement at any time, adding that the second phase is filled with “landmines,” particularly those related to the Israeli withdrawal, which Netanyahu does not want to address.

Strategic and military expert Maj. Gen. Samir Farag said available options are now limited, suggesting that freezing weapons may be more likely than complete disarmament, mainly since Hamas’ arsenal does not consist of missiles or drones and could be handed over.

He said there is US and Israeli insistence on implementing the weapons clause, but that it must coincide with an Israeli withdrawal and guarantees to prevent a new war.

By contrast, sources in Hamas told Reuters on Wednesday that the group had agreed to discuss disarmament with other Palestinian factions, but that neither Washington nor regional mediators had presented it with any detailed or concrete proposal on disarmament.

Israel’s Channel 13 reported in late January that the US was preparing a document granting Hamas several weeks to hand over its weapons to multinational forces within a set timeframe. Failure to comply would give Israel the green light to “act as it sees fit,” the channel said.

Farag stressed that Hamas’ room for maneuver is extremely limited and that it must quickly reach understandings with mediators, particularly Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye, to resolve what he described as the most significant obstacle currently being created by Israel.

Ragheb said Hamas has no option but to implement US President Donald Trump’s Gaza plan and the disarmament clause, warning against delaying or circumventing it, as “every day lost poses a threat to the ceasefire agreement.”

He added that police forces in the enclave would be deployed within days or weeks, along with a possible stabilization force, leaving little space for further maneuvering.