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Al-Hijri Gunmen Prevent Students in Syria’s Sweida from Sitting for Official Exams

Students who made it to school despite the unrest, sit for official exams. (Sweida governorate)
Students who made it to school despite the unrest, sit for official exams. (Sweida governorate)
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Al-Hijri Gunmen Prevent Students in Syria’s Sweida from Sitting for Official Exams

Students who made it to school despite the unrest, sit for official exams. (Sweida governorate)
Students who made it to school despite the unrest, sit for official exams. (Sweida governorate)

Armed factions in Syria's Druze-majority Sweida province have blocked students from travelling to sit for official exams, demanding they be held instead in the areas they control, drawing condemnation from the Damascus-appointed governor on Saturday.

The factions are part of the so-called “National Guard” that is affiliated with prominent Druze leader Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri who control swathes of the province.

Sweida city and other parts of the southern province are run by local armed groups and are the last areas outside the grasp of Syria's new authorities, who have been trying to establish control over the entire country after toppling longtime ruler Bashar al-Assad in 2024.

Tensions have run high ever since clashes last year between the Druze and government-aligned forces that spiraled into some of the worst internecine violence the country had witnessed since Assad's fall.

The authorities had scheduled an exam session for Saturday in the government-controlled north of the province for students who were unable to take the test two months ago due to the ongoing tensions.

But Druze fighters in Shahba, north of Sweida city, said in a statement on Friday that "all roads are completely closed to the movement of students and proctors to examination centers outside the area", insisting that tests should be held in their areas instead, citing security concerns.

Sweida governor Mustafa al-Bakkur condemned the move on Saturday, saying: "Outlaw gangs are working to make the future of Sweida's students a political bargaining chip to be manipulated as they please."

He said that around 150 students were still able to sit for their exams, some of them having left Druze-controlled areas days prior to avoid any obstacles.

Volunteers from the Syrian Arab Red Crescent on the Damascus-Sweida road. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

- 'Shots in the air' -

One 18-year-old student told AFP she was on a bus in Sweida city hoping for the road to open when "an armed group arrived and threatened the students".

"Some members of these factions fired shots into the air to intimidate and frighten the students" after they insisted on heading north, she added, requesting anonymity out of fear for her safety.

The education ministry said in a statement that it "regrets that not all of our students were able to reach the examination centers".

A source in Sweida told Asharq Al-Awsat that the factions are aiming to “obstruct realistic solutions to the crisis in the provinces.”

He accused the factions of deliberately seeking to keep students out of school, so that they can continue to manipulate their education for their own interests. Many members of the factions themselves did not complete their education.

Reacting to Saturday's events, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Syria Marianne Ward said the body was "concerned" by the developments.

"The United Nations calls on all relevant stakeholders to ensure that children with the support of their caregivers can exercise their right to education without pressure or disruption of movement," she added.

In July 2025, clashes erupted in Sweida between Druze factions and Bedouin fighters, with security forces intervening on the side of the Bedouins along with other tribal groups.

In the end, more than 2,000 people were killed, including 789 Druze civilians, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitor. A committee formed by the Syrian government said it had documented the killing of 1,760 people.

Damascus last month said it began trying suspects over the violence.

Israel, which also has a Druze population, intervened militarily during the clashes with strikes in Sweida and Damascus, saying it was defending the minority community.

Al-Hijri, who has been a vocal critic of the new authorities, went so far as to say on Monday that his community was "an integral part of the State of Israel".

The source in Sweida told Asharq Al-Awsat that several members of the Druze community have spoken out against al-Hijri's stances.

The Druze council in Lebanon and other political forces in Sweida also rejected his positions, underscoring the Druze community’s Arab identity and history.

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Arab World

Türkiye Renews Offer to Sign Maritime Boundaries Agreement with Egypt

From a meeting between Erdogan and Sisi in Ankara (File - Turkish Presidency)
From a meeting between Erdogan and Sisi in Ankara (File - Turkish Presidency)
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Türkiye Renews Offer to Sign Maritime Boundaries Agreement with Egypt

From a meeting between Erdogan and Sisi in Ankara (File - Turkish Presidency)
From a meeting between Erdogan and Sisi in Ankara (File - Turkish Presidency)

Türkiye has once again expressed willingness to sign a maritime boundary delimitation agreement with Egypt that would "serve the common interests of both countries," despite Cairo's firm rejection of the Turkish-Libyan memorandum of understanding on maritime jurisdiction zones signed in late 2019 and ratified by Libya's House of Representatives last week.

A Turkish Defense Ministry official said that the Libyan parliament's approval of the memorandum signed between Türkiye and Libya on October 20 represented “an important development supporting our approach based on international law, the principles of equity, and respect for the legitimate rights and interests of the coastal states concerned."

Responding to a question during the ministry's weekly press briefing regarding objections to the memorandum, the official reiterated Türkiye's readiness to conclude a maritime delimitation agreement with Egypt "in line with mutual interests."

He added that, according to Turkish estimates, if Egypt were to sign such an agreement with Türkiye, it would gain an additional maritime area of more than 15,000 square kilometers compared with a potential agreement with Greece.

He stressed that Türkiye would continue to protect its legitimate rights and interests in the Eastern Mediterranean within the framework of international law while contributing to regional peace, security, and stability.

Turkish Effort to Preserve Relations

The official's remarks echoed comments previously made by Turkish Defense Minister Yasar Guler, who said that an agreement with Egypt would grant Cairo an additional 15,000 square kilometers of maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean.

From Fidan's meeting with his Italian counterpart Antonio Tajani on the sidelines of the Istanbul meeting last week (Turkish Foreign Ministry)

During a Euro-Middle East meeting held in Istanbul last Friday and attended by the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Türkiye, Pakistan, Germany, Britain, and France, as well as Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty reaffirmed Cairo's categorical rejection of Libya's parliamentary ratification of the Turkish-Libyan memorandum.

Abdelatty stated that the ratification would have "no legal effect" on Egypt.

Türkiye refrained from publicly criticizing Egypt's position, whether through official channels or media outlets, including those critical of the government.

Türkiye has sought to continue improving relations with Egypt and avoid another diplomatic dispute. This approach was reflected in remarks by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan following a cabinet meeting on Monday, when he stressed that Ankara does not seek to harm any party in the Eastern Mediterranean, advocates dialogue with all countries in the region, and intends to maintain relations with all influential actors in Libya.

Overtures to Greece

Following Libya's ratification of the Turkish-Libyan memorandum, Greece sent a letter to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres reiterating its objections.

Meeting between Erdogan and Mitsotakis on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meetings in 2024 (Turkish Presidency)

Athens argued that the ratification does not alter the memorandum's legal status, cannot create new legal obligations for third countries, conflicts with the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (which Ankara has not signed), and lacks a valid legal foundation because of the geographical configuration of the coastlines between Türkiye and Libya.

Meanwhile, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan revealed in Brussels last week that Erdogan had made an energy-related proposal to Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis during the UN General Assembly meetings in September.

Erdogan reportedly suggested that Greece purchase electricity from Türkiye rather than spend more than €2 billion in European funds to transport electricity over a distance of 2,000 kilometers to Cyprus.

The proposal referred to the "Great Sea Interconnector" project, which aims to link Greece, Cyprus, and Israel through an undersea electricity cable in the Eastern Mediterranean, a project Türkiye insists requires its approval.

According to Fidan, Erdogan told Mitsotakis: "It would be better to buy electricity from Türkiye, which is only 70 miles away from you. We can also supply you with water, electricity, and natural gas."

A New Eastern Mediterranean Equation

For Italy, the ratification of the Turkish-Libyan memorandum has raised political and economic concerns, particularly regarding Türkiye's expanding influence in Libya and its implications for Italian interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.

From Fidan's meeting with his Italian counterpart Antonio Tajani on the sidelines of the Istanbul meeting last week (Turkish Foreign Ministry)

Some political circles in Rome have questioned whether Italy moved too quickly in supporting US-backed efforts to unify Libya under a framework that could place Saddam Haftar at the head of the Presidential Council.

They argue that such a course could strengthen ties between eastern Libya and Türkiye, a direct competitor to Italy in Libya, particularly after Italy's support for Khalifa Haftar helped increase Russia's influence there.

Türkiye has also floated the possibility of negotiations involving Egypt, Italy, and Libya as part of what observers describe as an effort to establish a new framework for the Eastern Mediterranean, one that could undermine the model promoted by Greece, Israel, and Cyprus.

Turkish political analyst Ahmet Erdi Ozturk noted that despite Egypt's continued objections, Cairo's ongoing direct contacts with both Ankara and Libya suggest that diplomatic options have not yet been exhausted.

He pointed in particular to a phone conversation last Saturday between Egyptian intelligence chief Major General Hassan Rashad and Libyan Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh, during which Dbeibeh expressed readiness to discuss Egypt's concerns regarding maritime jurisdiction.

Ozturk also cited Fidan's proposal for talks involving Türkiye, Egypt, Italy, and Libya as part of the same diplomatic context.

Ozturk adding that it would not be surprising if Greece and Israel eventually adjusted their positions as circumstances change.

Arab World

1,400 Killed in Two Months as Yemen’s Dhamar Pays the Price of Houthi Attrition

A previous exhibition of photographs of fallen fighters staged by the Houthis in Dhamar (X).
A previous exhibition of photographs of fallen fighters staged by the Houthis in Dhamar (X).
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1,400 Killed in Two Months as Yemen’s Dhamar Pays the Price of Houthi Attrition

A previous exhibition of photographs of fallen fighters staged by the Houthis in Dhamar (X).
A previous exhibition of photographs of fallen fighters staged by the Houthis in Dhamar (X).

Yemen's Houthis have lost more than 1,400 fighters from Dhamar province in just two months, local sources said, exposing a mounting human toll as the group steps up recruitment and turns photographs of its dead into tools for mobilizing fresh fighters.

The Iran-aligned group has staged exhibitions of fallen fighters across Dhamar, about 100 km south of Sanaa, and its 12 districts, seeking to turn mounting battlefield losses into recruitment opportunities and replenish its depleted ranks.

Informed local sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the fighters were killed on several fronts, particularly in Taiz, Dhalea, Jawf, the western coast and Marib.

The sources said the exhibitions and funeral processions sweeping the province offered a stark picture of the group's losses, even as it continued sending more local men to the front lines to replace those killed.

In recent days, the Houthis have intensified exhibitions displaying photographs of their dead across Dhamar as part of an annual week commemorating fallen fighters.

The group has used the events to reinforce its recruitment rhetoric and normalize death on the battlefield, rather than confront the heavy human cost of its military campaigns and the suffering they have inflicted on Yemeni families, the sources said.

Streets turned into memorials

In Dhamar city, the Houthis have transformed neighborhoods, main streets, schools, mosques and government buildings into open-air galleries displaying photographs of hundreds of dead fighters, including children and minors, according to local sources.

The exhibitions have spread to Wisab al-Ali, Anis, Duran Anis, Wisab al-Safil, Maghrib Anis, Jabal al-Sharq, Jahran, Mayfa'at Anis, Al-Hada, Al-Manar and Utmah, where tents and displays bearing photographs of the dead have become part of the group's broader mobilization campaign.

The scale of the displays underscores the extent of the losses and the group's efforts to channel them into its military and recruitment agenda, the sources said.

The photographs extend beyond frontline fighters to people involved in general mobilization, recruitment and security operations, as well as government employees, education workers and students whom the Houthis had sent into battle.

But the campaign has struggled to attract public support.

Local sources said the Houthis had pressured residents in several parts of Dhamar to organize group visits to the exhibitions, only to face what they described as "lackluster" attendance despite attempts to compel participation.

Funeral processions and fresh recruits

Alongside the exhibitions, the Houthis have continued staging funeral processions, filling streets, neighborhoods and alleyways across Dhamar with photographs of their dead and sectarian slogans.

The campaign seeks to project an image of widespread public mobilization, even as residents face pressure to participate while grappling with severe economic hardship.

Activists from Dhamar said the surge in memorial exhibitions laid bare the scale of the group's human losses.

Rather than acknowledge the toll on families and communities, they said, the Houthis were exploiting their annual commemorations to renew recruitment efforts, particularly among minors and public employees under their authority.

The activists warned that turning the dead into recruitment symbols risked fueling further losses, as more young men were sent to the front lines to fill the gaps left by fallen fighters.

Such efforts, they said, threatened to deepen families' suffering and keep the province trapped in a relentless cycle of battlefield deaths.

Meanwhile, as millions in Houthi-controlled areas struggle with worsening living and humanitarian conditions, informed Yemeni sources estimated that the group had spent billions of Yemeni rials on printing photographs, mounting exhibitions and organizing related events across its territory.

The dollar trades at 535 Yemeni rials, according to the exchange rate cited in the original report.

The spending comes as families struggle to afford basic necessities amid deepening poverty and declining purchasing power.

The expenditures highlight the group's priorities: pouring substantial resources into propaganda and recruitment campaigns while living standards deteriorate and residents struggle to meet their most basic needs.

Arab World

From Gaza to Ramallah, Palestinians See Little Hope in Israeli Vote

Palestinians walk past buildings destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza City Wednesday, Oct. 28, 2026. (AP)
Palestinians walk past buildings destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza City Wednesday, Oct. 28, 2026. (AP)
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From Gaza to Ramallah, Palestinians See Little Hope in Israeli Vote

Palestinians walk past buildings destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza City Wednesday, Oct. 28, 2026. (AP)
Palestinians walk past buildings destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza City Wednesday, Oct. 28, 2026. (AP)

In war-ravaged Gaza and the occupied West Bank, many Palestinians were less focused on who would win Israel's election than on whether anything would really change.

Whether Benjamin Netanyahu clings to power with his far-right allies or centrist rival Gadi Eisenkot comes out on top, few see much reason for hope in the Tuesday vote.

"We fear these elections could bring an even worse leader," said Huda al-Houli, a displaced resident of Khan Younis in southern Gaza.

Such an outcome, she said, would only bring "more destruction and devastation" to the Palestinian territory.

Still, Houli said she hoped a more "human voice" would emerge in Israeli society and demand an end to the conflict, regardless of who forms the next government.

In Ramallah, in the West Bank, Ahmed Awad, 67, was equally skeptical.

"Whatever the result, and even if the politicians change, I don't think there will be any radical or dramatic shift in policies towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict," he told AFP.

With 85 percent of ballots counted from Tuesday's vote, Netanyahu's camp remained ahead but without a clear majority, leaving uncertainty over Israel's next government.

The first election since Hamas's October 7, 2023 attack comes after years of right-wing and far-right rule marked by the war in Gaza and rising settler violence in the West Bank.

For Netanyahu, fighting for his political survival, several paths remain open: renewing his alliance with the far right, building a broader coalition or facing yet another political deadlock.

Far-right minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has already signaled that, if the current coalition survives, he would seek the defense portfolio and push for the expulsion of Gaza's population.

A Palestinian boy looks at an Israeli outpost on a hill overlooking the village of Umm Safa, northwest of Ramallah in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on October 27, 2026, following a reported attack by Israeli settlers. (AFP)

- More of the same -

Not everyone has given up hope.

"Whatever happens, it will surely be better than what we've lived through in recent years," said Abdallah Abu Rahma, 54, from Ramallah.

But if Netanyahu remains in office, he added, "any coalition he forms, he will continue down the same path".

A government led by Eisenkot, a former army chief, could rein in the influence of the pro-settlement far right, said researcher Beth Oppenheim of the European Council on Foreign Relations.

It could also ease pressure on the Palestinian Authority and take a more flexible approach on aid and a ceasefire in Gaza.

But she warned against expecting too much.

There would be "nothing transformative", she said, and certainly no major shift on Palestinian statehood or the peace process, issues that have largely disappeared from Israeli political debate since October 7.

A renewed Netanyahu coalition with far-right partners would likely mean more of the same, including settlement expansion and impunity for settler violence, Oppenheim added.

"I think we need to have quite low expectations when it comes to seeing any major changes in policy from a different government," she said.

Israeli right-wing settlers stand at a polling station in the settlement of Adora in the occupied West Bank on October 27, 2026, amid Israel's legislative election. (AFP)

- Fears of escalation -

Even a Netanyahu defeat could leave Palestinians worse off in the short term, argued Yousef Munayyer, head of the Palestine-Israel program at the Arab Center Washington.

"There is every reason for Palestinians to be concerned," he said.

Eisenkot himself served in Israel's wartime cabinet during the Gaza offensive, Munayyer noted.

A fragile alternative coalition under constant attack from Netanyahu and the right could try to prove it was tough enough by taking a harder line on Palestinian issues.

In the West Bank, violence could rise if the far right loses power, with settlers potentially acting out against a new government, he explained.

"It's important to understand that most settler violence in the West Bank is structural. It's not about the government in charge," Munayyer said.

"Settlers live in places that surround the Palestinian population. The Palestinian population is vulnerable to the settlers, who are armed, whereas the Palestinians overwhelmingly are not."

In Gaza, Adnan Al-Assar said he harbored few illusions.

"Netanyahu may win," he said. "But whatever happens, they all follow the same overarching policy, directed against the Palestinian people."