Oslo Accords After 33 Years: Neither Alive Nor Dead — What Remains?

FILED - 08 September 2026, Palestinian Territories, Anata: Israeli forces raid the town of Anata in the West Bank. Photo: Jamal Awad/dpa
FILED - 08 September 2026, Palestinian Territories, Anata: Israeli forces raid the town of Anata in the West Bank. Photo: Jamal Awad/dpa
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Oslo Accords After 33 Years: Neither Alive Nor Dead — What Remains?

FILED - 08 September 2026, Palestinian Territories, Anata: Israeli forces raid the town of Anata in the West Bank. Photo: Jamal Awad/dpa
FILED - 08 September 2026, Palestinian Territories, Anata: Israeli forces raid the town of Anata in the West Bank. Photo: Jamal Awad/dpa

Perhaps all that remains of the Oslo Accords, signed 33 years ago between the Palestinians and Israelis, is an authority without real authority in the West Bank, widespread chaos, destruction and bloodshed in the Gaza Strip, and an East Jerusalem resembling West Jerusalem, both under full Israeli control.

All three — the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem — were supposed to constitute the Palestinian state just five years after the agreement was signed in 1993, or so Palestinians believed and hoped at the time.

Yet Oslo’s main problem cannot simply be considered its failure to deliver the hoped-for state. Since it was signed, the Palestinian Authority’s ability to govern has declined, while the territory under its control has shrunk day by day.

The PA’s role has changed considerably. Israeli governments have left it besieged, powerless and nearly bankrupt, facing numerous financial and security problems and countless internal problems affecting it and all Palestinians — in politics, security, public safety, salaries, health, the economy, electricity, water, fuel and the banking system.

Today, 33 years after the agreement, Palestinians find themselves in a central struggle to prevent the liquidation of the Palestinian cause and their displacement from their land. After Oslo, their struggle had been to establish a state.

All the blame can be placed on Oslo, its course and the decision to pursue it, as many Palestinians do. But its other party cannot be overlooked: Israel, which did not sign the agreement for it to succeed. This was precisely what then-Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir had promised: negotiations that would begin but never end, until nothing remained to negotiate over.

Nor can it be overlooked that a large segment of Palestinians themselves did not want the agreement either. Armed factions worked relentlessly to thwart it to the end, using all the power and weapons at their disposal.

Many on both sides regarded it as a dagger in their side and openly said they did not want it. In reality, it gave them neither peace nor security. Yet it has remained alive, refusing to die, even after Hamas launched the Al-Aqsa Flood attack in October 2023, sweeping away many things but not what remained of Oslo.

What is the Oslo agreement?

The Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements was signed on Sept. 13, 1993. It provided for the phased withdrawal of Israeli forces from the West Bank and Gaza Strip and the establishment of a Palestinian Interim Self-Government Authority during a five-year transitional period, culminating in a permanent settlement based on UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.

The agreement spoke of ending “decades of confrontation and conflict” and recognizing each side’s “mutual legitimate and political rights.”

The agreement clearly addressed the transitional period and permanent-status negotiations. The five-year transitional period was to begin with the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and Jericho area. Permanent-status negotiations between the Israeli government and representatives of the Palestinian people were to begin as soon as possible, but no later than the beginning of the third year of the transitional period.

It also stipulated that those negotiations would cover the remaining issues, including Jerusalem, refugees, settlements, security arrangements, borders, relations and cooperation with other neighbors, and other matters of common interest.

The agreement also resulted in the establishment of a Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison Committee to address issues requiring coordination, other matters of common interest and disputes.

The Oslo agreement divides the West Bank into Areas A, B and C. Area A includes the main Palestinian population centers and is under Palestinian security and administrative control, comprising 18% of the West Bank. Area B, comprising 21%, is under Palestinian administrative control and Israeli security control. Area C, comprising 61%, is under Israeli security and administrative control.

After October 2023, Israel no longer recognized these divisions.

What happened after Oslo?

A few years after the signing, Israel stopped completing the scheduled withdrawal of its forces. Instead, it repeatedly entered Area A, territory under full Palestinian security jurisdiction, and took measures that disrupted the transitional phase intended to achieve independence.

Israel carried out assassinations and killings, raided Area A, built more settlements and tightened political, security and economic pressure on the PA as though Oslo did not exist, while demanding greater security coordination from the PA under the agreement.

Israelis who opposed Oslo did not formally abolish it. They wanted it in intensive care — neither alive nor dead. Palestinians did not like Oslo either, but struggled to keep it alive even though they repeatedly declared it finished.

The Palestinians could not rid themselves of it because they simply could not maintain the PA without Oslo. That would mean a return to occupation — a thousand steps backward. For the Israelis, declaring themselves free of Oslo would mean dissolving the PA and returning to the occupation of the West Bank, the last outcome they wanted.

In short, everyone despised Oslo, but they wanted it. It continued to constrain them and produce further agreements.

Oslo’s extensions

It can be said that for many years, Palestinians and Israelis found themselves tied to Oslo. In an effort to keep it alive, the Palestinians concluded further agreements with Israel that could be described as extensions of Oslo.

Israel did not abide by any agreement it signed. Instead, it brought the PA to an unprecedented level of weakness after significantly changing its role. The PA entered one of the worst periods in its history, with the territory under its control shrinking, no political or economic horizon, a crippling financial crisis and another security crisis.

The Israeli left-wing group Peace Now has said that the Oslo agreement contributed significantly to increasing the number of settlements and settlers in the Palestinian territories.

Whether this amounted to marking time or moving backward, it was the reality Israel wanted, and it continued until the Al-Aqsa Flood war that began on Oct. 7, 2023.

After the war, everything changed. Israel began what resembled a war against the PA, the Palestinians and the dream of statehood. Israel appeared to want to reverse Oslo altogether and erase it, and no longer wanted the Palestinians or an agreement binding it to them.

Oslo, Netanyahu and Oct. 7

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has made no secret of his opposition to Oslo. Months into the Gaza war, Netanyahu called the Oslo agreement Israel’s great mistake, claiming that “the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza want to destroy Israel. One side says so openly, while the other does so through education and the International Criminal Court.”

Netanyahu’s attack on the PA was not new, but it was the clearest in revealing part of his plan to undermine the authority.

Since Oct. 7, 2023, Israel has begun treating the PA as though it did not exist. Israel escalated in the West Bank, with the army attacking cities, refugee camps and towns and permanently occupying some of them. It killed Palestinians in airstrikes, arrested them and destroyed infrastructure, while settlers were given free rein to kill, attack and seize vast areas by force.

At the same time, Israel advanced a plan to expand existing settlements and establish new ones, linking them through contiguous settlement belts. The plan served to expand settlement activity on the one hand, and to encircle and fragment the West Bank and create a barrier between the West Bank and Israel on the other.

PA remains committed to Oslo’s peaceful approach

After 33 years, what remains of Oslo is an Israel that continues to expand, with greater powers, and a Palestinian Authority with a president, security forces and ministries, but no state and fewer powers — along with more settlers, a devastated Gaza and a Jerusalem under Israeli control.

Yet the PA, now going through one of the worst periods in its history, remains fully committed to the Oslo agreement.

In May, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said he remained committed to Oslo and subsequent agreements, the Palestine Liberation Organization and its program based on the unity of the Palestinian political system and a single legitimate weapon, as well as reforms and presidential and legislative elections, reaffirming his commitment to a peaceful approach amid a series of bloody wars in the region.

Contrary to what many believe or demand, Abbas told Fatah’s Eighth General Conference in Ramallah in May that inflicting a new Nakba on Gaza, killing and wounding more than 270,000 Palestinians there, making the territory uninhabitable, working to annex the West Bank through laws aimed at stealing land, unleashing settler terrorism in the West Bank, continuing to withhold Palestinian funds, besieging the economy, committing violations against Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem and attempting to divide Al-Aqsa Mosque required a return to implementing the signed agreements.

These included the Oslo Accords, the Paris Protocol on Economic Relations and the 2023 Aqaba and Sharm el-Sheikh understandings, as well as an end to unilateral measures that violate international law.

“We want the ‘treacherous’ Oslo agreement. We want to preserve it,” Abbas said sarcastically, mocking criticism of the agreement.

Abbas immediately attacked Hamas’s Oct. 7 assault.

“Whatever the assessment of what happened on Oct. 7 — the ‘glorious’ Oct. 7,” he said sarcastically, “things are judged by their outcomes.”

“We were slaughtered, displaced and our country was destroyed because of this act,” he added.

It was as though Abbas wanted to voice what many of his supporters and Fatah members say: “Oslo brought the Palestinians back to their homeland, laid the foundations of the state and brought an airport and a seaport to Gaza, while Oct. 7 destroyed everything and displaced Palestinians abroad.”

Opponents of Abbas and Fatah respond to that argument by asking: “Why is Israel ravaging the West Bank, which did not carry out Oct. 7? And why does Oslo not protect you?”

The confrontation between the two arguments does not appear close to being resolved. History remains the judge between the two experiences, while Israel continues to encroach on the dream of a Palestinian state.



UN: Sudan’s Warring Parties Show No Serious Commitment to a Settlement

Rosemary DiCarlo, UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (AP)
Rosemary DiCarlo, UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (AP)
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UN: Sudan’s Warring Parties Show No Serious Commitment to a Settlement

Rosemary DiCarlo, UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (AP)
Rosemary DiCarlo, UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (AP)

Rosemary DiCarlo, UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, said Friday that Sudan’s warring parties showed no serious commitment to a negotiated settlement despite neither side being capable of securing a military victory, raising fears of further escalation in the coming months.

Briefing the Security Council, the UN under-secretary-general for political and peacebuilding affairs painted a bleak picture of a conflict fueled by continued arms supplies, recruitment and foreign support.

Her assessment came a day after Sudanese army chief Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan disclosed that he had sent a message to US President Donald Trump expressing Sudan’s commitment to Washington-backed peace efforts.

Washington has not publicly responded to Burhan’s remarks. The army chief met Trump’s senior adviser for Arab and African affairs, Massad Boulos, in Egypt earlier this month.

Civilian toll mounts

DiCarlo told the council that conditions in Sudan continued to deteriorate, with little prospect of a breakthrough and no significant improvement in recent months.

Fighting had been particularly fierce in North Kordofan, South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, but violence was spreading well beyond those front lines.

Drone strikes and air raids had killed civilians at a displacement camp in Blue Nile, an artisanal gold mine in Red Sea state and several locations in North Kordofan, including schools, a courthouse, university accommodation and a shelter for displaced families.

She condemned a drone strike on two clearly marked World Food Program (WFP) trucks carrying food aid through an area subjected to repeated attacks by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N).

One driver was killed in the attack.

DiCarlo identified drone strikes as the leading cause of civilian casualties this year, calling for an immediate halt to such attacks and tighter restrictions on drone use.

She expressed concern that weapons continued to flow into Sudan while both sides recruited fighters, increasing the likelihood of further escalation.

Rather than seeking dialogue, military leaders appeared convinced they could make greater gains on the battlefield and achieve their objectives through force, provided foreign backing continued.

She urged the warring parties to abandon that calculation and called on outside powers to use their influence to end the conflict rather than fuel it.

DiCarlo also drew attention to growing insecurity along Sudan’s borders, particularly given the fragility of several neighboring countries.

Preventing the war from developing into a broader regional crisis must remain a collective priority, she stressed.

Diplomatic efforts continue

Despite the deadlock, DiCarlo reported continued UN coordination with the Quad, which is seeking to secure a humanitarian truce.

The United Nations stood ready to help implement any agreement, she stressed, emphasizing that further delays were unacceptable.

She also pointed to modest progress through the efforts of the UN secretary-general’s personal envoy for Sudan, Pekka Haavisto.

Both warring parties had established committees to consider the unilateral release of detainees and had negotiated prisoner exchanges.

Haavisto was also working with UNICEF to ensure that Sudanese students could take a unified, nationally recognized 12th-grade examination, while talks continued with Chad over arrangements for Sudanese refugee students.

Partners from the Quintet visited Khartoum in early September to consult Sudanese stakeholders, who consistently called for an end to the war and the restoration of civilian rule.

DiCarlo welcomed growing international engagement, citing the first joint meeting between the Quintet and the Quad during the UN General Assembly’s high-level week in September.

A Sudan Consultative Group meeting scheduled for Geneva next week would bring together both diplomatic groupings and other mediators.

Referring to the anniversary of the fall of El Fasher, DiCarlo called for much greater pressure on the warring parties and their supporters to end the fighting.

She emphasized that accountability was essential after the immense suffering endured by Sudanese civilians, who deserved peace and a genuine prospect of a better future.

US urges humanitarian truce

US Deputy Representative Jeff Bartos called for a humanitarian truce and an end to weapons flows into Sudan, pledging continued efforts to expand sanctions.

He described the Quintet’s work as the most credible path toward a peaceful political transition under civilian leadership.

 

 


Qatar Offers Comprehensive Plan to Ease Lebanon’s Electricity Crisis

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun welcomes Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani in Beirut (AFP/Lebanese Presidency). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun welcomes Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani in Beirut (AFP/Lebanese Presidency). 
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Qatar Offers Comprehensive Plan to Ease Lebanon’s Electricity Crisis

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun welcomes Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani in Beirut (AFP/Lebanese Presidency). 
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun welcomes Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani in Beirut (AFP/Lebanese Presidency). 

Lebanon and Qatar are close to reaching an agreement to overhaul Lebanon’s electricity sector, with Doha set to finance, develop and operate the project without requiring any upfront investment from the Lebanese treasury, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam announced Friday.

The announcement came during a visit to Beirut by Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, who unveiled plans for a major energy investment and broader cooperation, including energy interconnection projects linking Lebanon with Syria and Iraq.

Energy dominated the talks, alongside Israeli attacks in South Lebanon and Qatar’s continued support for the Lebanese Army.

Aoun calls for pressure on Israel

Al Thani began his visit at Baabda Palace, where President Joseph Aoun praised Qatar’s Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani and the Qatari leadership for their efforts to ease regional tensions and restore stability.

Aoun urged Doha to work with Arab and friendly countries to press Israel to halt its attacks in South Lebanon and implement the framework agreement reached through US-sponsored negotiations with Lebanon.

He described the mounting toll of Israeli operations, including casualties and widespread destruction in southern villages, and called for intensified diplomatic efforts to secure an Israeli withdrawal.

Aoun also reiterated Lebanon’s condemnation of attacks on Gulf countries, most recently Saudi Arabia, and reaffirmed solidarity with Gulf states.

Welcoming stronger bilateral ties, he highlighted Qatar’s willingness to help address Lebanon’s longstanding electricity crisis.

For his part, Al Thani reaffirmed Doha’s support for the Lebanese government’s efforts and called for Israel to withdraw from occupied Lebanese territory and hand over those areas to the Lebanese Army.

Qatar to finance and operate electricity project

At a joint news conference at the Grand Serail, Salam announced that the two governments were nearing an agreement to rehabilitate, develop and modernize Lebanon’s electricity generation infrastructure.

The proposed project would cover various sources of power generation and the infrastructure needed to support them, with the aim of providing a more reliable electricity supply at a lower cost.

Salam explained that the initiative would follow a build-operate-transfer (BOT) model, under which Qatar would finance, implement and operate the project before ownership is transferred.

Crucially, Lebanon would not have to provide any upfront capital investment, helping overcome the financial obstacles that have long hindered improvements to electricity supply.

Salam outlined the government’s priorities as increasing production, reducing costs and improving management, stressing that reliable electricity at affordable prices would encourage investment and help revive the economy.

The discussions also covered securing gas supplies and preparing an intergovernmental agreement to pave the way for a comprehensive solution to the electricity crisis.

Broader energy partnership

Al Thani confirmed that both countries had agreed on a comprehensive framework for energy cooperation, including a major investment project intended to benefit Lebanon’s economy and participating Qatari companies and institutions.

He reaffirmed Qatar’s commitment to standing alongside the Lebanese people during a difficult period for the region and expressed hope for closer cooperation across other sectors.

Turning to regional security, the Qatari prime minister urged all parties to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1701, called for Israel’s withdrawal from all occupied positions and stressed the importance of respecting existing agreements.

He also revealed that Doha was coordinating with Washington on reconstruction efforts in South Lebanon to enable displaced residents to return to their homes.

Qatar would continue supporting the Lebanese Army as a national institution responsible for safeguarding the country’s security and stability, he added.

Berri stresses support for army

Al Thani also met Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri to discuss political and security developments in Lebanon and the region, continued Israeli attacks and bilateral relations.

Berri expressed appreciation for Qatar’s longstanding support, particularly for South Lebanon, and its commitment to Lebanese sovereignty, the withdrawal of Israeli forces and the return of displaced residents.

He welcomed Doha’s willingness to contribute to economic recovery and reconstruction.

Both leaders agreed on the importance of strengthening national unity and supporting state institutions, particularly the Lebanese Army and security forces, as guarantors of stability and sovereignty.


Morocco Retains Key Ministers in New Government, Names Seven Women

Morocco’s King Mohammed VI presides over the appointment ceremony for members of the new government at the Royal Palace in Rabat on Friday (MAP). 
Morocco’s King Mohammed VI presides over the appointment ceremony for members of the new government at the Royal Palace in Rabat on Friday (MAP). 
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Morocco Retains Key Ministers in New Government, Names Seven Women

Morocco’s King Mohammed VI presides over the appointment ceremony for members of the new government at the Royal Palace in Rabat on Friday (MAP). 
Morocco’s King Mohammed VI presides over the appointment ceremony for members of the new government at the Royal Palace in Rabat on Friday (MAP). 

Morocco’s King Mohammed VI appointed a new government on Friday, retaining several key ministers while naming the country’s first female head of government and giving women seven positions in the cabinet.

The 32-member government, headed by Fatima Ezzahra El Mansouri, was sworn in at the Royal Palace in Rabat following parliamentary elections held on September 23.

The new administration combines experienced ministers with newcomers from political parties and technocratic backgrounds, reflecting an effort to balance continuity with fresh leadership as it seeks to accelerate reforms and improve public services.

Among the most prominent appointments was Fouzi Lekjaa, who was named minister of economy, finance and public sector performance after serving for years as minister delegate in charge of the budget.

His promotion, widely anticipated by political observers, reflects continued confidence in his ability to manage public finances and oversee major economic reforms.

In his previous role, Lekjaa gained extensive experience preparing annual budgets, monitoring their implementation and managing fiscal reforms.

He now faces the challenge of mobilizing resources, encouraging investment and financing social programs while maintaining macroeconomic stability.

His responsibilities will also include shaping the government’s fiscal policies and ensuring that development priorities remain compatible with sustainable public finances.

Key ministers retain portfolios

Nine ministers retained their positions in the new government, according to the Royal Cabinet’s announcement.

They include Interior Minister Abdelouafi Laftit, Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita, Justice Minister Abdellatif Ouahbi and Minister of Endowments and Islamic Affairs Ahmed Toufiq.

Nizar Baraka also remains minister of equipment and water, with forests added to his portfolio after previously falling under the Agriculture Ministry.

The appointments signal a preference for continuity in key government departments, even as other portfolios have been assigned to new figures.

Seven women in new cabinet

The government includes seven women, among them El Mansouri, who becomes the first woman to lead Morocco’s government.

The other six hold ministerial or minister delegate positions, giving women responsibilities across economic, social and administrative sectors.

Charafat Afailal was appointed minister of energy, mines and sustainable development, while Najwa Koukouss takes charge of family affairs, social development and equality.

Kouloub Faitah was named minister delegate to the head of government in charge of relations with parliament and civil society.

Madiha Khayr becomes minister delegate for vocational training and qualification, working under the minister of national education, preschool education, vocational training and qualification.

Fatima Saadi was appointed minister delegate for housing and urban policy under the minister responsible for national territorial planning, urban development, housing and urban policy.

Aicha Kelaa takes charge of administrative reform as minister delegate under the minister of artificial intelligence, digital transformation and administrative reform.

The appointments place women in positions spanning energy, social policy, parliamentary affairs, vocational training, housing and public administration.

El Mansouri’s historic appointment, alongside the broader female representation in the cabinet, has renewed debate over women’s participation in political leadership and government decision-making in Morocco.