Syria Justice Chief Says Pursuing Assad Regime Requires Patience

Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif, head of Syria’s National Transitional Justice Commission (file photo)
Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif, head of Syria’s National Transitional Justice Commission (file photo)
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Syria Justice Chief Says Pursuing Assad Regime Requires Patience

Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif, head of Syria’s National Transitional Justice Commission (file photo)
Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif, head of Syria’s National Transitional Justice Commission (file photo)

Syria’s judiciary has begun investigating four senior figures from the former regime accused of war crimes against Syrians, even as the National Transitional Justice Commission has yet to complete the formation of its council, raising questions over whether the move falls within a transitional justice framework, particularly in the absence of a dedicated law.

Commission head Brig. Gen. Abdul Basit Abdul Latif said the referrals are part of that process.

“Referring the four former regime figures to the courts falls within the path of transitional justice,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat, adding that the move was coordinated with the Ministry of Justice.

His remarks come amid doubts about the state’s willingness to hold former regime figures accountable.

Public Prosecutor Judge Hassan al-Turba said on July 30 that prosecutions had been launched against several defendants accused of crimes and violations against Syrians, as part of efforts to implement transitional justice, ensure accountability, and protect victims’ rights.

Those targeted include former officials under Bashar al-Assad: Atef Najib, Ahmad Badr al-Din Hassoun, Mohammad al-Shaar, and Ibrahim al-Huweija.

Justice process launched

On May 17, Syria’s president issued a decree establishing a transitional justice commission to uncover violations by the former regime, hold those responsible accountable, and provide redress to victims.

The decree describes transitional justice as a cornerstone for building a state governed by the rule of law, guaranteeing victims’ rights, and achieving national reconciliation.

The decree appointed Abdul Latif to lead the body and tasked him with forming a team and drafting internal regulations within 30 days. It grants the commission legal personality and financial and administrative independence, with authority to operate across Syria.

Abdul Latif, born in Deir al-Zor in 1963, studied law at the University of Aleppo and holds advanced degrees in police and legal sciences.

He headed the Qamishli district before defecting in 2012 and later served as secretary-general of the Syrian opposition National Coalition until the regime’s fall.

The commission will examine complaints related to the Assad government’s crackdown on protests that began in March 2011.

Alleged violations include chemical attacks, widespread aerial bombardment with barrel bombs, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, and systematic torture in detention centers, which rights groups say killed or disappeared hundreds of thousands of civilians.

Draft law in the works

Abdul Latif said a draft law on transitional justice and serious violations is being prepared and is expected after the upcoming parliamentary elections.

Trials will cover “all types of crimes defined in the decree,” including genocide, war crimes, torture, enforced disappearance, and the use of toxic and chemical gases, as defined under the Geneva Conventions.

On the prospect of prosecuting Bashar al-Assad and his brother Maher, who have fled abroad, Abdul Latif said Syrians are waiting for justice but warned that building legally sound cases will take time.

“Nothing is achieved easily,” he said.

Broad accountability

The commission is preparing to establish committees, compile case files, and refer them to the judiciary for the issuance of arrest warrants.Abdul Latif said it would work with international bodies to ensure justice and support for victims. Accountability will span both Hafez al-Assad and his son, covering 54 years of rule.

Abdul Latif said it would be “unethical” to ignore crimes under Hafez al-Assad, including the 1982 Hama massacre, as well as killings in Jisr al-Shughour, Aleppo’s Masharqa neighborhood, and abuses in Tadmor prison.

He said residents of Hama have asked whether the commission will address the largely overlooked massacres of the 1980s. “The commission will listen to all,” he said.

Focus on past crimes

The process will cover the period before Dec. 8, as stipulated in the decree. “Transitional justice addresses past crimes,” Abdul Latif said, noting that current violations fall under the transitional government’s ministries of defense, interior, and justice.

While the commission is not directly responsible for those cases, he did not rule out a role where relevant.

On crimes committed by non-Syrian armed groups before the regime’s fall, Abdul Latif said the decree targets violations by the former regime. However, any Syrian harmed by any group can file a complaint with the commission, which will review it.

Building the commission

Since mid-May, the commission has received about 120 applications. Fifteen will be selected to join the council alongside the chairman, bringing the total to 16 members.

Other applicants will be assigned to specialized teams supporting committee work, with victims at the center of the commission’s mandate.

Abdul Latif said he has met representatives from more than 20 countries and around 30 local and international civil society organizations in recent weeks. Discussions have focused on creating a compensation fund under Syrian sovereignty with international support, given the scale of destruction and the state’s limited capacity.

He said reconstruction could form part of compensation, at least through partial repairs to damaged homes.

Syrian organizations, he added, bring significant expertise in human rights, transitional justice, and the issue of missing persons. They will form a second pillar of the commission’s work, alongside a third made up of legal academics and historians tasked with documenting violations and preserving national memory.

Complaints mechanism

The commission is preparing to launch an online platform and dedicated phone lines to receive complaints, alongside a witness protection program.

Cases will be reviewed by specialized committees, including a truth-seeking body tasked with gathering evidence and building case files.

Drawing on global experience, Abdul Latif said some countries prioritized reconciliation while others focused on accountability.

Syria, he said, will pursue both tracks in parallel to ensure justice and pave the way for national reconciliation.

Globally, such processes have taken five to eight years. Syria’s decree sets a five-year mandate, with the possibility of extension.

“We hope to complete the work within five years,” Abdul Latif said.



Sudan: Haroun’s Lawyers Doubt He Will Be Turned over to ICC

Ahmed Haroun, governor of Sudan's embattled state of South Kordofan, speaks to reporters in Khartoum on July 26, 2011. (AFP)
Ahmed Haroun, governor of Sudan's embattled state of South Kordofan, speaks to reporters in Khartoum on July 26, 2011. (AFP)
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Sudan: Haroun’s Lawyers Doubt He Will Be Turned over to ICC

Ahmed Haroun, governor of Sudan's embattled state of South Kordofan, speaks to reporters in Khartoum on July 26, 2011. (AFP)
Ahmed Haroun, governor of Sudan's embattled state of South Kordofan, speaks to reporters in Khartoum on July 26, 2011. (AFP)

The arrest of Ahmed Haroun, former head of the ruling National Congress Party under former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, has reignited debate over the fate of former regime leaders wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC), as well as the military establishment's relationship with the Islamist movement.

Awatif al-Jaali, a member of Haroun’s defense team, said members of the team doubt his detention is linked to arrangements to hand him over to the ICC, which seeks him on charges of "committing war crimes in the Darfur region during al-Bashir's rule."

Al-Jaali told Asharq Al-Awsat that her client was arrested while traveling from the eastern Sudanese city of Kassala to the capital, Khartoum, by an unidentified security agency. She confirmed that the defense team has no information regarding his place of detention or the circumstances surrounding his arrest.

The defense team intends to submit a request to judicial authorities to allow its lawyers to meet with their client, ascertain the reasons for his arrest, and identify the authority that issued the order before determining the next legal steps, she said.

The defense team comprises lawyers from both inside and outside Sudan, she revealed.

Moreover, Al-Jaali described the arrest as "illegal," saying that it "contradicts rights guaranteed by the constitution and the law, foremost among them freedom of expression of political and ideological views."

Haroun's arrest came days after he appeared in a televised interview in which he revisited the topic of his party's relationship with the military establishment and declared his support for army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, adding that the latter had been influenced by what he described as media hype and international pressure against Islamists.

In an interview with Reuters last year, Haroun said he expected that the army would remain in power after the war ends, stressing the need to reach a formula defining its role in political life.

He also said that his party seeks to return to governing the country following a post-war transitional phase.

His recent statements drew criticism from anti-war political and civil forces, which argued that allowing former regime leaders to move freely inside the country, despite facing charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, reflects their continued political and security influence.

Political forces said that Haroun's arrest may be an attempt to contain the fallout from his media appearance and absorb the domestic and international pressure and criticism that followed, particularly amid growing debate over the nature of the relationship between the army and Islamists, and the extent to which military decision-making is independent of its influence.


Sweida Activist Speaks of Preparations to Drag Governorate into Confrontation with Syrian Security

Gunmen loyal to al-Hijri on patrol in Sweida. (AFP file)
Gunmen loyal to al-Hijri on patrol in Sweida. (AFP file)
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Sweida Activist Speaks of Preparations to Drag Governorate into Confrontation with Syrian Security

Gunmen loyal to al-Hijri on patrol in Sweida. (AFP file)
Gunmen loyal to al-Hijri on patrol in Sweida. (AFP file)

An activist leader in Syria's Druze-majority Sweida governorate has warned of ongoing attempts by the so-called "National Guard" to "drag the governorate into a new, wide-scale confrontation" with the government's Internal Security Forces, "under the direction of an Israeli politician who is a former Knesset member, and Syrian Druze politicians residing abroad."
An informed source inside Sweida city did not rule out the claim, noting that "these actors are pushing for this in an attempt to thwart the formation of an Israeli government led by Gadi Eisenkot."
Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, the activist, who opposes the policies of Sheikh al-Aql Hikmat al-Hijri and his "National Guard," said: "Currently, there are those trying to sow discord anew and create unrest with the villages where the (government) Internal Security Forces are deployed."
"After every period of calm and the emergence of a possibility to initiate dialogue, someone seeks to escalate the situation again," he said.
A cautious calm has held along the governorate's frontlines for roughly three weeks between Internal Security Forces and the "National Guard." Al-Hijri has also refrained from making any statements that might stoke tensions.
The source said the plot to reignite tensions in the governorate also involves "striking the sites where the (National Guard) holds detainees, in order to cover up for prisoners who were handed over in exchange for sums of money."
He believed the plan to rekindle tensions in the governorate serves multiple purposes, including "undermining the positive role Jordan is playing toward the new Syria and efforts to resolve the Sweida crisis," as well as causing "a certain embarrassment" to Israeli Prime Minister-designate Eisenkot.
The "National Guard," which controls wide swaths of the governorate, including Sweida city, "possesses the capabilities to reignite tensions" with the Internal Security Forces, "especially as it works relentlessly to fuel resentment among residents against the government," he added.
He warned: "Once the battle begins, every civilian will be forced to carry arms," stressing the need to "deprive them of the opportunity to widen the rift and ease tensions until we reach a national solution."
A source residing in Sweida city told Asharq Al-Awsat: "Instruments of the (Likud) party are pushing to drag the governorate into a confrontation with Syrian security, in order to find a pretext for Israel to intervene against the Syrian state under the guise of protecting the Druze."
Sweida Governor Mustafa al-Bakour had previously extended several invitations to residents for dialogue to resolve the governorate's crisis, which has persisted since the July 2025 unrest. His calls went unanswered.
Several sources in Sweida said this is due to "the policy of repression and treason accusations prevailing in the areas under the influence of al-Hijri and the National Guard, who reject dialogue with the government, demand the right to self-determination, and sought - with the support of outgoing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu - to separate the governorate from Syria and establish what is called the (State of Bashan)" there.


Talabani Deepens Dispute with Barzani as Settlement Appears out of Reach

Bafel Talabani, the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and son of the former Iraqi president Jalal Talabani, attends the inauguration and handover ceremony for the new Iraqi president at al-Salam Palace in Baghdad, Oct. 17, 2022. (AP)
Bafel Talabani, the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and son of the former Iraqi president Jalal Talabani, attends the inauguration and handover ceremony for the new Iraqi president at al-Salam Palace in Baghdad, Oct. 17, 2022. (AP)
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Talabani Deepens Dispute with Barzani as Settlement Appears out of Reach

Bafel Talabani, the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and son of the former Iraqi president Jalal Talabani, attends the inauguration and handover ceremony for the new Iraqi president at al-Salam Palace in Baghdad, Oct. 17, 2022. (AP)
Bafel Talabani, the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and son of the former Iraqi president Jalal Talabani, attends the inauguration and handover ceremony for the new Iraqi president at al-Salam Palace in Baghdad, Oct. 17, 2022. (AP)

Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) leader Bafel Talabani deepened his criticism of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), two days after KDP President Masoud Barzani called on Kurdish forces to engage in dialogue to resolve disputes between the two main parties, amid growing signs of political and administrative division between Erbil and Sulaymaniyah.

Speaking at the Sulaymaniyah Strategic Forum on Thursday, Talabani described the KDP’s actions in the Kurdistan Region parliament as a "political collapse in the history of Kurdistan," saying that shuttering the parliament prompted the PUK to no longer recognize the current legislature.

He added that the region is experiencing the reality of two governments and two administrations, accusing a minority within the KDP of rejecting any settlement that fails to meet its demands - even going so far as to block a meeting solely intended for a photo opportunity.

For his part, PUK senior official Mahmoud Khoshnaw told Asharq Al-Awsat that tensions between the two main parties "have begun to intensify day by day."

He added that hopes pinned on restoring ties following the regional parliament's November 4 session have dissipated, pushing both sides gradually toward a rift.

Khoshnaw said that Talabani’s positions, voiced on multiple occasions, are "conditional" and reflect, in his words, a commitment to safeguarding the region's entity, its constitutional rights, and the gains of the Kurdish experience.

He stressed that the current parliamentary makeup does not represent the entirety of Kurdish forces, but rather reflects the KDP's presence at a time when major Kurdish factions remain outside the legislature.

Nevertheless, he said the path to a settlement "is still not completely closed."

Criticism of US role

Among the issues raised by Talabani was his criticism of US envoy Tom Barrack's “intervention” in Kurdish disputes, stating that he disagrees with him and that the Kurdistan Region requires a fundamental resolution to its problems.

Talabani called on the US administration to understand the nature of the situation in the region, or to step back and leave the political forces in Kurdistan and Iraq to resolve their differences on their own.

He also rejected accusations that he is "under Iranian control," stating, "I am not in anyone's pocket, and I never will be," while adding that he is well-received whenever he visits the US.

Talabani praised Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi, describing him as a young man with a businessman's mindset who is seeking to correct Iraq's course.

Settlement still possible

Political science professor at Mustansiriyah University Essam al-Faili told Asharq Al-Awsat that the crisis remains manageable, pointing out that Talabani favored a peaceful resolution while Barzani called for dialogue between the two sides.

He noted that Baghdad does not want the fragmentation of the region's administration.

The US is also engaged in the crisis, he remarked, saying that these factors keep the prospects for a settlement alive despite the sharp rhetoric between the two sides.

He explained that a core aspect of the dispute revolves around the distribution of sovereign posts within the region's institutions and presidencies, noting that both parties hold leverage over this file, which makes it amenable to a compromise between them.

On talk of the possibility of forming a separate Kurdish region comprising the Sulaymaniyah and Halabja governorates, constitutional and legal expert Dr. Saif al-Saadi told Asharq Al-Awsat that such a scenario is constitutionally unfeasible.

Journalist Montadhar Nasser told Asharq Al-Awsat that the internal dispute is deeply entrenched in the Kurdish political landscape, exposing a failure of institutional governance in the region as decades of efforts to unify the two administrations have fallen short.

He added that talk of establishing two separate regions may be premature, although he argued that such an outcome would better reflect reality on the ground and could resolve the ongoing debate over the nature of relations between the two parties.

Nasser suggested that this scenario could prove advantageous for Baghdad, as it would allow the federal government to deal with two regions separately, while giving both parties greater leeway to forge alliances with other political forces in the capital without being bound by conditions or restrictions imposed by one upon the other.