Sudan’s Burhan Warns Islamist Group Over Call to Fight with Iran

Burhan attends a Ramadan iftar with police personnel in the Haj Youssef district of Khartoum on Wednesday (Sudanese Sovereignty Council)
Burhan attends a Ramadan iftar with police personnel in the Haj Youssef district of Khartoum on Wednesday (Sudanese Sovereignty Council)
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Sudan’s Burhan Warns Islamist Group Over Call to Fight with Iran

Burhan attends a Ramadan iftar with police personnel in the Haj Youssef district of Khartoum on Wednesday (Sudanese Sovereignty Council)
Burhan attends a Ramadan iftar with police personnel in the Haj Youssef district of Khartoum on Wednesday (Sudanese Sovereignty Council)

Head of Sudan’s Transitional Sovereignty Council and army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan warned that the military would confront an Islamist group wearing army uniforms after it called on fighters it described as “mujahideen” to join Iran if it faced a ground invasion by the United States or Israel.

Burhan said the Sudanese Armed Forces would not allow any party to speak in its name or exploit its identity to pursue political or ideological goals.

He signaled that strict measures could be taken, warning to back down and return to what he called “the right path”.

His remarks echoed a statement issued Tuesday by the official spokesperson of the Sudanese army, which said the armed forces would take legal action against groups linked to the Islamist movement.

The group had declared during a communal Ramadan iftar that it was ready to defend Iran if it faced a ground invasion by the United States or Israel, sparking wide debate in political and media circles.

Burhan: We stand with Gulf states

Speaking Wednesday evening after a joint iftar with military leaders, Burhan described the war in the Middle East as “sad for us,” adding that the Sudanese people know the harshness of war after suffering from it for years.

“No Sudanese would encourage the outbreak of war or call for it,” he said, urging all those carrying weapons to lay them down and work to halt the cycle of violence.

Burhan also expressed solidarity with the Gulf Arab states, saying they had supported Sudan over the years.

“Our brothers in the Gulf have extended many helping hands to Sudan and played great roles in supporting it. We stand with them in full solidarity,” he said.

He stressed that Sudan rejects any violation of the sovereignty of the Gulf states and said Sudan does not wish to see their peoples placed in painful situations or subjected to infringements on their sovereignty, adding that Sudan’s solidarity with them is “complete and unwavering.”

Burhan warned what he called “our brothers who are making noise inside Sudan,” without naming them, saying: “We will not allow any group to speak in the name of the armed forces or the Sudanese state on matters that do not concern them.”

“Everyone should open their eyes carefully, and if they do not... we will open them for them and then close them,” he said, adding that the authorities would not accept exploiting the space of freedom against Sudan and its people.

He vowed to stand against them and against anyone who supports or encourages aggression anywhere in the world. “We are a peaceful state and seek peace. Therefore, in clear terms, we warn anyone against making statements that harm the state,” he added.

Islamist commander calls for supporting Iran

Burhan’s reaction came after Naji Abdullah, one of the leaders of Islamist jihadist fighters, said in a speech to members of the al-Baraa bin Malik Brigade, in the presence of militia leader al-Misbah Talha, that the group backed Iran.

“We support Iran, and I say this on behalf of all the mujahideen in Sudan: if a ground war begins between the Americans and the Iranians, open the way for us to participate in it,” he said.

The al-Baraa bin Malik group was one of the shadow battalions during the rule of the Islamist movement under former president Omar al-Bashir. After the outbreak of war between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces, it joined the army in the fighting.

Abdullah’s remarks align with the stance of Sudan’s Islamist movement, historically aligned with Iran, while the army’s position reflects Sudan’s current regional relations.

Divisions among Islamists

Islamists fighting alongside the army appeared divided over the issue. Some criticized the army’s position on the Middle East conflict, describing it as “weak,” while others appeared to accept it tactically, even as they condemned measures taken against Abdullah.

Separately, Ali Karti, secretary-general of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, condemned what he described as the targeting of Arab and Islamic countries and attempts to “stir discord and fragment the unity of the nation.”

In a statement, he said the challenges facing the Muslim world were not isolated incidents but part of a broader project aimed at weakening it and undermining its unity.

Karti condemned attacks on Arab and Islamic countries and violations of their sovereignty, describing the war as aggression by Israel and those backing it against “resistance forces” in the region, with the aim of “breaking the will of the nation and weakening its ability to defend itself.”

He said the movement’s current focus is on defending Sudan and its people against what he called “forces of evil,” adding that its leadership and members remain committed to that approach and that any statements contradicting it do not represent the movement.



Who Are Hezbollah's Remaining Allies in Lebanon?

Hezbollah supporter weeps during a ceremony to mark the second anniversary of the death of party leader Hassan Nasrallah . Nasrallah was killed in a massive Israeli air strike on September 27, 2024. Photo: Marwan Naamani/dpa
Hezbollah supporter weeps during a ceremony to mark the second anniversary of the death of party leader Hassan Nasrallah . Nasrallah was killed in a massive Israeli air strike on September 27, 2024. Photo: Marwan Naamani/dpa
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Who Are Hezbollah's Remaining Allies in Lebanon?

Hezbollah supporter weeps during a ceremony to mark the second anniversary of the death of party leader Hassan Nasrallah . Nasrallah was killed in a massive Israeli air strike on September 27, 2024. Photo: Marwan Naamani/dpa
Hezbollah supporter weeps during a ceremony to mark the second anniversary of the death of party leader Hassan Nasrallah . Nasrallah was killed in a massive Israeli air strike on September 27, 2024. Photo: Marwan Naamani/dpa

The second anniversary of the assassinations of former Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah and Hashem Safieddine exposed a grim reality facing Hezbollah inside Lebanon. It showed that the group has lost its network of domestic allies, as evidenced by the absence, for the first time in two decades, of figures who had been allied with the group before the 2024 war.

Two years after the assassinations, observers closely following the group's situation say Hezbollah is facing not only the challenge of rebuilding its capabilities and reorganizing its ranks, but also the erosion of the network of alliances it built over many years. A number of political forces appear to have reconsidered the value of maintaining ties with the group amid shifts in the balance of power domestically and regionally.

Among its most prominent former allies, the only one to attend the commemoration of Nasrallah was Suleiman Frangieh, head of the Marada Movement, who had been the group's candidate for the presidency before President Joseph Aoun was elected, along with leaders representing the Amal Movement, its partner in the Shiite duo.

Political Cover Unravels

Hezbollah succeeded in building a broad network of political alliances spanning most of Lebanon's sects and denominations after signing the 2006 memorandum of understanding with the Free Patriotic Movement. According to its opponents, this enabled the group to secure "political cover" for retaining its weapons and expanding its influence, eventually entrenching a parallel reality alongside state institutions.

But this network began to gradually unravel after the "Gaza Support" war, alongside the major military setback suffered by Hezbollah and the resulting change in its position within Lebanon's political equation. One of the most prominent signs of this unraveling was the distancing of key allies, foremost among them the Free Patriotic Movement on the Christian political scene, along with the declining presence of its allies among Sunni and Druze forces.

The distancing of Hezbollah's allies is not linked solely to the shift in the balance of power after the war, but also to the political and financial risks that have come to accompany close ties with Hezbollah. This comes amid US sanctions that have already targeted individuals and entities linked to the group or accused of supporting it, as well as threats to expand the sanctions to include other allies and political figures. This has prompted some of the group's allies to reassess their calculations, fearing that their relationship with Hezbollah could turn from a source of political influence into a source of costs and sanctions.

Transactional Alliances

Dr. Hilal Khashan, a professor of political science at the American University of Beirut, said the "cross-sectarian network" the group sought to build after entering politics was essentially "marginal." He noted that "the group long benefited from its military strength to build broad political influence and from presenting itself as a force capable of establishing a balance with Israel."

According to Khashan, the group spent years "entrenching a narrative based on taking the battle to the Galilee and portraying the existence of a military balance with Israel," a narrative that "a large part of the Shiite community believed." But the military strength Hezbollah had amassed, which was considered one of its main sources of influence in the region, "suffered an unprecedented blow during the war, which inevitably affected its political position."

Khashan told Asharq Al-Awsat that Hezbollah had, throughout the past period, "provided political cover for parties and forces in exchange for obtaining cover for its policies and weapons, making many of the alliances closer to transactional alliances and exchanges of interests than to firmly established political or ideological partnerships."

Khashan believes that "the collapse of the balance of power that allowed the group to manage these relationships will make rebuilding its previous network of alliances extremely difficult, particularly as political forces that once saw benefits and political protection in an alliance with it now face a different reality." He expects the Amal Movement, through new figures, to assume leadership of the Shiite community in the coming phase.

Alienation Likely to Increase

Political writer and editor-in-chief of the Janoubia website Ali Al-Amin, for his part, said Hezbollah, which had been "a center of attraction for allies and political patronage for many years, is no longer so today, three years after the start of the Support War. It currently lacks allies and is facing an internal and external siege, a reality that can be readily observed." Al-Amin added: "This was clearly evident at the commemoration of the assassinations of its two former secretaries-general, as most of those who had once competed to sit in the front row were absent."

Al-Amin told Asharq Al-Awsat that "this alienation is likely to increase," noting that "the issue of weapons is another matter related to Hezbollah's role and position, which does not appear to have understood what befell it, the Shiites, and Lebanon as a result of a major catastrophe. It remains committed to its role as an Iranian tool subject to the calculations set by the Supreme Leader from inside Iran."

Al-Amin concluded: "In light of the current political and security circumstances, and with the group continuing to use rhetoric that is at odds with reality and its new facts, it will find no resonance beyond its supporters. Its visits to some political forces have not produced anything that could be described as a restoration of its alliances or friendships. In practical terms, it is trying to climb out of the hole it fell into by falling into more holes, which will deepen its predicament and expose its inability to redefine its existence on the foundations of the state."

He added: "In view of all this, it cannot be expected that the group will repair its fractured alliances. Rather, they will continue to collapse and disappear."


Al-Alimi Announces Start of Full-Scale Military Campaign Against Houthis

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi (Saba)
Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi (Saba)
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Al-Alimi Announces Start of Full-Scale Military Campaign Against Houthis

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi (Saba)
Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi (Saba)

Yemeni Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi on Sunday announced the start of military operations to reclaim the remaining territory of the republic and extend the authority of the state and its institutions across the entire country, marking an official transition from a phase of preparation and mobilization to open military action.

In an address to the Yemeni people, Al-Alimi said the decision to begin the operations was taken after the necessary procedures and measures had been completed and based on decisions by the National Defense Council. He said he had instructed the armed forces, security forces, and all military formations to carry out their duties according to approved plans "until the country is liberated from the grip of the terrorist militia."

Al-Alimi justified the decision by saying that opportunities for de-escalation had been exhausted. He said the state had given peace sufficient time and opportunities, while the Houthi group had responded with further mobilization, escalation, attacks, and threats against civilians, national facilities, neighboring countries, and international waterways.

He stressed that the announced battle is not a war against residents of areas under Houthi control, nor against any sect or tribe, but rather "a battle for the state and its citizens and to restore its institutions." He said its objective is to end the seizure of Yemenis' will and political future through the use of force.

Al-Alimi delivered a direct message to residents in Houthi-controlled areas, calling on them to stay away from military positions, gatherings, and supply routes, and to protect their children from being drawn into the fighting. At the same time, he reiterated the state's commitment to the safe return and declared amnesty for those who lay down their weapons and stop fighting alongside the group.

In a message to government forces and the resistance, the chairman of the Presidential Leadership Council stressed that the mission is "not only to reclaim the land, but to restore the state to it." He called for the protection of civilians and property and adherence to the law, stressing that there would be no room for revenge, retaliation, or attacks on innocent people.

Directives to the Government

On the civilian front, Al-Alimi said he had instructed the government to prepare a program of action to run in parallel with the military operations, so that state institutions would begin assuming their responsibilities in areas reclaimed by government forces as they are recovered.

The priorities he outlined include resuming the payment of state employees' salaries and addressing outstanding dues retroactively, launching an urgent recovery and reconstruction program, repairing damaged roads, electricity and water networks, and facilities, and creating conditions for the return of displaced people and the resumption of economic activity.

Al-Alimi said the success of the battle would not be measured by the number of cities reclaimed, but by the number of citizens who regain security, families that return to their homes, and measures that prevent a return to practices of killing, oppression, and depriving the people of their will.

He also reiterated the commitment of the Presidential Leadership Council and the government to the outcome of the Saudi-sponsored south-south dialogue, in a manner that ensures a fair and comprehensive solution to the southern issue. He called on brothers and friends, as well as the international community, to support Yemen, its armed forces, and national institutions, and to support humanitarian and economic efforts and recovery and reconstruction programs.

Al-Alimi concluded by announcing that the state's military, security, and civilian institutions had entered a "state of full mobilization" until the mission was accomplished, stressing that the new phase seeks to restore the state to its territory and institutions and return weapons to their "natural place under the authority of the law."


Houthi Pressure Isolates Taiz from Its Southern Countryside Amid Fierce Resistance

Yemen government soldiers gather near the Jabal Han front, west of the city of Taiz, (Photo by AHMAD AL-BASHA / AFP)
Yemen government soldiers gather near the Jabal Han front, west of the city of Taiz, (Photo by AHMAD AL-BASHA / AFP)
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Houthi Pressure Isolates Taiz from Its Southern Countryside Amid Fierce Resistance

Yemen government soldiers gather near the Jabal Han front, west of the city of Taiz, (Photo by AHMAD AL-BASHA / AFP)
Yemen government soldiers gather near the Jabal Han front, west of the city of Taiz, (Photo by AHMAD AL-BASHA / AFP)

The Iran-aligned Houthi group has deployed its full weight in the southwestern countryside of Taiz to seize the main roads linking the city with its southern rural areas and cut lines of communication toward Lahj province and the city of Aden. Government forces, backed by popular resistance, are meanwhile engaged in fierce fighting to halt the advance, alongside airstrikes targeting the group's reinforcements and military capabilities.

The front has gained particular importance as the Houthis continue to push forces into new areas in southern Taiz. Reports said the group took control on Sunday of the areas of Al-Safiya and Al-Barkani and cut the road linking Al-Turbah, the administrative center of Al-Shamayatayn district in the south, with Taiz city to the north. This would isolate the latter from the liberated areas of Lahj and Aden.

The front nevertheless remains open to intense fighting, amid indications that the Houthis are determined to maintain pressure along this axis. Field sources warned of the risks posed by continued attacks and the need for immediate reinforcements for government forces in the area.

Alongside the fighting in the southwestern countryside, government forces and popular resistance had made gains on several Taiz fronts, regaining control of the areas of Al-Maqarm and Al-Zakira in Al-Shamayatayn district, south of the province, following fierce clashes with the Houthis. The Houthis subsequently regained control of the areas.

Government forces on the southeastern front, with support from fighters from Sama district, also took control of Sama Fort before advancing toward the strategic Jabal Al-Jaasha after securing Jabal Sama Fort.

Sources said the operations resulted in significant human and material losses among the Houthis, including dozens killed or wounded, while a number of the group's militants fled the areas of confrontation. Fighting also continued, according to the same sources, on the Jabal Habashi and Al-Kadaha fronts.

On the Jabal Han and Hadhran front, west of Taiz city, fierce clashes broke out and ended, according to the Taiz Military Axis, with the defeat of the attacking forces and the killing of the Houthi commander who led the attack on government positions at Jabal Han.

257 Operations in One Day

At the same time as the ground fighting, government forces intensified operations against Houthi positions and movements across several fronts.

Yemeni Armed Forces spokesman Colonel Majid Al-Nazili said the forces carried out 257 precision strikes against Houthi positions, movements, and military capabilities using fighter aircraft, drones, artillery, missiles, and rocket launchers.

He said the operations covered Sanaa, Midi in Hajjah, Baqim in Saada, and fronts in Al-Jawf, Marib, Al-Bayda, and Lahj, with the operational focus on the Taiz fronts. He said the targets included command and control centers, gatherings, mobilization sites, combat reserves, as well as weapons and ammunition depots and military supply lines and means of transport.

According to Al-Nazili, the operations resulted, based on preliminary field estimates, in at least 700 Houthi militants being put out of action and the destruction of 170 combat vehicles and military assets. He said this had a direct impact on the group's combat capabilities and limited its ability to continue attacks against civilians in their homes and villages.

The Yemeni Armed Forces had also announced, in a separate development, that they had carried out 97 precision strikes against Houthi military reinforcements on the Tor Al-Baha front and the Taiz axis.

Al-Nazili said the operations involved fighter aircraft, drones, artillery, missiles, and snipers, resulting in 260 group members being put out of action and 44 military vehicles and means of transport and supply being destroyed or disabled.

The air force also announced strikes against Houthi targets in Sanaa and Saada, while the armed forces had earlier announced an attack against Houthi military targets in the capital, Sanaa.

These figures bring Houthi losses to nearly 6,000 killed or wounded over the course of a week, according to successive statements by the Yemeni Armed Forces.

Mobilization and State of Alert

The developments on the ground in Taiz coincided with the government and armed forces moving to a higher level of military mobilization and preparedness.

The Ministry of Defense and the General Staff launched a general mobilization and public call to arms, in implementation of directives from Presidential Leadership Council Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi.

The announcement came during an expanded meeting chaired by Defense Minister Lieutenant General Taher Al-Aqili in Aden. General Staff Chief and Joint Operations Commander Lieutenant General Sagheer bin Aziz participated by video link from Marib, alongside the deputy defense minister, the deputy chief of staff, and heads of military departments and directorates.

Al-Aqili said the ministry had taken practical measures to implement the general mobilization and public call to arms, activate human resources and reserve mobilization channels, organize reception centers, and task the relevant authorities with beginning their assigned duties.

The Yemeni defense minister affirmed that the armed forces were carrying out their duty to defend the country and its sovereignty, defeat the Houthis, and restore state institutions, stressing military discipline and command, the mobilization of resources, and the integration of efforts.

For his part, bin Aziz said the declaration of general mobilization represented a national decision requiring an organized transition to the highest levels of preparedness, the unification of efforts and capabilities, improving the efficiency of the armed forces, and strengthening their ability to carry out their duties.

He stressed the need to complete the inventory of personnel, equipment, and requirements, organize call-up and reinforcement operations, raise levels of discipline and readiness, strengthen training and qualification, and work to build an integrated military and community effort.

Amid the intensifying fighting, the chief of staff held calls with military and field commanders in Taiz, including Major General Yousef Al-Sharaji, a member of the Supreme Military Committee and commander of the Taiz front; Major General Khaled Fadel, commander of the Taiz Military Axis; Major General Abdulaziz Al-Majidi, chief of staff of the axis; and Taiz Resistance Commander Rashid Shamsan.

Bin Aziz received briefings on the course of operations and the field situation across the province's various fronts. He praised the people of Taiz for their support for the armed forces and their initiative to participate in the fighting.

He affirmed that the armed forces across the various fronts and sectors stood alongside the forces fighting in Taiz, praising what he described as the fighters' efficiency and combat capabilities, as well as the performance of the fighter aircraft and drones.