Barghouti Remains Central Figure in Palestinian Politics After 24 Years in Prison

Marwan Barghouti waves as Israeli police bring him to court for a sentencing hearing in Tel Aviv, May 20, 2004. (Reuters)
Marwan Barghouti waves as Israeli police bring him to court for a sentencing hearing in Tel Aviv, May 20, 2004. (Reuters)
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Barghouti Remains Central Figure in Palestinian Politics After 24 Years in Prison

Marwan Barghouti waves as Israeli police bring him to court for a sentencing hearing in Tel Aviv, May 20, 2004. (Reuters)
Marwan Barghouti waves as Israeli police bring him to court for a sentencing hearing in Tel Aviv, May 20, 2004. (Reuters)

Twenty-four years after the arrest of Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti, now 67, and after long stretches in solitary confinement, he remains a central figure in Palestinian politics.

His influence has outpaced that of other officials in decision-making roles, and he has topped Fatah elections in previous years, as the movement prepares for its eighth conference next month, a key test of what has changed over time.

Palestinians, the presidency, Fatah, and Barghouti’s family marked the 24th anniversary of his arrest late last week. President Mahmoud Abbas pledged to continue efforts to secure his release.

Fatah said Barghouti, known as Abu al-Qassam, had become a living symbol for Palestinians through his sacrifices, struggle, courage, and patience.

The anniversary came as a lawyer who visited Barghouti on April 12 said he had been assaulted three times in recent weeks, on March 24 and 25 and April 8, leaving him bleeding in several parts of his body without proper medical treatment.

Israeli lawyer Ben Marmarelli said Barghouti was severely beaten and left bleeding for more than two hours on one occasion. Israel’s prison service said it was “not aware” of such incidents.

Barghouti is believed to have been held in solitary confinement for two and a half years. Last year, Israel’s National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir posted a video showing him confronting Barghouti in his cell, speaking in a condescending and threatening tone in what appeared to be an attempt to break him. The move backfired, drawing renewed attention to Barghouti to the point that US President Donald Trump said he was considering whether to release him.

Trump said last October he might ask Israel to release Barghouti, adding he had discussed the option with aides at the White House.

Trump’s intervention has further elevated Barghouti’s standing, with many viewing him as a potential “savior”.

Presidential contender

Informed Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Barghouti will almost certainly run in the next presidential election. “He will most likely be Fatah’s candidate, but even if that does not happen, he will run because he is Marwan,” the sources said.

Elections canceled at the last minute five years ago pointed to his chances. Barghouti formed a list with former Central Committee member Nasser al-Qudwa to challenge Fatah’s official slate.

The list was headed by al-Qudwa and lawyer Fadwa Barghouti, Barghouti’s wife, and included prominent figures from the movement. Barghouti’s name was not listed as he planned to run for president.

His stance underscored a rift dating back to 2005, when he briefly ran against Abbas before withdrawing, a divide that appears unresolved despite expectations of a reconciliation.

There is little sign his position has shifted, even as the broader landscape has. Since the Oct. 7, 2023, war, Israel has increased pressure on the Palestinian Authority, reshaped conditions in the West Bank, and imposed harsher measures on prisoners, including Barghouti. Israel has also rejected Trump’s remarks about his possible release.

Meanwhile, Abbas has moved to reshape the Palestinian Authority and Fatah, appointing senior Central Committee member Hussein al-Sheikh as vice president, launching reconciliation efforts, and allowing the return of previously dismissed members, including al-Qudwa, who has rejoined the Central Committee.

Abbas met Barghouti’s wife late last year and said he would continue working to secure his release.

The meeting sent a clear signal aimed at dispelling doubts over Barghouti, who enjoys strong support within Fatah. His backers present him as a unifying figure capable of bringing Palestinians together and as a potential successor to Abbas, an idea that has not previously gained traction within decision-making circles in Ramallah.

One shift since the war is that Hamas is expected to back him more strongly in any election. The group sought his release in prisoner exchange talks with Israel, placing him among five top-priority detainees, but Israel firmly refused.

Arafat loyalist

Barghouti, arrested in 2002, is serving five life sentences plus 40 years after being convicted of leading the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, Fatah’s armed wing, which carried out attacks that killed Israelis during the second Palestinian uprising that began in 2000.

Before his arrest, he was close to Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and is widely regarded within Fatah as an Arafat loyalist. This strengthens his standing among the movement’s base, though it may count against him with Israel and opponents of Arafat.

Abbas’s reconciliation push ahead of the eighth conference, scheduled for May 14, comes at a sensitive moment as he works to reorganize the Palestinian Authority and ensure a smooth leadership transition.

The conference will elect a new Central Committee, the movement’s top decision-making body, which will shape both Fatah and the broader Palestinian political landscape.

Selecting a new committee, alongside a new Palestinian National Council, will signal the scale of change and reveal the influence of key figures.

At Fatah’s seventh conference, Barghouti secured the highest number of votes, 930 out of about 1,100, underscoring his strong backing within the movement.

The upcoming conference will show whether he has maintained that standing or lost ground amid sweeping changes within the Palestinian Authority, Fatah, and Palestinian society.

His supporters had hoped he would be named vice president in recent years, but both roles went to others, with the leadership arguing the move was impractical given his imprisonment.

A source close to Barghouti said, “All Palestinians, not just Fatah members, see him as the one who can unite them, as do many countries in the region and beyond. Israel does not want that for well-known reasons.”

“His standing has not diminished over time; it has grown stronger. His presence will remain dominant. He will gain his freedom and unite the Palestinians,” he added.



New US Sanctions Tighten Grip on Hezbollah, Test Lebanon

17 April 2026, Lebanon, Jiyyeh: A displaced Lebanese woman flashes the victory sign and displays Hezbollah and Iranian flags as they drive along the highway linking Beirut to southern Lebanon in the Jiyyeh area. (dpa)
17 April 2026, Lebanon, Jiyyeh: A displaced Lebanese woman flashes the victory sign and displays Hezbollah and Iranian flags as they drive along the highway linking Beirut to southern Lebanon in the Jiyyeh area. (dpa)
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New US Sanctions Tighten Grip on Hezbollah, Test Lebanon

17 April 2026, Lebanon, Jiyyeh: A displaced Lebanese woman flashes the victory sign and displays Hezbollah and Iranian flags as they drive along the highway linking Beirut to southern Lebanon in the Jiyyeh area. (dpa)
17 April 2026, Lebanon, Jiyyeh: A displaced Lebanese woman flashes the victory sign and displays Hezbollah and Iranian flags as they drive along the highway linking Beirut to southern Lebanon in the Jiyyeh area. (dpa)

New US sanctions on Hezbollah go beyond targeting money-transfer networks, signaling a broader shift in Washington’s approach to the group and its relationship with the Lebanese state.

By relisting Hezbollah on its sanctions list and targeting a network accused of moving millions of dollars to the group, Washington is stepping up pressure on Hezbollah while putting Lebanese institutions to a sensitive test: whether they can tighten oversight of money flows and transfers and meet their obligations without worsening the country’s internal crisis.

The US Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) announced sanctions on 10 people “that are part of a network responsible for transferring cash to Hezbollah.”

“The network utilizes couriers travelling on commercial airline flights between Lebanon, Türkiye, the UAE, and Iran to move up to hundreds of millions of dollars between jurisdictions, providing an avenue outside the formal financial system for Hezbollah to obtain foreign currency and evade sanctions,” it said.

OFAC also re-designated Hezbollah “for service to the Iranian regime under the command of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps-Quds Force (IRGC-QF).”

Lebanese institutions under scrutiny

The US move is unlikely to stop with the targeted individuals and entities. It puts Lebanese banks, financial institutions, and regulatory bodies under closer US scrutiny, testing their ability to detect financial activity that could be linked to Hezbollah, its institutions, or its networks.

An official Lebanese source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the sanctions “pose challenges for the Lebanese state and its security, judicial and financial institutions.”

The source said the “tough US measures require tighter oversight of any assets linked to Hezbollah and its institutions, because any delay in doing so could leave the state facing consequences it can ill afford.”

OFAC said that “Hezbollah and its allies exploit financing schemes including oil smuggling, illicit shipping, commodities sales, and bulk cash smuggling to generate and move funds across the region.”

The US Treasury linked the targeted network to Behnam Shahriyari, a former Quds Force finance official, saying it was “one example of the methods used to funnel support to terrorist proxy groups throughout the region.”

Beyond Lebanese framework

But the strongest message in the sanctions, according to one Lebanese political reading, is directed at Lebanon itself.

Sami Nader, director of the Levant Institute for Strategic Affairs, said the latest measures differ from previous sanctions because Washington is “dealing with Hezbollah under a new classification that places it outside the traditional Lebanese framework and presents it as an Iranian faction and part of the broader US confrontation with Iran.”

Nader told Asharq Al-Awsat that the shift “will have repercussions inside Lebanon and for the authorities and official institutions, particularly in light of the political and even financial relationship linking the group to some Lebanese factions.”

Under the new US approach, he said, Hezbollah “is no longer viewed as a representative of the Shiite community, but as an Iranian faction occupying Lebanon.”

He said the implications could extend well beyond financial sanctions.

“Any party dealing with Hezbollah could be viewed by the United States as being involved in dealings with Iran’s Revolutionary Guards,” Nader said, adding that this could trigger “political and legal repercussions that go beyond direct financial sanctions.”

The effects of the new approach also extend into the political and diplomatic sphere, particularly Lebanese-Israeli negotiations.

Nader said tougher sanctions “could give Washington greater room to manage negotiations with Israel, allowing it to pressure Hezbollah” and “keeping the issue of ending Hezbollah’s influence part of the broader US confrontation with Iran.”

Europe’s response in focus

Attention is also turning to Europe and whether it will follow Washington’s lead.

Nader pointed to what he called “the recent hardening of the French and British positions toward Iran.”

“If the US approach extends to Europe, Lebanon could find itself entering a more complicated phase,” he said.

In that case, compliance with international sanctions would become “not merely a political choice, but an additional test of the state’s ability to protect its financial system and institutions from the repercussions of a regional and international conflict that extends beyond its borders,” he explained.

Hezbollah rejects US designation

Hezbollah rejected the US position, saying the claim that it is under the control of the Quds Force was merely a pretext for relisting it under sanctions.

The party described the move as “part of the continued policies of US administrations to target the resistance, its community, its support base and to besiege them and exert political, financial and security pressure on them.”

Hezbollah said Washington “continues to deal with Lebanon from a position of tutelage.”

It accused the US of choosing, instead of pressuring Israel to withdraw from southern Lebanon and halt its attacks, to “besiege the Lebanese and work to strip Lebanon of all sources of strength.”

On its relationship with Iran, Hezbollah said: “Our close and brotherly relationship with Iran is one we cherish and take pride in.”

But it stressed that it “does not await anyone’s certification of its Lebanese identity or patriotism.”

The party said sanctions and designations “will not deter us from adhering to the option of resistance and to the right of Lebanon and the Lebanese people to defend their land, sovereignty, and resources.”


Rights Group Says Israeli Settler Violence Heads to Established Palestinian Cities

 Israeli flags raised by settlers as seen on a main road to Jenin City, 21 August 2026. (EPA)
Israeli flags raised by settlers as seen on a main road to Jenin City, 21 August 2026. (EPA)
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Rights Group Says Israeli Settler Violence Heads to Established Palestinian Cities

 Israeli flags raised by settlers as seen on a main road to Jenin City, 21 August 2026. (EPA)
Israeli flags raised by settlers as seen on a main road to Jenin City, 21 August 2026. (EPA)

An Israeli group that collects information about potential human rights violations against Palestinians says reported incidents of Israeli settler violence have moved from the rural West Bank toward larger, more populated Palestinian cities and towns.

The establishment of new settlements and outposts throughout the West Bank has emboldened extremist settlers, who are now encroaching on larger communities that previously were far from the front lines of settler violence, Yesh Din said in its report released Friday titled “The Next Frontier.”

The uptick in violence corresponds with the Israeli government’s approval of new settlements and the expansion of outposts that it doesn’t authorize but often leaves in place, according to the report.

“As outposts advance deeper into Palestinian territory, violence, harassment and terror follow,” Yesh Din wrote.

Some 3 million Palestinians live under Israeli military rule in the West Bank alongside roughly 560,000 Israeli settlers.


Palestinian Teen Killed by Israeli Settlers After Rock Throwing Incident

 Relatives of killed Palestinian Karim Shalaldeh, 17, cry after his body was transferred to a hospital in the West Bank city of Hebron, Friday, Aug. 21, 2026. (AP)
Relatives of killed Palestinian Karim Shalaldeh, 17, cry after his body was transferred to a hospital in the West Bank city of Hebron, Friday, Aug. 21, 2026. (AP)
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Palestinian Teen Killed by Israeli Settlers After Rock Throwing Incident

 Relatives of killed Palestinian Karim Shalaldeh, 17, cry after his body was transferred to a hospital in the West Bank city of Hebron, Friday, Aug. 21, 2026. (AP)
Relatives of killed Palestinian Karim Shalaldeh, 17, cry after his body was transferred to a hospital in the West Bank city of Hebron, Friday, Aug. 21, 2026. (AP)

A 17-year-old Palestinian was killed and another man wounded by Israeli settler gunfire after rocks were thrown Friday in Sa’ir, north of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, the Palestinian Health Ministry said.

The ministry identified the teenager as Karim Sanad Raja Shalaldeh.

The teenager’s father told The Associated Press at the hospital that Israeli settlers had killed his son.

The Israeli military said soldiers were dispatched to Sa’ir after Palestinians threw rocks at Israeli civilians who were in the area without prior authorization. Some Israelis were injured and a security official opened fire.

Separately, the Palestinian General Authority for Civil Affairs informed the Health Ministry that 58-year-old Fathi Khazem was fatally shot by Israeli forces early Friday in Jenin.

An Israeli army official speaking on condition of anonymity in line with military rules said Khazem attempted to stab an Israeli soldier during an overnight operation. No Israeli soldiers were injured.

The Israeli official said Khazem was the father of Raed Khazem, who carried out a shooting attack in Tel Aviv in April 2022.

Violence has escalated in the West Bank where at least 87 Palestinians have been killed in almost 1,500 attacks by Israeli settlers and soldiers this year, according to Palestinian officials.