Lebanese President Pins Hopes on Rome Talks to Secure Israeli Withdrawal

Aoun receives former UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Sigrid Kaag and a delegation from the University of Balamand. (Lebanese Presidency)
Aoun receives former UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Sigrid Kaag and a delegation from the University of Balamand. (Lebanese Presidency)
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Lebanese President Pins Hopes on Rome Talks to Secure Israeli Withdrawal

Aoun receives former UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Sigrid Kaag and a delegation from the University of Balamand. (Lebanese Presidency)
Aoun receives former UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Sigrid Kaag and a delegation from the University of Balamand. (Lebanese Presidency)

Hours before the sixth round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations in Rome on Tuesday, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun hoped that the two-day talks will produce tangible progress on the ground, starting with an Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory and the deployment of the Lebanese Army to areas vacated by Israeli forces.

The Lebanese delegation heads into the talks seeking to move from the framework agreement with Israel to the implementation phase, while Hezbollah has intensified its criticism of both the government and the accord, saying it undermines Lebanon’s sovereignty and targets the party itself.

Lebanon is pressing for the prompt launch of the “pilot zones” outlined in the agreement. Sources familiar with the negotiations told Asharq Al-Awsat that US-led efforts, through a delegation that arrived in Beirut from Israel on Saturday, to initiate an Israeli withdrawal from pilot areas remain active and should not be considered stalled.

“We are still awaiting signs that such a step can be achieved before Tuesday’s talks in Rome,” the sources said, adding that contacts are continuing until the last minute in hopes of securing an Israeli withdrawal from one or two villages before negotiations begin.

Two weeks ago, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said that Israel would withdraw from Western Zawtar, Eastern Zawtar, and several other villages.

Ministerial sources said the Lebanese delegation includes Ambassador Simon Karam, Ambassador Nada Mouawad, and retired Brig. Gen. Ziad Haykal, a member of Aoun’s advisory team.

US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa will not attend.

The talks will focus on mechanisms for implementing the framework agreement, establishing a timetable for an Israeli withdrawal, and launching the pilot zones through the deployment of the Lebanese Army as a prelude to reconstruction.

The framework agreement sets out broad principles for resolving the situation in southern Lebanon, including an Israeli withdrawal, the deployment of the Lebanese Army, and reconstruction. However, it does not include a binding implementation timetable, one of the main points of contention.

During meetings on Monday, Aoun said national unity was Lebanon’s “strongest weapon” and urged political leaders to “speak with one Lebanese voice,” stressing that loyalty should be to the nation rather than personal interests.

He vowed not to compromise on southern Lebanon or the country’s rights, saying the framework agreement calls for a full Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory and includes an Israeli commitment that it has no territorial ambitions in Lebanon.

Aoun argued that war had failed to bring security or stability and said diplomacy aims to achieve objectives broadly supported by Lebanese citizens, foremost among them an Israeli withdrawal, the return of displaced residents, the release of detainees and the remains of the dead, and the launch of reconstruction.

He said he would discuss ways to pressure Israel to implement the framework agreement during his upcoming meeting with US President Donald Trump in Washington.

As preparations for the Rome talks continued, Hezbollah stepped up its attacks on the Lebanese government and the framework agreement, arguing that it fails to safeguard Lebanon’s sovereignty, links ending the occupation to the issue of the group’s weapons, and grants Israel political gains it failed to achieve during the war.

MP Ali Al-Moqdad, a member of Hezbollah’s parliamentary bloc, called for the agreement to be abandoned, describing it as “an agreement of humiliation and disgrace” that betrays the sacrifices of those killed, wounded, and displaced.



Saudi Arabia Strongly Condemns Drone Attack on East-West Pipeline by Drones Launched from Iraq

The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
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Saudi Arabia Strongly Condemns Drone Attack on East-West Pipeline by Drones Launched from Iraq

The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat
The Saudi flag. Asharq Al-Awsat

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs expresses in the strongest terms the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s condemnation of the targeting of the East-West Pipeline in Riyadh and Madinah regions by several drones launched from Iraq, resulting in injuries and some damage that is currently being addressed, SPA reported.

In a statement, the ministry stated: “The Kingdom clarifies that, following a request from the prime minister of Iraq to give the brotherly Iraqi government the opportunity to take the necessary measures to prevent attacks launched from Iraqi territory against Saudi Arabia and neighboring countries, the Kingdom has opted not to respond at this stage and to support the efforts of the Iraqi government.”

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia further affirmed that it reserves the right to take all necessary measures to protect its sovereignty, security, facilities, citizens, and residents.


Houthi Casualties Strain Sanaa Hospitals’ Capacity

Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
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Houthi Casualties Strain Sanaa Hospitals’ Capacity

Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)
Houthis use images of their dead to recruit more fighters (X)

The fallout from the Houthis’ military escalation in Yemen is straining hospitals and endangering civilians in areas under the group’s control, while fueling rare criticism from within its own ranks.

Activists and former fighters accuse the group of exploiting poverty to recruit young men, trading on fighters’ blood and diverting resources to the war effort at the expense of civilian needs.

Medical sources in the Houthi-held capital Sanaa told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group’s Health Ministry had recently ordered several government hospitals to limit admissions of critically ill patients.

Intensive care units, emergency departments and other wards have instead been reserved for wounded Houthi fighters arriving from the front lines.

The measures cover Al-Thawra, Al-Jumhouri, Police, Military, Al-Quds, 48 and Kuwait hospitals — among the capital’s leading medical facilities. Their capacity to treat civilians has consequently shrunk, particularly for patients needing urgent care or intensive treatment.

The restrictions coincided with the arrival in Sanaa of large numbers of dead and wounded Houthi fighters following battles on several fronts across Yemen.

Health workers said hospitals were taking in growing numbers of casualties and setting aside beds, equipment and wards for those arriving from combat zones, including fighters requiring surgery or intensive care.

Hospitals under strain

The Houthis have tightened security around several medical facilities, barred media access and withheld information about the identities and conditions of casualties arriving from the front lines.

Health workers said the influx of wounded fighters had pushed hospitals closer to capacity, leaving less room for civilian patients.

Ahmed, whose relative needed treatment in Sanaa, said his family struggled to obtain the necessary care at Al-Jumhouri Hospital and was forced to look elsewhere because the facility lacked the resources to treat the patient.

He accused the Houthis of channeling available medical resources into the war effort, warning that civilians — particularly children, older people, chronically ill patients and emergency cases — faced growing risks.

The measures come as the health system in Houthi-held areas reels from years of war, dwindling funding and severe shortages of medicine, supplies and medical staff. Health facilities have also been damaged, forcing some to close.

The strain extends beyond Sanaa. The capital’s main hospitals routinely receive referrals from other provinces and regions, meaning their reduced capacity affects a far wider population under Houthi control.

Dissent from within

As the escalation weighs on the health sector, criticism is also mounting among figures and activists aligned with the Houthis.

Their complaints center on the war’s human cost, the treatment of fighters and the families of those killed or wounded, and recruitment practices that prey on economic hardship.

In the latest rebuke, activist and former Houthi fighter Abdullah Sharaf al-Mahdi attacked the group’s leaders and supervisors, accusing them of trading on fighters’ blood and sidelining bereaved and wounded families for personal gain.

Fighters and their families bear the cost of the war, al-Mahdi said, while officials and supervisors receive privileges including property and financial allocations. The conflict, he added, had become a vehicle for advancing the interests of factions within the group.

Al-Mahdi said he regretted the years he had spent fighting for the Houthis and would not support them again. His comments reflect a shift among some critics from opposing the group’s policies to questioning its motives for prolonging the war.

Criticism has also emerged from within Houthi-controlled institutions.

Abdu Bishr, a member of the Houthi-controlled parliament in Sanaa, accused the group of ignoring Yemenis’ suffering and pursuing what he called “futile” wars. He urged it to keep economic and humanitarian issues out of the conflict.

Bishr called for salaries to be paid, detainees released and airports reopened. He warned that what he described as “taking pleasure in bloodshed” would deepen the humanitarian catastrophe and urged the group to ease people’s suffering or “leave the scene.”

Houthi activist and writer Zaid al-Kibsi also criticized the group’s recruitment of young people and adolescents, saying it exploited poverty and worsening economic conditions to push more of them toward the front lines.

He accused the Houthis of using religious and sectarian rhetoric, along with slogans of “jihad and martyrdom,” to recruit young people as many families struggle to meet their basic needs.

Some recruits depend on the group’s modest payments to support their families while risking death or injury in combat, al-Kibsi said.

Many are young men who have had no chance to build their lives or start families, leaving their relatives to bear the consequences when they are killed or wounded.


Israeli Support for Ethiopia’s Maritime Access Bid Fuels Tensions With Egypt

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
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Israeli Support for Ethiopia’s Maritime Access Bid Fuels Tensions With Egypt

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed holds earlier talks with the Israeli president in Addis Ababa (Ethiopian News Agency)

Israeli support for landlocked Ethiopia’s bid for access to the Red Sea is fueling tensions with Egypt, which has repeatedly opposed Addis Ababa’s moves amid a separate dispute over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and its impact on Cairo’s Nile water share.

The Israeli backing raises friction with Egypt and gives Tel Aviv another way to pressure Cairo over its positions, despite the legitimacy of Egypt’s stance under international law, experts told Asharq Al-Awsat. They said the international community would ultimately determine the outcome.

Ethiopia has been landlocked since 1993, when Eritrea gained independence after a three-decade war. It relies on neighboring countries’ ports, particularly Djibouti’s.

The Ethiopian News Agency said Israel had announced diplomatic support for Ethiopia’s efforts to secure access to the sea. It quoted Israeli Ambassador to Ethiopia Avraham Neguise as saying that his country firmly backed the East African nation’s push for a Red Sea outlet.

Empowering and strengthening Ethiopia and stabilizing the Red Sea are in everyone’s interest, not Ethiopia’s alone, and Israel stands with Ethiopia in this effort, Neguise told the agency on Thursday evening.

It was not Neguise’s first intervention on an issue dividing Egypt and Ethiopia. In August, he told reporters that Israel would “continue to strengthen its support for Ethiopia, with the aim of helping it become a leading economic power on the African continent.”

Threat to Egyptian interests

African affairs expert Asmaa al-Husseini said the Israeli statements “increase tensions with Egypt” and point to “a covert Israeli role in Ethiopia’s Red Sea moves aimed at harming Egyptian interests.”

The issue may not trigger a direct crisis between Cairo and Tel Aviv, she told Asharq Al-Awsat, but Egypt would closely monitor it. Cairo’s response would depend on the level of escalation and Ethiopia’s actions on the ground.

“Egypt has the right to defend its national security,” Husseini said. “If any military arrangements targeting it are pursued in the Red Sea, Egypt will take measures to prevent them. Ethiopia and Israel understand this, but they are trying by every means to impose a fait accompli. Egypt will never accept that.”

Neguise’s latest remarks coincided with renewed Egyptian opposition to Ethiopian access to the Red Sea.

“There are sovereign states with ports on the Red Sea, and no one has the right to grant any country military maritime access. Otherwise, there would be chaos, particularly as many African countries are landlocked,” Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty told a news conference on Thursday evening.

“There is no problem with commercial access,” he added.

Ramadan Qarny, an expert on African affairs, said Egypt’s opposition rested on several established principles.

“The first is legal: respect for international law, which affirms the exclusive right of littoral states to maintain a presence on the Red Sea coast,” Qarny told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The second is respect for African Union principles, which uphold the sanctity of borders inherited from the colonial era. Raising this issue could therefore open the door to widespread unrest across African countries.”

The third principle, Qarny said, was that “Egypt’s actions and position align with the principles of the African and Arab states bordering the Red Sea.”

Qarny said Israel was seeking Ethiopian backing on a similar issue: Israel’s presence in, or recognition of, the breakaway Somaliland region, which took place in December 2025.

“There is a political quid pro quo,” he said. “Israel supports Ethiopia in obtaining access to the Red Sea coast in exchange for Ethiopian support for Israel’s recognition of the breakaway Somaliland region.”

Cairo’s position

Cairo has not officially responded to Israel’s continued moves on Ethiopia.

Former Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed El-Orabi, a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the chairman of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs, has downplayed their impact.

In earlier remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said they would “neither undermine nor change” Egypt’s positions.

Qarny said Israeli support was unlikely to significantly alter the dynamics of the Egyptian-Ethiopian disputes.

“Tensions already exist and are likely to increase,” he said, adding that Ethiopian media had in recent months waged what he described as “a coordinated and organized campaign,” led by the Ethiopian News Agency, against Egypt’s positions.

The campaign, he said, had targeted Cairo’s stance on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the Nile Basin countries’ Cooperative Framework Agreement and Ethiopia’s bid for maritime access.