'Resistance' Axis without Voice as It Loses Narrative, Psychological Warfare Architects

Yemenis watch a speech by “Abu Ubaida,” spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, whom Israel said it killed in August 2024 (file photo, EPA)
Yemenis watch a speech by “Abu Ubaida,” spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, whom Israel said it killed in August 2024 (file photo, EPA)
TT

'Resistance' Axis without Voice as It Loses Narrative, Psychological Warfare Architects

Yemenis watch a speech by “Abu Ubaida,” spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, whom Israel said it killed in August 2024 (file photo, EPA)
Yemenis watch a speech by “Abu Ubaida,” spokesman for the Qassam Brigades, whom Israel said it killed in August 2024 (file photo, EPA)

Since the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks, the confrontation in the Middle East has not been limited to missiles and drones, but has expanded to a parallel front no less dangerous: the architects of narratives and psychological warfare.

Military spokesmen and media figures emerged, some masked, some officers, others operating in the shadows. Together, they formed the backbone of the “resistance” narrative, shaping the battle over narrative, imagery, and public perception under the broad umbrella of forces allied with Iran.

They were not merely voices for their factions or armies. They acted as architects of an integrated discourse, waging a war that targeted adversaries and audiences alike. Beneath them operated sprawling networks of platforms, activists, and media arms that reproduced and amplified messaging across digital and traditional media, reinforcing the narratives of Iran’s regional allies.

As military operations escalated, from Gaza to Lebanon and on to the latest war involving Iran, this apparatus came under concentrated strikes. Some of its most prominent figures were removed, leaving the axis narrative without many of its key voices.

Naeini, architect of “cognitive warfare”

Ali Mohammad Naini, spokesman for Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, was killed at dawn on Friday, March 20, 2026, in a US-Israeli strike, removing one of the most prominent figures behind the force’s messaging during one of the war’s most sensitive phases.

Naini, 69, had served as the Guards’ official spokesman and deputy for public relations since July 2024, a role that extended beyond traditional media duties to managing political messaging and consolidating the institution’s narrative at home and abroad.

Hours before his death was announced, Fars, the news agency affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards, attributed remarks to him saying the missile industry deserved “full marks.”

Naini stood out during the 12-day war in June 2025 and in the current conflict as a key architect of “psychological warfare” in Iran’s official discourse.

In his media appearances, he framed the confrontation as a multi-layered war, psychological, cognitive, technological, and military, stressing the importance of narrative, imagery, and public perception in shaping battlefield outcomes.

He repeatedly highlighted the media's role in “telling the story of the battlefield” and countering the adversary’s “cognitive warfare,” arguing that the opposing side aimed not only to strike military capabilities but also to dismantle the state and weaken internal cohesion.

Before his death, Naini continued to warn of “surprises” and emphasized Iran’s capacity for deterrence. His killing, therefore, marked not only a media loss, but also a blow to a figure who managed the battle of messaging and psychological influence alongside the military campaign.

“Askari,” the shadow envoy

“Abu Ali al-Askari” was less an individual than a complex media and security function. He acted as a conduit between battlefield decision-making and media messaging, and as a tool for setting the political tempo in line with Iran’s vision in Iraq.

His death was announced on March 16, 2026, after rocket attacks targeted sites in Baghdad, including a house in the Karrada district believed to be hosting a meeting of armed faction leaders. There were also indications he may have been targeted in other strikes east of the capital.

Even so, his identity and the circumstances of his death remained shrouded in the ambiguity that underpinned his influence.

His role extended to setting rules of engagement, defining the political weight of local Sunni and Kurdish actors, and signaling pressure on Iraq’s external alignments, including ties with the Arab world, the Gulf, and the broader international environment.

In that sense, he functioned as an effective instrument guiding Iraq’s political process toward outcomes aligned with Iran’s approach.

Abu Ubaida, the masked voice

Abu Ubaida became a prominent media symbol through his masked appearances and rhetoric that blended threat with psychological mobilization. Over two decades, he led the Qassam media apparatus and helped establish a distinct visual and vocal identity that resonated widely.

His prominence grew sharply during Israel’s 2014 war on the Gaza Strip, which lasted about 55 days. During that conflict, he served as a key link between fighters in tunnels and various combat units, as well as between Gaza’s population and the outside world.

He gained broad popularity within Palestine and across the Arab world for his credibility. He was not prone to exaggeration in describing military operations and was noted for his eloquence and command of Arabic.

Abu Ubaida’s first recorded appearances date back to 2002 and 2003, when he was introduced as a field official in the Qassam Brigades. He later held his first news conference on Oct. 2, 2004, at al-Nour mosque in northern Gaza, where he announced a series of operations carried out against Israeli forces and tanks under the banner “Days of Rage.”

He was killed on Aug. 30, 2025, in an Israeli airstrike targeting a building in Gaza City’s Rimal neighborhood, where he was present, according to the Israeli account.

Mohammad Afif, the message craftsman

Mohammad Afif was among Hezbollah’s leading media strategists, overseeing media relations and shaping political messaging over many years, and maintaining close ties to the group’s leadership.

His role became particularly prominent after the killing of Hezbollah leaders in 2024, when he stepped in to fill a sensitive media vacuum.

Some commentators likened him to former Iraqi Information Minister Mohammed Saeed al-Sahhaf, arguing that he projected “illusory heroics” and that his messaging diverged from reality.

Researchers say Afif held media responsibilities within Hezbollah for more than 30 years, served as a media adviser to Hassan Nasrallah, built extensive ties with Lebanese and Arab journalists, helped develop the group’s media operations, and at one stage managed Al Manar television.

His assassination, they said, marked a significant escalation in Israeli efforts to pressure the resistance in Lebanon.

Afif was killed on Nov. 17, 2024, in an Israeli strike on a building in Beirut’s Ras al Nabaa district, one of several attacks targeting Hezbollah’s media infrastructure.

Abu Hamza, Saraya’s masked spokesman

Abu Hamza was one of the most prominent media figures among Palestinian factions, serving as the military spokesman for Saraya al-Quds since 2014.

He adopted a direct, tightly focused rhetoric linking military operations to psychological impact, particularly in relation to the issue of prisoners.

His real name, Naji Maher Abu Saif, was revealed only after his death, following years in which he was known simply as “the masked man” to protect his identity.

He was killed on March 18, 2025, in an Israeli airstrike targeting his home in central Gaza, which also killed several members of his family.ch



Lebanon Bets on US Pressure to Win Israeli Concessions

Displaced residents return to southern Lebanon (AFP)
Displaced residents return to southern Lebanon (AFP)
TT

Lebanon Bets on US Pressure to Win Israeli Concessions

Displaced residents return to southern Lebanon (AFP)
Displaced residents return to southern Lebanon (AFP)

US President Donald Trump announced a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, opening the door to direct negotiations between the two sides.

Without a truce, the war between Israel and Hezbollah would remain open-ended, bringing more destruction and displacement to southern Lebanon.

But a ceasefire alone is not enough unless it runs in parallel with Lebanese-Israeli talks and can be extended to allow time for a deal, a ministerial source told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Trump’s move also satisfied Iran by involving it in the contacts that led to the truce, while aligning with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, who made a ceasefire a precondition for negotiations.

Washington brings Iran in

Washington drew Iran into the ceasefire in hopes of extracting concessions by pressing Hezbollah to uphold the truce and accept joining the government in direct talks, the source said.

The talks still face opposition from the Shiite duo, Hezbollah and Amal, despite mounting local and international pressure to unify behind a Lebanese delegation expected to be headed by former ambassador Simon Karam.

No meeting is expected soon between Aoun and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House under Trump’s sponsorship, at least during the ceasefire.

Any such meeting should seal a comprehensive agreement, not launch negotiations, the source said.

He added that there is no need to rush. The priority is for Washington to press Israel to offer incentives that could help secure a deal. Without that, a meeting would be meaningless as long as Israeli forces remain, residents are barred from returning south of the Litani River, Lebanese prisoners are held, and towns face systematic destruction.

Under such conditions, the source asked, would a meeting simply impose a reality rejected by Aoun, who insists the timing is wrong unless Israel shows goodwill on the ground toward ending its occupation.

Separating Iran from Lebanon

The source said a ceasefire is essential to start talks, but involving Iran does not mean Lebanon will tie its fate to Tehran’s negotiations with Washington, contrary to claims by a Shiite duo source.

That source suggested Lebanon would be part of a broader US-Iran settlement that could ease tensions, without explaining how this would reassure the Lebanese.

Washington’s outreach to Iran to help resume talks in Islamabad does not mean handing Lebanon’s file to Tehran, the source said, noting strong domestic, Arab and international opposition to linking the two tracks.

He questioned how Iran can negotiate directly with the United States while Lebanon is denied the same option in the absence of alternatives.

He also asked what alternative exists, and whether Lebanon can withstand another war after Hezbollah backed Gaza and Iran without returning to the government’s authority.

He raised doubts over how returning residents can be reassured, as areas south of the Litani have been devastated and are no longer fit for living.

Residents have the right to regain stability and ease fears about their future while awaiting reconstruction, which hinges on Hezbollah accepting the state’s monopoly on arms as a core item in negotiations. In return, Washington would need to secure Israel’s withdrawal and complete border demarcation in line with the armistice.

The question remains whether the Shiite duo will continue to reject direct talks overseen by Aoun, who insists on fully liberating the south.

That puts pressure on Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, who has voiced reservations, as Aoun and international actors continue to seek a unified Lebanese position to prevent the ceasefire from unraveling.


Aoun Says Future Deal Will Not Cede Lebanese Territory, Country No Longer ‘Arena for Anyone’s Wars’

A photograph released by the Lebanese Presidency on April 17, 2026, shows Lebanon's President Joseph Aoun delivering a televised address to the Lebanese people from the Baabda Presidential Palace, east of the capital Beirut. (Lebanese Presidency)
A photograph released by the Lebanese Presidency on April 17, 2026, shows Lebanon's President Joseph Aoun delivering a televised address to the Lebanese people from the Baabda Presidential Palace, east of the capital Beirut. (Lebanese Presidency)
TT

Aoun Says Future Deal Will Not Cede Lebanese Territory, Country No Longer ‘Arena for Anyone’s Wars’

A photograph released by the Lebanese Presidency on April 17, 2026, shows Lebanon's President Joseph Aoun delivering a televised address to the Lebanese people from the Baabda Presidential Palace, east of the capital Beirut. (Lebanese Presidency)
A photograph released by the Lebanese Presidency on April 17, 2026, shows Lebanon's President Joseph Aoun delivering a televised address to the Lebanese people from the Baabda Presidential Palace, east of the capital Beirut. (Lebanese Presidency)

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun said on Friday that any future deal reached by the government would not cede any ‌territory or ‌undermine Lebanon's national ‌rights, ⁠without saying whether ⁠he was referring to prospective talks with Israel.

The televised address was ⁠his first speech ‌since ‌the US brokered a ‌ceasefire to ‌end fighting between Israel and Iran-backed Hezbollah on Thursday. ‌

The text of the deal ⁠says ⁠Israel and Lebanon would hold direct talks to produce a "peace between the two countries".

Aoun said Lebanon was on the verge of a "new phase" of "permanent agreements."

"Now, we all stand before a new phase," he added, stressing "it is the phase of transition from working on a ceasefire to working on permanent agreements that preserve the rights of our people, the unity of our land, and the sovereignty of our nation."

He added that direct talks with Israel were "not a sign of weakness nor a concession... negotiations do not mean, and will never mean, giving up any right, conceding any principle, or compromising the sovereignty of this nation."

Moreover, Aoun stressed that Lebanon was no longer an "arena" for anyone's wars.

"We are confident that we will save Lebanon... we have reclaimed Lebanon and Lebanon's decision-making power for the first time in nearly half a century," he declared, adding that "today, we negotiate for ourselves... we are no longer a pawn in anyone's game, nor an arena for anyone's wars, and we never will be again."

"I hereby affirm... that there will be no agreement that infringes upon our national rights, diminishes the dignity of our steadfast people, or relinquishes an iota of this nation's soil."


Hezbollah Tallies Its Dead from Israel War, Estimates Exceed 1,000

A woman walks next to an ambulance at the site of an Israeli strike carried out before a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel went into effect, in Tyre, Lebanon, April 17, 2026. (Reuters)
A woman walks next to an ambulance at the site of an Israeli strike carried out before a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel went into effect, in Tyre, Lebanon, April 17, 2026. (Reuters)
TT

Hezbollah Tallies Its Dead from Israel War, Estimates Exceed 1,000

A woman walks next to an ambulance at the site of an Israeli strike carried out before a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel went into effect, in Tyre, Lebanon, April 17, 2026. (Reuters)
A woman walks next to an ambulance at the site of an Israeli strike carried out before a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel went into effect, in Tyre, Lebanon, April 17, 2026. (Reuters)

Hezbollah said its fighters would “keep their fingers on the trigger” hours after a ceasefire took effect between Lebanon and Israel, warning it would not stay silent over any Israeli violations and would not repeat its past restraint under the October 2024 ceasefire, when Israel continued attacks and assassinations against its members and commanders.

In recent hours, the Iran-backed party focused on helping large numbers of displaced people return to their homes, while tracking Israeli movements in occupied areas and preparing for a possible new confrontation at any moment.

Death toll unclear

People closely following Hezbollah said it was still counting its dead, with no final toll yet, as many fighters remain under rubble in villages and towns that saw fierce clashes, including the southern towns of Khiam and Bint Jbeil, where Israeli forces are deployed, complicating search efforts.

Some bodies are difficult to identify, while others have been taken captive.

Sources said Hezbollah would not, for now or in the near future, announce casualty figures, as it did in the previous war.

It stopped issuing official death notices after the toll passed 500 and is maintaining that approach, they said, with estimates suggesting the number is high and may exceed 1,000, particularly after heavy fighting in Khiam and Bint Jbeil.

Hezbollah statement

In a statement after the ceasefire, Hezbollah said it carried out 2,184 military operations during the 45-day battle from March 2 to April 16.

It said its drones and rocket fire struck Israeli settlements and cities from the Lebanese border to beyond Tel Aviv, up to 160 km deep.

It said its fighters conducted about 49 operations a day, adding: “The hands of these fighters will remain on the trigger, on guard against the enemy’s treachery and any violation of its commitments.”

Hezbollah lawmakers on Friday accompanied displaced residents returning to their towns and villages in the south, Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs.

Hezbollah lawmaker Hassan Fadlallah said the group would accept no surrender or submission.

“This issue is settled for us. If the Americans want to give the Israeli enemy freedom of movement, and if some Lebanese officials submit and make concessions, that will have no application on the ground,” he said, warning that the ceasefire “must not become a tool for the enemy to blackmail the authorities.”

He added: “The Lebanese authorities must withdraw from direct negotiations that will only lead to submission to Israeli dictates. This threatens Lebanon’s future and fate.”

People check destruction behind posters of Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem (bottom) and a killed Hezbollah member in Beirut's southern suburbs after a 10-day ceasefire with Israel came into effect on April 17, 2026. (AFP)

‘A major defeat’

While Hezbollah and its supporters frame the outcome as a victory, security and defense analyst Riad Kahwaji told Asharq al Awsat the battlefield suggests otherwise.

“When the war began, the Israelis were in five points, while Hezbollah fighters were active along axes such as Naqoura, Kfar Kila, and Aita al-Shaab. Today, Israeli forces are deeper inside Lebanese territory,” he said.

“Israeli control has reached 10 km, compared with around 2 or 3 km before. Hezbollah lost territory, was forced to retreat, its death toll is in the hundreds, its number of captives has risen, and the scale of destruction in the south, the southern suburbs and the Bekaa is many times greater,” Kahwaji added.

He said tens of thousands have been displaced after their homes were destroyed. “This is defeat, in every sense of the word.”

Kahwaji said that even if Israeli soldiers were killed, their numbers were not comparable to Hezbollah’s losses, and that the scale of damage in Lebanon versus Israel underscored the imbalance.

“Hezbollah considers its survival and ability to fire rockets a victory, even though it has again shown it acts as an Iranian tool and entered the war in support of Iran,” he stressed.

Ready for another round

Political writer Qassem Kassir, who is closely familiar with Hezbollah’s position, offered a sharply different view, saying the group had emerged stronger than after the 2024 war.

“If we do not say it won, what is certain is that Israel failed to achieve its military and security goals. Tel Aviv was unable to target Hezbollah’s leadership. Although some commanders were killed, the number is very small compared with the previous war,” he said.

Kassir said Hezbollah had “managed the battle with precision and success” and was preparing for a possible new confrontation, unless comprehensive solutions are reached, including a full Israeli withdrawal, the return of captives, an end to attacks and launch of reconstruction.