Arms Embargo: Can Washington Breach the Wall of Sudan’s War?

Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs (AFP) 
Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs (AFP) 
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Arms Embargo: Can Washington Breach the Wall of Sudan’s War?

Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs (AFP) 
Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs (AFP) 

The United States has stirred the stagnant waters of Sudan’s war by announcing plans to expand an arms embargo imposed on Darfur for more than two decades to cover the entire country.

The move appears aimed at shifting from limited sanctions to a direct attempt to reduce the warring parties’ ability to keep fighting and force them to reconsider the cost of seeking a military victory compared with returning to negotiations. It is a risky step, but one that also signals Washington’s determination to make a breakthrough in a war described as one of the world’s largest and most severe humanitarian crises.

Massad Boulos, senior advisor to the US president for Arab and African affairs, told the UN Security Council days ago that the US proposal would cover drones, related technologies and components, while strengthening the work of the sanctions panel of experts tasked with monitoring violations.

The current Darfur arms embargo expires Sept. 12, making the coming weeks a test of Washington’s ability to build consensus in the Security Council. Russia has voiced clear reservations, saying it would not accept measures affecting the Sudanese army’s capabilities, while China has taken a cautious position on expanding sanctions, leaving adoption of the proposal in its current form uncertain.

Washington views the proposed embargo as a pressure tool rather than merely a punitive measure. According to The Associated Press, the US administration believes restricting the flow of weapons to the belligerents could push them back to the negotiating table. UN political affairs chief Rosemary DiCarlo has meanwhile warned against the parties’ continued reliance on a military solution and the steady influx of sophisticated weapons.

Sudan’s Sovereignty Council chairman and army chief Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, however, has played down the possible impact of sanctions, saying they would neither affect Sudan nor weaken the armed forces’ resolve. He insisted the army would continue fighting until it retakes all areas controlled by the Rapid Support Forces.

The contrast shows the political struggle surrounding the US proposal. Washington wants to convince both sides that the flow of weapons cannot remain open-ended, while Sudan’s military leadership continues to speak in terms of retaking territory by force. The RSF is likewise reinforcing its positions and relying on supply networks, weapons and drones.

The US premise is that the ability to rearm prolongs the war: As long as each side believes it can replace its losses and obtain more drones, ammunition, fuel and financing, its incentive to compromise remains limited. If supplies become more difficult and costly, military calculations could gradually shift toward a settlement.

Drone use has expanded significantly in recent months, with attacks extending beyond front lines to cities, markets, electricity and water facilities and health infrastructure. Rosemary DiCarlo, the UN's under secretary-general for political and peacebuilding affairs, said sophisticated weapons, including drones, have become a major factor in increasing the war’s toll on civilians.

Restricting drones and their components, ammunition and heavy weapons could therefore yield an immediate humanitarian benefit by reducing long-range attacks, civilian casualties, displacement and disruption to hospitals and electricity and water networks, while improving humanitarian access.

But the plan’s success will depend on enforcement. The Darfur embargo, in place since 2005, failed to stop weapons from entering the region, exposing the limits of UN resolutions without effective monitoring and enforcement mechanisms.

Opposition Welcomes Proposal

Sudanese civilian opposition forces welcomed the US proposal while stressing that it should be linked to a comprehensive political process.

Khalid Omer Yousif, a leader in the Sumoud alliance, said pressure on both warring parties should be part of an “integrated package” to end the fighting and restore the civilian political process, rather than an isolated punitive measure.

Yasir Arman, head of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–Revolutionary Democratic Current, warned that piecemeal measures could lead to “managing the war rather than ending it,” calling for a joint African Union-UN roadmap to halt the fighting and preserve Sudan’s unity.

The real test of Washington’s seriousness will be whether it can move from a Security Council resolution to pursuing supply networks, including flights, land routes, brokers, companies and individuals facilitating the purchase and transfer of weapons to Sudan.

Washington does not appear to be relying on the embargo alone to end the war. Rather, the proposal is likely part of a broader effort to raise the cost of continued fighting while pushing for negotiations. US officials say the goal is not to hand victory to one side over the other, but to reduce both sides’ ability to wage an open-ended war.

Ultimately, the seriousness of the US effort will be measured by its willingness to pressure the parties’ backers, not only the Sudanese belligerents themselves. If weapons continue to flow, expanding the embargo will amount to little more than a legal framework with limited effect. But if combined with monitoring, sanctions and simultaneous diplomatic pressure to reopen negotiations, it could become one of the strongest international tools of pressure deployed since the war began.

At its core, the US proposal brings two opposing calculations into direct confrontation: Washington wants to make continuing the war harder and more costly, while both sides insist on fighting until they recover all territory. Between them, civilians stand to benefit most from any measure that genuinely reduces the flow of instruments of war, even before a comprehensive political settlement is reached.

 

 

 



Hamas Members Struggle to Spend Cash Salaries

A Palestinian gives a child a sip of water from a bag bought for one shekel amid extreme heat in Gaza City in August 2025 (AP) 
A Palestinian gives a child a sip of water from a bag bought for one shekel amid extreme heat in Gaza City in August 2025 (AP) 
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Hamas Members Struggle to Spend Cash Salaries

A Palestinian gives a child a sip of water from a bag bought for one shekel amid extreme heat in Gaza City in August 2025 (AP) 
A Palestinian gives a child a sip of water from a bag bought for one shekel amid extreme heat in Gaza City in August 2025 (AP) 

Until three weeks ago, merchants in the Gaza Strip were still accepting cash from residents, even though much of it consisted of worn-out banknotes. But they began gradually refusing cash more than 10 days ago, hardening their stance over the past four days and turning instead to banking apps and electronic wallets.

The shift has coincided with intensified Israeli targeting and killing of Hamas financial officials in recent weeks, including some involved in delivering salaries to the group’s members.

Hamas employees told Asharq Al-Awsat that most government workers and members of its military wing, the Al-Qassam Brigades, receive their salaries in cash.

Several Hamas sources said government employees receive part of their salaries roughly every 100 days, amounting to only about 1,000 shekels ($328), often in worn banknotes. Al-Qassam members, meanwhile, are paid every 40 to 50 days, receiving up to around 60 percent of their salaries and no less than approximately 1,200 shekels, generally in banknotes in good condition.

People dealing with Gaza’s markets told Asharq Al-Awsat that some merchants had recently begun accepting cash from individuals and transferring the equivalent electronically through apps and e-wallets in exchange for commissions of up to 10 percent.

The crisis marks a reversal from the peak years of the war that began in October 2023, when Gazans struggled to convert money held in electronic wallets into cash. Commissions started at 10 percent and at times reached 60 percent before electronic transactions became more widespread.

In August, an Israeli military spokeswoman warned Palestinians in Gaza against using a category of old shekel banknotes marked with the letter “B,” in a move aimed at economically squeezing Hamas.

What Do We Do With Worn Banknotes?

Ahmed al-Najjar, 39, an employee of the Hamas-run government in Gaza, angrily questioned what employees were supposed to do with the worn banknotes they received.

“How long will things remain this way?” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. “We are the ones paying the price with our lives, and we find no one standing with us — neither officials nor merchants — while others fight us in different ways to make huge profits and gains.”

Israel has barred cash from entering Gaza since Oct. 7, 2023, while banks suffered major thefts during the war. Israeli security authorities also sought to impose conditions on Gaza merchants after periodically allowing goods into the enclave, requiring payments through electronic applications in a move aimed at restricting Hamas.

Under the new circumstances, Hamas appears to be facing a serious cash shortage affecting its members and employees, coinciding with repeated Israeli killings of funding sources, money changers and prominent figures in its financial apparatus.

Hamas Warns Merchants

The Hamas-run police in Gaza issued a general directive warning shopkeepers and others against refusing cash. It stressed that they must accept different types of banknotes, old and new, provided they are not damaged, and threatened violators with strict legal measures.

A Hamas police official told Asharq Al-Awsat that the issue did not affect only government employees or Hamas members, but also families of orphans, war victims, wounded Palestinians and prisoners who receive financial assistance from various relief organizations but cannot find merchants willing to accept their cash.

Hamas-affiliated media in Gaza have also launched a campaign against banks operating under the Palestinian Monetary Authority in Ramallah, accusing them of encouraging merchants to switch exclusively to electronic payments and of closing hundreds of residents’ bank accounts. Some banks have repeatedly denied the allegations, reiterating days ago that no decisions had been made to close accounts.

The dispute has fueled an unprecedented social media campaign warning people against giving up cash in favor of banking apps and other electronic wallets. The campaign has included warnings that a new war between Iran and the United States could soon engulf the entire region again, potentially causing people to lose money held electronically.

An official banking source rejected those claims, telling Asharq Al-Awsat that funds held in banks would remain secure and that a shift toward electronic transactions was underway.

The source said banks were routinely updating customer information and identifying account holders’ activities amid concerns that some funds could be linked to money laundering. Banks, the source added, had instructions to facilitate Palestinians’ access to accounts as part of financial inclusion efforts taking place in both Gaza and the West Bank.

Israel recently killed Jabr Moqbel, the owner of a currency-exchange shop and a prominent Al-Qassam Brigades member in Gaza City, in a strike on a vehicle in Deir al-Balah. Mohammed Abu Alwan, a Hamas financial official, was killed in a strike in Khan Younis. A Palestinian Islamic Jihad financial official was seriously wounded Sunday in an attempted assassination west of Gaza City.

The Israeli military said in a recent statement that throughout the war it had killed 16 prominent financial operatives involved in transferring funds and financing Hamas’ military activities. It said the operatives had managed transfers worth more than $1 billion through a network of dozens of money changers in Türkiye and Gaza.

The military said it and the Shin Bet were focusing their efforts on damaging Hamas’ financing capabilities and preventing the rebuilding of its infrastructure and military capabilities.


Yemen: Taiz Fronts Drain Houthis, Target Reinforcements

The Houthis suffer heavy losses during attacks on Yemeni government forces (AFP)
The Houthis suffer heavy losses during attacks on Yemeni government forces (AFP)
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Yemen: Taiz Fronts Drain Houthis, Target Reinforcements

The Houthis suffer heavy losses during attacks on Yemeni government forces (AFP)
The Houthis suffer heavy losses during attacks on Yemeni government forces (AFP)

Yemeni government forces have intensified air and artillery strikes against the Houthis in Taiz governorate as fighting continues along the province’s western, southern and eastern fronts, with no major change in territorial control reported in recent hours, according to military sources and government media.

Government warplanes on Sunday targeted Houthi positions, gatherings and reinforcements across Taiz. Forces involved in the fighting said they had thwarted Houthi infiltration attempts on several fronts, while strikes extended to other positions in Lahj near Bab al-Mandab.

Military and local sources reported that airstrikes hit Houthi positions and gatherings east of Taiz city after the group brought in personnel and military reinforcements. The raids also targeted a Houthi camp and vehicles at Mawiyah Junction, positions on the Al-Akboush front to the southeast, and a reinforcement convoy on 60th Street north of Taiz.

Government forces had earlier announced strikes on a supply convoy on 60th Street, reinforcements in the Hanna area of Al-Wazi’iyah district west of the governorate, and positions and weapons, ammunition and missile depots at the Mawiyah and Al-Dhikra junctions to the east. A Houthi gathering in Al-Suwayda in Hayfan district to the south was also targeted.

Military sources said the raids destroyed vehicles and killed and wounded Houthi fighters, including field commanders, but provided no independently verifiable figures for the losses.

Government forces also used drones to target Houthi positions, vehicles and gatherings on several fronts, indicating an intensified use of airstrikes to counter the group’s military movements and reinforcements.

Infiltration Attempts

On the ground, the Taiz Military Axis command reported that government forces thwarted a Houthi infiltration attempt on the Al-Ahtoub front in Jabal Habashi district west of Taiz and targeted Houthi fighters as they tried to approach government positions in the Hazran area.

Government forces also struck a Houthi vehicle with a mortar round on the Al-Kaddahah front and targeted gatherings on the Al-Aqroudh front southeast of the city.

The developments came as the Taiz, Lahj and Bab al-Mandab fronts remained on high alert, with attacks and counterattacks continuing around high ground and forward positions, particularly along the Jabal Numan, Kahbub, Al-Alaqma and Rasin axes.

Available battlefield information showed no signs of a new Houthi advance. Fighting remained concentrated in forward areas and on the high ground surrounding Jabal Numan, while the Houthis continued attempts to retake parts of positions they had lost along that axis.

At Kahbub, on the road leading to Bab al-Mandab, the Southern Giants Brigades said they targeted Houthi gatherings and vehicles and destroyed an armored vehicle, killing those aboard. Fighting continued on the Al-Wazi’iyah and Al-Mudaraba fronts.

Fighting Expands

The pattern of strikes over the past two days shows the fighting extending from front lines to supply positions, gathering points, camps and weapons depots as Yemeni government forces seek to limit the Houthis’ ability to send fresh reinforcements to the Taiz and Lahj fronts.

Targets have included Mawiyah and Al-Dhikra junctions east of Taiz, Al-Hawban, 60th Street north of the city, Hayfan to the south and Al-Wazi’iyah to the west, as well as positions in neighboring Ibb governorate.

The fighting is therefore no longer confined to direct clashes over high ground, with Houthi supply lines and military movements repeatedly targeted by airstrikes.

The Houthis, meanwhile, continued attempts to pressure several fronts, particularly the western axes, which are important because of their proximity to the road leading to coastal areas and Bab al-Mandab, where they are seeking to secure their gains.

The intensified military operations come amid indications of rising Houthi casualties. The group acknowledged the death of Majd al-Din Hamid al-Hamzi, whom military sources said was head of operations for the Third Missile Brigade, along with several of his escorts following fighting on the western coast fronts.

Yemeni monitoring data indicated that Houthi media outlets and affiliated platforms announced funerals for 422 members of the group in September, including officers and military commanders.

Sources that compiled the figures said the number did not represent the Houthis’ total losses because the group does not regularly announce all its dead. Some funerals are delayed, while others are buried without media coverage, and bodies remaining in hospitals or combat zones are not included in the tally.

The sources reported that 60 Houthi fighters were buried last Friday alone after being killed on various fronts. Losses were particularly concentrated on the Taiz and Lahj fronts, according to local reports.

The fighting was also accompanied by reports of fighters’ bodies remaining in some combat areas, prompting local appeals for the Red Cross and Red Crescent to retrieve them amid fears of humanitarian and environmental consequences.


Dutch FM Regrets Israel's Decision to Revoke Diplomats' Accreditation

Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Tom Berendsen arrives for a Council of Ministers meeting at the Ministry of General Affairs in The Hague, the Netherlands, 18 September 2026.  EPA/KOEN VAN WEEL
Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Tom Berendsen arrives for a Council of Ministers meeting at the Ministry of General Affairs in The Hague, the Netherlands, 18 September 2026. EPA/KOEN VAN WEEL
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Dutch FM Regrets Israel's Decision to Revoke Diplomats' Accreditation

Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Tom Berendsen arrives for a Council of Ministers meeting at the Ministry of General Affairs in The Hague, the Netherlands, 18 September 2026.  EPA/KOEN VAN WEEL
Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Tom Berendsen arrives for a Council of Ministers meeting at the Ministry of General Affairs in The Hague, the Netherlands, 18 September 2026. EPA/KOEN VAN WEEL

The Netherlands said Monday it regretted Israel's decision to revoke the diplomatic accreditation of Dutch officials based in the West Bank over the country's sanctions on goods from Israeli settlements.

"I deeply regret this unnecessary decision," Foreign Minister Tom Berendsen said, adding that the decision by The Hague to suspend imports from the occupied territories in the West Bank was "not directed against Israel.”

Israel earlier this month ordered the closure of the British Consulate in East Jerusalem, which is Britain's representative with the Palestinian Authority, after London announced similar sanctions banning the import of goods from settlements.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said on X that Dutch diplomats operating in Ramallah ⁠must return their ⁠Israeli-issued diplomatic documentation within seven days, when their diplomatic privileges and immunities are due to expire.

"Any country that acts in a hostile and unilateral manner against Israel will lose influence and relevance in the region," Saar said.