Egypt Appeased after US Limits Suspension of Visas to ‘Immigrants’

A US flag and a US H-1B Visa application form are seen in this illustration taken, September 22, 2025. REUTERS/Dado Ruvic/Illustration 
A US flag and a US H-1B Visa application form are seen in this illustration taken, September 22, 2025. REUTERS/Dado Ruvic/Illustration 
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Egypt Appeased after US Limits Suspension of Visas to ‘Immigrants’

A US flag and a US H-1B Visa application form are seen in this illustration taken, September 22, 2025. REUTERS/Dado Ruvic/Illustration 
A US flag and a US H-1B Visa application form are seen in this illustration taken, September 22, 2025. REUTERS/Dado Ruvic/Illustration 

Egyptian experts and tourism workers expressed satisfaction on Friday after the administration of President Donald Trump said its decision to place new restrictions on visa applicants does not impact US visitor visas but only immigrant visas.

On Wednesday, Fox News reported that the State Department is pausing all visa processing for 75 countries, including Egypt.

But later, the US State Department clarified that the move does not impact US visitor visas, which have been in the spotlight given the United States is hosting the 2026 World Cup and 2028 Olympics.

The clarification from Washington came after widespread reactions. The Russian Union of Travel Industry (RST) said Wednesday the flow of Russian tourists to the United States will effectively cease for an indefinite period due to Washington's visa service suspension.

The State Department said it will suspend the processing of immigrant visas for citizens of 75 countries, including Brazil, Columbia, Egypt, Yemen, Algeria, Haiti, Iran, Russia and Somalia, whose nationals the Trump administration has deemed likely to require public assistance while living in the United States.

The pause will begin on January 21, according to CNN.

Magdi Sadiq, a member of Egypt’s Chamber of Tourism Companies said the visa suspension does not apply to visitor or tourist visas and therefore, will not affect the tourism activity between the US and Egypt or Egyptians studying in the US.

Rather, he said, the new move impacts individuals seeking to immigrate permanently to the United States due to the strict measures already applied by Washington for the issuance of visitor visas to Egyptians.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that Egyptian students and tourists who already have a visitor visa can renew it.

State Department spokesperson Tommy Piggott said in a statement that, “The State Department will use its long-standing authority to deem ineligible potential immigrants who would become a public charge on the United States and exploit the generosity of the American people.”

He added, “Immigration from these 75 countries will be paused while the State Department reassess immigration processing procedures to prevent the entry of foreign nationals who would take welfare and public benefits.”

The State Department said exceptions to the new pause will be “very limited” and only allowed after an applicant has cleared public charge considerations.

Amari Abdul-Aziz, former head of Egypt’s tourism and aviation division of the Chamber of Commerce said the recent US decisions will not have an impact on tourism between Egypt and the US.

“Limiting the decision to immigration has surely comforted tourism applicants and businessmen, who need a US visa for temporary visits,” he said, adding that permanent residence visas for Egyptian investors would also not be affected.

But Abdul-Aziz told Asharq Al-Awsat that Egyptians applying for US tourist visas already face difficulties.

He explained that tourism companies liaise with foreign embassies and consulates and place pre-visit programs to facilitate the granting of such visas.

The case is different for Egyptians studying in the US. They rather coordinate with the educational institutions to receive a short-term entry visa, Abdul-Aziz said.

Bassel Halaqa, head of the Egyptian Independent General Tourism Workers Syndicate, said Egyptians face hurdles entering to the US often due to fears the applicants intent to stay “illegally” in the US and then seek asylum.

In November 2025, a State Department cable sent to posts around the globe instructed consular officers to deny visas to applicants deemed likely to rely on public benefits, weighing a wide range of factors including health, age, English proficiency, finances and even potential need for long-term medical care.



Doctors Without Borders: Humanitarian Work in Sudan Hampered by Bureaucratic Hurdles

Dr. Javid Abdelmoneim, International President of Doctors Without Borders (AFP) 
Dr. Javid Abdelmoneim, International President of Doctors Without Borders (AFP) 
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Doctors Without Borders: Humanitarian Work in Sudan Hampered by Bureaucratic Hurdles

Dr. Javid Abdelmoneim, International President of Doctors Without Borders (AFP) 
Dr. Javid Abdelmoneim, International President of Doctors Without Borders (AFP) 

The health system in Sudan is suffering, with massive shortage of medical staff and supplies, said Dr. Javid Abdelmoneim, International President of Doctors Without Borders (MSF).

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Abdelmoneim said a large number of hospitals have been damaged, or completely out of service, amid widespread disease outbreaks like cholera and measles, pushing an already fragile health system to the brink.

Earlier, the World Health Organization said about 65% of the population lack access to healthcare and between 70 – 80% of health facilities are not functioning due to the ongoing conflict between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces in April 2023.

Abdelmoneim said assistance in Sudan is urgent, including in the fields of maternal and childcare, treatment of injuries, infant and childbirth, infectious diseases, and malnutrition.

Also, the population in Sudan is in urgent need of safe drinking water, sanitation services, psychological support, and assistance for survivors of sexual violence due to the ongoing humanitarian crisis.

He reported that access to health service facilities remains severely restricted due to insecurity and persistent bureaucratic obstacles.

Abdelmoneim noted that while MSF is not directly affected by these restrictions, other humanitarian organizations face an additional hurdle of limited funding and reduced aid.

Concerning the situation in El Fasher, the official said MSF treated residents who had been trapped in the city, which was under siege by the RSF for approximately 500 days.

After the RSF took control of the city, many survivors fled, often walking 60 km to the nearby town of Tawila, where MSF teams provided emergency medical care.

Abdelmoneim said the survivors arrived exhausted, malnourished, dehydrated, with traumatic injuries, gunshot wounds, and infected wounds.

On their journeys, they saw many dead bodies, and suffered torture, kidnappings for ransom, sexual violence, humiliation, and had everything they owned stolen, he said.

Concerning civilians who were still alive in El Fasher before 26 October, Abdelmoneim said they faced extreme violence including massacres, ethnic cleansing inside the city, and while escaping.

100 Violence Incidents

Abdelmoneim then mentioned the attacks on health care facilities, resulting in deaths and injuries.

He said that since April 2023, MSF has documented 100 incidents of violence targeting its staff, facilities, vehicles and supplies, including looting and destruction of clinics, theft of medicines, assaults, and threats to health workers.

 


Muslim Brotherhood Faces Growing Int’l Isolation after Trump Decision

 A previous trial of Muslim Brotherhood members convicted on terrorism charges in Egypt (AFP)
A previous trial of Muslim Brotherhood members convicted on terrorism charges in Egypt (AFP)
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Muslim Brotherhood Faces Growing Int’l Isolation after Trump Decision

 A previous trial of Muslim Brotherhood members convicted on terrorism charges in Egypt (AFP)
A previous trial of Muslim Brotherhood members convicted on terrorism charges in Egypt (AFP)

The Muslim Brotherhood is facing growing international isolation after US President Donald Trump moved to designate its branches in Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon as terrorist organizations.

Argentina has joined the list of countries banning the Brotherhood, announcing on Thursday that it had added the group’s branches in Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon to its terrorist organizations list, a statement from the office of President Javier Milei said.

Experts and researchers said Trump’s decision would expand the international ban on Brotherhood branches, adding that more countries were likely to take similar steps, although the US measures would not affect all of the group’s branches abroad.

The Argentine move came two days after the US Treasury and State Departments announced on Tuesday the designation of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, along with its branches in Jordan and Lebanon, as terrorist organizations.

Argentina’s government said its decision was based on official reports proving the existence of illicit cross-border activities, including terrorist acts and public calls for violent extremism, as well as links to other terrorist organizations and their potential impact on the Argentine Republic.

It added that the measure would strengthen mechanisms to prevent terrorism, detect it early, and punish its financiers, ensuring that members of the Brotherhood and their allies do not evade accountability.

Maher Farghaly, a researcher on Islamist movements, said the US president’s decision against the Brotherhood would encourage other countries to ban the group and its branches abroad.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that countries in Latin America, such as Colombia and Venezuela, were expected to take similar steps to classify the group as a terrorist organization.

Farghaly said the successive bans on the Brotherhood were accompanied by similar European moves in Austria and Sweden.

He added that the key issue was the extent to which international decisions would affect the group’s activities abroad, noting that the US measures were partial because they targeted specific branches near Israel, while other Brotherhood-affiliated groups operating under different names were not covered.

In its official statement, Washington said branches of the Muslim Brotherhood claimed to be legitimate civil organizations while secretly and enthusiastically supporting terrorist groups such as Hamas.

Accordingly, the Office of Foreign Assets Control designated the Egyptian and Jordanian branches of the Brotherhood for providing material support to Hamas, classifying them as specially designated global terrorists under counterterrorism authority set out in Executive Order 13224, as amended.

International moves to isolate the Brotherhood confirm the validity of the Arab and Egyptian view of the group, Farghaly said, noting that Cairo had been among the first to designate the Brotherhood as a terrorist organization.

Egypt has classified the Brotherhood as a terrorist group since 2013.

Most of its leaders, including its supreme guide, Mohamed Badie, are imprisoned in Egypt on charges related to violence and killings that took place after the group was removed from power that year.

Other members have fled abroad and are wanted by the Egyptian judiciary, and are currently running the organization amid deep internal divisions, according to observers.

International counterterrorism expert Hatem Saber said the Brotherhood was facing international isolation following recent US decisions.

He said the designation would restrict the group’s movements, particularly in Egypt, Lebanon, and Jordan.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said the decision's impact included freezing the group’s funds, banning its members' travel, preventing them from receiving any support, and criminalizing any individual or institution that provides assistance to the group.

Saber said it would be difficult to impose a comprehensive cross-border ban on the entire organization because of legal challenges in classifying affiliated groups that operate under different names.

He added that Washington’s measures would not apply only within the United States but would also affect any external transactions involving the banned branches.


Sami Nasman, a Hamas Foe, Returns to Run Gaza Security

Sami Nasman (X)
Sami Nasman (X)
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Sami Nasman, a Hamas Foe, Returns to Run Gaza Security

Sami Nasman (X)
Sami Nasman (X)

Even the most optimistic advocates of change in Gaza’s system of governance did not expect the list for the proposed Gaza Administration Committee to include figures long described as among Hamas’s fiercest opponents.

Many Palestinians, across factional and popular lines, were surprised by the emergence of Sami Nasman, one of the most prominent officers in the Palestinian General Intelligence Service since its establishment, as the figure selected to oversee the security file in Gaza.

Nasman has a long record of what has been described as hostility toward, and pursuit by, Hamas, which appeared to have little room to reject the names chosen to join the committee.

Who is Sami Nasman?

Sami Nasman was born in 1967 in the Beach refugee camp west of Gaza City and spent most of his life in the Sheikh Radwan neighborhood in the city’s north.

During his secondary and university studies, he joined the Fatah Youth Movement and was active in the first Palestinian uprising that erupted in 1987.

He also took part in armed activities that made him a target for Israeli forces after he formed a cell that targeted those accused of collaborating with Israel’s Shin Bet security agency. That forced him, along with several Fatah activists, to flee the Gaza Strip in 1988.

Nasman experienced a brief period of what was described as limited hostility with Hamas activists during the group’s early formation in 1987, a phase that quickly faded after his departure from Gaza.

While in exile, Nasman moved between Cairo, Tunis, and other capitals, where he met the late Palestinian president Yasser Arafat, according to sources close to him cited by Asharq Al-Awsat.

Return to Gaza, return to hostility

In 1994, as the Palestinian Authority began deploying in Gaza and parts of the West Bank under the 1993 Oslo Accords, Nasman returned to the enclave with others and later settled again in Sheikh Radwan.

He became a senior officer in the Palestinian General Intelligence Service and was considered the right hand of Amin al-Hindi, the agency’s first chief.

Nasman wielded significant influence within the intelligence service, across the broader Palestinian security apparatus, and within Fatah’s institutional circles. He was often described as a “hard man to reckon with,” the sources said.

They added that he held several key posts, including serving as the intelligence chief’s private office chief, leading the counterintelligence department, overseeing investigations into foreigners permitted to enter Gaza, and handling other sensitive assignments.

After his return, and amid Palestinian security activity targeting Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad members, Nasman was accused of leading arrest campaigns against them between 1996 and 2000.

In February 1996, Islamic Jihad accused him of responsibility for the killing of two of its senior field operatives who had carried out an attack in Beit Lid inside Israel that killed more than 20 Israelis.

The two men were surrounded in a house in the Beach camp, just tens of meters from the intelligence service’s Mushtal compound and were killed during an attempted arrest after refusing to surrender.

Sources close to Nasman denied his involvement, saying another officer was responsible. That account could not be independently confirmed, although some testimonies at the time placed him at the scene.

The second intifada

Hostility between Nasman and Hamas deepened with the outbreak of the second Palestinian uprising in late 2000 and the escape of Hamas and Islamic Jihad members from Palestinian Authority prisons.

Tensions escalated further after Hamas won the 2006 legislative elections, a year that also saw an assassination attempt on the intelligence service’s second chief, Ahmed Shaniora, known as Tariq Abu Rajab.

That was followed by an attempt on the life of Maj. Gen. Baha Balousha, which killed his wife and children.

The confrontation between Nasman, his security apparatus, and Hamas reached its peak after Hamas seized control of Gaza in 2006, forcing him, like dozens of other officers, to flee for fear of his life amid accusations that he had overseen the arrest and pursuit of Hamas members.

Nasman exited Gaza via Israeli land crossings to Ramallah, where he later became responsible for the Gaza file within the intelligence service and then an adviser to the agency’s chief for the southern governorates.

Accusations and convictions in absentia

The hostility did not end with his departure. In 2015, Hamas accused Nasman of running networks inside Gaza from Ramallah to stir unrest and carry out assassination attempts against its leaders and officials.

In August 2015, Hamas gave him 10 days to turn himself in.

In March 2016, it sentenced him in absentia to 15 years in prison, along with others who received varying terms, after publishing confessions by Palestinian security operatives who said Nasman had recruited them to carry out the alleged plots.

Sources close to Nasman dismissed the accusations as unfounded, describing them as part of the political infighting that accompanied the Palestinian split.

During the most recent war in Gaza, Hamas again accused him of overseeing an intelligence network that monitored the entry of international and Arab aid convoys into the enclave for espionage purposes, an allegation neither Fatah nor the Palestinian Authority commented on.

In recent months, Nasman joined the ranks of officers who were “forcibly retired and marginalized,” according to sources close to him. He subsequently developed new ties with associates working with the camp of exiled Fatah leader Mohammed Dahlan, meeting them frequently in Cairo.

Other sources said he was nominated by the Dahlan-aligned camp to lead the public security file within the new committee.

Hamas’s position

Nasman’s appointment to the security portfolio has sparked widespread debate in Palestinian circles, raising questions about Hamas’s stance, particularly among its grassroots and organizational ranks, given the well-known hostility toward him.

Officially, Hamas welcomed the formation of the technocratic committee in a joint statement with other Palestinian factions, without voicing objections.

However, Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the movement was “compelled at this critical stage to set aside differences, as it has done with other Palestinian Authority and Fatah figures, for the sake of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.”

Another senior Hamas source said the movement “has little room to maneuver, as it seeks to secure a ceasefire agreement that implements its terms and moves Palestinians into a new political and national phase.”