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King Abdulaziz's Final Months: Key Decisions Shaping State, Institutions, and Enduring Legacy

King Abdulaziz in a military parade in Taif, Saudi Arabia (Asharq Al-Awsat)
King Abdulaziz in a military parade in Taif, Saudi Arabia (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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King Abdulaziz's Final Months: Key Decisions Shaping State, Institutions, and Enduring Legacy

King Abdulaziz in a military parade in Taif, Saudi Arabia (Asharq Al-Awsat)
King Abdulaziz in a military parade in Taif, Saudi Arabia (Asharq Al-Awsat)

For decades, the history of King Abdulaziz has captivated historians and researchers of diverse backgrounds and nationalities.

Dozens of research papers, studies, and writings have explored various facets of this history, encompassing not only the political career of the king but also delving into his leadership persona, strategic thinking, military prowess, and visionary aspirations.

It is not merely the history of a monarch but rather the history of a kingdom and the chronicle of a nation.

The writer and diplomat, Khair al-Din al-Zarkali, vividly illustrates how, in less than 50 years, “one man succeeded in establishing what 12 centuries failed to create or bring forth between the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf.”

Al-Zarkali describes this achievement as the unification of emirates, the formation of a nation, the construction of a state, and the establishment of a civilization.

Furthermore, the Saudi author and historian, Mohammed Hussein Zaidan, adds, “King Abdulaziz is the crown jewel of his era. He restored dignity to the Arabian Peninsula within the grand entity.”

British writer and journalist, Cecil Roberts, explains how “King Abdulaziz filled a significant void in history, extending his reign over an expanse comparable to the combined territories of England, France, and Germany.”

“He acquired a kingdom with his sword and secured its protection through politics,” adds Roberts.

It is likely that the king, who lived for approximately 80 years, was born in 1876 in Riyadh, while his death was recorded on 9 November 1953 in Taif.

Despite seven decades having passed since his departure, numerous details surrounding that event require clarification, some demand elucidation, and others necessitate correction.

In addition to these, there is a need for careful scrutiny, verification, and documenting the facts surrounding the king’s death and the official and popular reactions it elicited.

King Abdulaziz was not just a ruler; he was a bearer of a message, a catalyst for progress, a nation-builder, and a unifier of the people.

Documentation and record-keeping also call for an examination of how the sons of King Abdulaziz dealt with this tragic event.

Despite their profound loss, their monumental task of assuming governance responsibilities, orchestrating the transition of power, ensuring the country's stability, and managing state affairs has not received its due share of documentation.

What constitutionalists commonly term as the “power vacuum” in many cases, especially during critical times in a nation’s history, is undoubtedly one of the moments unknown to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia throughout its history.

The reason for this lies in the institutionalized governance framework and constitutional precedents established, with King Abdulaziz taking meticulous measures in the last three months of his life, as depicted in this work.

This November marks the 70th anniversary of King Abdulaziz’s passing.

The throngs that gathered at Riyadh Airport square on the dawn of Saturday, on August 8, 1953, to bid farewell to the founding king were unaware that it would be their final farewell.

At that dawn, the king concluded his prayers, exited from the Murabba Palace for the last time, heading to the airport.

Signs of aging were evident, having been unable to walk for about eight years and relying on a “horse,” a wheelchair gifted to him by the US President Franklin Roosevelt.

In a surge of emotions, Saudi writer and educator Mr. Ahmed Ali Al-Kazimi vividly describes the encounter with the king in 1950.

“We entered the council before the king, and after a while, His Majesty arrived riding a small, beautiful carriage with two large wheels at the back and two small wheels at the front. Above his head was a canopy pushed by one of the attendants,” recounts Al-Kazimi.

“Seeing him in this carriage brought back many memories to my mind, memories of shadows and dreams, all indicating the blessings that accompanied this man throughout his life, from the moment he set out to reclaim the kingdom of his forefathers,” he adds.

The king affectionately named his carriage the “horse” and favored its use.

This decision allowed him to forego walking as he aged and battled with arterial sclerosis, lack of sleep, and stress from overseeing state affairs.

He slept no more than 4 to 6 hours a day and suffered from several episodes that affected his health.

Yet, the king’s charisma, regal presence, and strength remained undiminished, accompanied by the enduring love of the faithful people.

Despite his health challenges, the king was determined to travel to Taif to personally oversee the Hajj season that year.

As the sun rose, the royal plane, a “DC-4 Sky Master,” departed Riyadh around 5:30 AM.

The sunrise seemingly mirrored the dawn of King Abdulaziz's era over Riyadh more than 50 years earlier, marking the unification of the peninsula and the establishment of his rule after centuries of dispersion.

Many wonder if anyone on that plane ascending to the skies could have foreseen that it was their last journey, and that the sun of King Abdulaziz was bidding farewell amidst the takeoff of a squadron of planes carrying the king’s entourage, princes, senior statesmen, the retinue, and the guard.

At precisely 8:20 AM, the royal plane touched down at Hail Airport.

Crown Prince Prince Saud and Foreign Minister Prince Faisal ascended to greet the arrival of the monarch.

On the airport grounds, crowds assembled, including princes, scholars, ministers, Shura Council members, prominent merchants, military leaders, tribal chiefs, mayors, and a multitude of Saudi citizens.

Subsequently, a military band rendered honors to His Majesty, the royal anthem echoed, and applause filled the airport.

A large pavilion was erected for the reception, drawing crowds from Makkah, Madinah, Jeddah, Taif, and their surroundings, all eager to extend their greetings to the king.

The royal procession then left Hail Airport en route to Taif, with villagers lining the sides of the road, joyfully greeting their revered monarch.

As the procession reached the entrance of Taif, the artillery fired 21 welcoming shots, and young cadets from military schools stood in salute, echoing words of welcome and loyalty.

The crowds, extending from the entrance of Taif to the palace (currently King Faisal Road), lined the route, singing national songs.

Triumphal arches, decorations, and Saudi flags adorned the road, raised in all the streets and markets of Taif.

Upon arrival at the Royal Palace, a military salute was rendered, and the royal anthem was played.

Later that evening, the king received delegations from the people of Taif.

A poem by an esteemed poet was recited during the reception, with the locals delivering their words through the schoolteacher at Al-Aziziya School, Mr. Ahmed Kamal, representing them.

The king’s program continued with the reception of official and popular delegations, and the management of state affairs.

The bustling Royal Palace in the city of Taif continued to be filled every day with delegations from various classes, eager to greet our revered king and welcome his auspicious presence.

His Majesty graciously met with them while attending to the ongoing execution of state affairs, the administration of its high policies, and the guidance of its responsible ministries and departments.

His Majesty efficiently reviewed and summarized matters brought to his attention.

The latest official update on King Abdulaziz’s activities in Taif was his reception of the Grand Mufti, Sheikh Mohammed bin Ibrahim Al Al-Sheikh, on October 10, 1953.

On the same day, the king issued one of his most significant and final royal decrees, forming the Council of Ministers and appointing Crown Prince Prince Saud as its head.

The Crown Prince, in turn, delegated the vice-presidency of the council to Prince Faisal.

King Abdulaziz aimed to solidify the institutional framework of the state before his passing, organizing the governance structure and the hierarchy of succession.

From that point forward until the passing of the founding king, the news prominently focused on the activities of the Crown Prince, who served as the Prime Minister and the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces.

This shift indicated King Abdulaziz’s intention to complete the foundational structure of the state and organize the governance apparatus, setting the stage for a clear succession plan.

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Features

What Options Does Hezbollah Have in Dealing with Israeli Escalation?

Portraits of current and former Iranian and Hezbollah leaders displayed at a rally, in the southern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon, September 2, 2026. (Reuters)
Portraits of current and former Iranian and Hezbollah leaders displayed at a rally, in the southern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon, September 2, 2026. (Reuters)
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What Options Does Hezbollah Have in Dealing with Israeli Escalation?

Portraits of current and former Iranian and Hezbollah leaders displayed at a rally, in the southern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon, September 2, 2026. (Reuters)
Portraits of current and former Iranian and Hezbollah leaders displayed at a rally, in the southern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon, September 2, 2026. (Reuters)

Hezbollah finds itself facing an increasingly difficult equation as Israeli escalation in South Lebanon has widened in recent days. How will the party respond to mounting Israeli strikes without being drawn into a broader confrontation that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may be seeking either to postpone Israel’s elections or improve his prospects in them.

At the same time, Hezbollah is facing growing pressure from its support base, which is bearing the brunt of the strikes and demanding a response capable of deterring Tel Aviv. Yet the group’s options appear largely constrained by regional developments, particularly the course of US-Iran negotiations, as well as domestic political calculations in Lebanon.

A response could benefit Netanyahu

Sources familiar with Hezbollah’s position said the Iran-backed party has largely avoided signaling whether it intends to retaliate or continue exercising restraint and adhering unilaterally to the ceasefire agreement.

They told Asharq Al-Awsat that Hezbollah is currently focusing on holding the Lebanese authorities responsible for addressing the situation, noting that the group had previously called on the government to engage in dialogue over the expanding Israeli offensive and the failure of negotiations.

The sources see no indication so far that Hezbollah may make a military response. They argue that one objective of Israel’s widening offensive is to provoke Hezbollah and Iran into retaliating and trigger a broader war, which could benefit Netanyahu electorally or help him postpone the polls.

Limited ability to confront Israel

Hilal Khashan, a professor of political science at the American University of Beirut, took a different view, saying Hezbollah has no options left because its military power has collapsed, particularly after its decision to hand over Ali al-Taher — “a symbol of its pride” — to Israel rather than surrender it to the Lebanese army.

“Hezbollah lacks the ability not only to fight Israel, but even to provoke it,” Khashan told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It sent two drones, and we saw the results.”

The academic believes the party’s current priority is to retain its weapons domestically after its military role in confronting Israel has effectively ended, although Hezbollah “insists on living in denial.”

He expects Israeli escalation to continue ahead of the heated elections, saying it will not be confined to Lebanon but could extend to the West Bank, Gaza and southern Syria, amid continued threats of strikes against Iran.

“As for America’s ability to pressure Israel, it appears limited,” Khashan noted, saying this means an expansion of Israeli operations into Lebanon's Bekaa Valley cannot be ruled out.

Three options for Hezbollah

Retired Lebanese army Brig. Gen. Mounir Shehadeh offered a different assessment, identifying three options available to Hezbollah.

“The first is a broad, direct military response,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. “This is the option that could give Israel the pretext it is seeking to expand its target list, take the escalation deeper into Lebanon and perhaps strike Lebanese infrastructure. It is therefore a high-cost option.”

The second is to refrain entirely from responding. That also carries a price because Israel could interpret it as evidence that it can impose new realities without paying a cost, particularly following the escalation over Ali al-Taher and the continuing strikes, he explained.

The third option is a calibrated, limited response. “In my view, this is the most logical option if the group decides to respond,” Shehadeh said.

Such action would seek to establish the principle that “aggression carries a cost” without triggering an all-out confrontation, he went on to say. Hezbollah could simultaneously maintain a policy of ambiguity by declining to claim every operation, particularly if it wanted to preserve room for political maneuver.

Shehadeh said Hezbollah may be facing a more complicated calculation: whether to respond to Israel now or wait until the direction of US-Iran negotiations becomes clearer.

Waiting for the outcome of those talks would not necessarily mean surrendering or remaining passive, he noted. Instead, Hezbollah could defer a major response while keeping the option of limited retaliation open, since a broad confrontation at this stage could benefit Israel more than the party and give it an opportunity to widen the war before the regional picture becomes clearer.

Shehadeh expects Hezbollah to avoid, in the near term, initiating a major response that could trigger an all-out war. At the same time, the group cannot indefinitely tolerate continued Israeli escalation without responding.

He stressed that the most realistic scenario is to contain the escalation, monitor developments on the ground, take into account the US-Iran diplomatic track and keep open the option of a limited, carefully calibrated response if Israel crosses certain lines.

Features

Iran's Hormuz Leverage Wanes as US Economic Squeeze Bites

Vessels in the Strait of Hormuz near the beach of Bandar Abbas, Iran, September 5, 2026. (Reuters)
Vessels in the Strait of Hormuz near the beach of Bandar Abbas, Iran, September 5, 2026. (Reuters)
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Iran's Hormuz Leverage Wanes as US Economic Squeeze Bites

Vessels in the Strait of Hormuz near the beach of Bandar Abbas, Iran, September 5, 2026. (Reuters)
Vessels in the Strait of Hormuz near the beach of Bandar Abbas, Iran, September 5, 2026. (Reuters)

Six months after a conflict that rattled markets and pushed the region to the brink of a wider war, the tide may be turning against Iran as Washington unleashes an unprecedented economic offensive to achieve what military force could not.

After years of surviving sanctions, Tehran is now confronting one of the harshest squeezes in the regime's history, according to Iranian insiders and regional sources cited by Reuters.

A US naval blockade and tougher sanctions are curbing oil exports, ‌restricting access to foreign currency and exposing growing strains in the economy.

The campaign has led US and regional officials to wager that mounting economic pressure can force Tehran to allow free passage through the Strait of Hormuz, which carries about a fifth of global oil and LNG supplies.

Their bet rests on a simple calculation: Iran is suffering more economic damage than it is inflicting. Efforts to choke off oil exports have cut state revenues, while attempts to disrupt shipping through Hormuz have not triggered the global economic shock Tehran hoped would force Washington to compromise. Energy markets have adjusted and alternative supplies have continued to flow.

Whether the pressure will force concessions remains unclear, the regional sources said. Tehran has failed to impose the costs it hoped would break Washington's resolve but has shown little sign of abandoning demands for sanctions relief, access to frozen assets and recognition of its security role in Hormuz.

Still, a new formula for resolving the standoff is now under discussion between mediators and Iran, the sources said.

Can Tehran outlast the squeeze?

Three senior Iranian sources acknowledged that Washington's campaign is becoming increasingly difficult to withstand. The latest measures have sharply restricted Tehran's ability to access foreign currency, import goods and tap global financing networks that have helped keep the economy afloat.

Iranian leaders fear a worsening economy, marked by surging prices, weaker trade and pressure on household incomes, could reignite nationwide unrest that has repeatedly challenged Tehran.

Shortages of key imports, including fuel and wheat, are becoming an increasing concern, officials said.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent described the strategy as a “one-two punch” combining the blockade with “the toughest sanctions in history.”

“It is going to work in Iran and we are going to collapse this regime,” he told CNBC.

For some US, Israeli and regional officials, such ‌strains strengthen ⁠hopes that economic pressure could eventually carry political consequences inside Iran by triggering unrest, widening rifts within the leadership and weakening its grip on power.

Others remain skeptical that economic and military coercion will produce a political rupture, pointing to decades of failed efforts to destabilize the regime and Tehran's willingness to suppress dissent. They argue Iran's rulers may again prove more resilient than their adversaries expect.

Resilience test

Dennis Ross, a former US negotiator, said Washington may be interpreting Iran's economic distress as evidence of strategic success when the reality is more complicated. Tehran remains determined to demonstrate it can control Hormuz, but appears to be calibrating its use of force while keeping further escalation in reserve.

The Revolutionary Guards may believe Iran can absorb the economic pain and outlast the pressure rather than compromise, ⁠Ross said.

“The Iranians have consistently surprised us in terms of their resiliency,” he added, saying he doubted economic and military pressure alone would force a retreat. Hardliners, he said, may believe they can endure and ultimately secure what they want.

Resilience may depend as much on public tolerance as Tehran's ability to absorb economic hardship, said Burcu Ozcelik, a senior research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute.

“Of course, the economic squeeze raises the risk of public unrest, but for now, a wartime mentality appears to have a significant hold ⁠over the population,” said Ozcelik. “Foreign military intervention, civilian casualties and the perception of a wider civilization confrontation with a US-led order are sustaining a degree of 'Iran-first' patriotic support, tolerance or simply patience with the regime.”

The result is a more stubborn impasse than Washington may have anticipated. Economic pressure is deepening the pain, but Tehran's powerful Revolutionary Guards may see endurance, backed by the threat of escalation, as leverage rather than a reason to concede.

The key question is not whether Iran is ⁠hurting, but whether it is hurting enough to compromise before either side slips toward another confrontation, the regional sources said.

Ross said the clearest path to a deal may lie in the dispute over shipping fees through the Strait of Hormuz. Iran could abandon any demand for a toll while retaining the right to charge for legitimate navigational, security or environmental services, he said.

Such an arrangement could give both sides a claim to victory, allowing Tehran to step back without appearing to capitulate.

“If you could announce that the Strait were reopened,” Ross said, “I think Trump would do a deal.”

Features

China's Memories of Mao Fade to Nostalgia 50 Years after His Death

The Great Helmsman, who died September 9 1976, is still very much a fixture in central Henan province's Nanjie -- often dubbed "China's last Maoist village". Pedro PARDO / AFP
The Great Helmsman, who died September 9 1976, is still very much a fixture in central Henan province's Nanjie -- often dubbed "China's last Maoist village". Pedro PARDO / AFP
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China's Memories of Mao Fade to Nostalgia 50 Years after His Death

The Great Helmsman, who died September 9 1976, is still very much a fixture in central Henan province's Nanjie -- often dubbed "China's last Maoist village". Pedro PARDO / AFP
The Great Helmsman, who died September 9 1976, is still very much a fixture in central Henan province's Nanjie -- often dubbed "China's last Maoist village". Pedro PARDO / AFP

The crimson flags on Nanjie village's "East is Red" Square hang limp in the sweltering summer heat as a trickle of tourists take photos with a towering statue of Chairman Mao Zedong, still gleaming white almost 50 years after he died.

The Great Helmsman, who died September 9 1976, is still very much a fixture in central Henan province's Nanjie -- often dubbed "China's last Maoist village", said AFP.

Nostalgia for Mao's egalitarian ideals is growing in China as memories of his turbulent rule fade and the country grapples with a slowing economy and inequality.

Mao, who led the 1949 communist revolution against the ruling nationalists, ushered in an era of collectivized ownership he argued would drive industry and unite the country, but his drastic policies are also blamed by historians for mass starvation and millions of deaths.

While the ruling Chinese Communist Party maintains Mao was a revolutionary hero, it publicly acknowledged after his death that his devastating Cultural Revolution was a "grave mistake" -- a verdict upheld by subsequent leaders.

In Nanjie, countless murals of the former Chinese leader are plastered around the village.

Residents still live under Maoist principles of shared ownership, while the rest of the country moved on from that economic model.

"I still revere him very much," Xie Kaiyue, a 22-year-old local university student, said of Mao, who died almost three decades before she was born.

"I think young people in the village and, actually, myself, aren't as strong-spirited as in the past... People were purer," she said.

Nearby, electric carts whisked visitors past uniform apartment blocks plastered with socialist slogans as guides explained how cooperative ownership in local enterprises funds free housing for residents.

- Party line -

Around 500 kilometers (310 miles) north, in the mountain village of Dazhai in Shanxi province, once promoted by Mao as a national model after locals terraformed its arid hills into irrigated fields, tourists reminisce about an era when the Great Helmsman dominated political and social life.

"(People) didn't have enough to eat or to wear," Li, a 64-year-old tourist from Xi'an, said of his childhood.

"But... the whole country was full of vigor, and there was a spirit of struggling with heaven, earth, and people to change every aspect of China," the retiree said.

"Of course I miss it."

Now, Dazhai is overflowing with shops selling items that support Mao's personality cult -- posters, playing cards, and crockery emblazoned with his image, and the "Little Red Book" of his quotations.

Still, references to dark chapters of his decades in absolute power are tightly censored in public discourse.

The decade-long episode instigated by Mao in 1966 saw intellectuals brutally targeted as "class enemies" and schools shuttered, setting China back for years in education and development.

Private property and land were collectivized, while economic management pushed the country to the Great Famine, which the government says killed around 15 million people, while historians estimate around 20-43 million.

In one museum, text mentioning the Cultural Revolution had been crudely scraped off signage.

"Everything you see in the public domain... is the party line. No one is allowed to deviate from this," said scholar Xu Chenggang, who was targeted as a child in Beijing during the Cultural Revolution because his father was labelled a "rightist".

Mao's face is printed on banknotes, his portrait overlooks Tiananmen Square, and his body is preserved in a mausoleum.

Every year new movies and TV shows dramatizing Mao's life beam the message of his great deeds to public.

Public discussion has been squeezed further under current leader Xi Jinping, who warns against "historical nihilism", or narratives contradicting the party's own.

"The Communist Party told people there were mistakes, but what's the meaning of 'mistake'? No one knows," Xu said.

- 'Great figure' -

The sanitized history has left space for romanticized interpretations among youths frustrated by long working hours and intense competition in education and the job market.

In December, a viral video series on Bilibili -- a platform popular with those under 30 -- argued that the 2017 movie 'Youth', which follows young performers in a military dance troupe during the 1970s, was a subtle ode to the Cultural Revolution.

The videos, which praised Mao and blamed capitalist elites for crushing the movement, were removed after gaining over 35 million views in less than a week.

"Today, there is more of a sense that the Cultural Revolution was a period of idealism, where society was fired by ideals and not by the relentless pursuit of money and material goods," said to Kerry Brown, head of the Lau China Institute in London and author of a recent book on Mao.

"This is, of course, a total fabrication," he said.

Many also credit Mao with laying the foundation for China to become a modern, technologically advanced nation, said Mobo Gao, professor of Chinese studies at Adelaide University.

"They ask, where did (today's China) come from? It came from the establishment of the PRC," said Gao, who lived through the Mao era in rural Jiangxi province.

"Who was the one who really established the PRC? It must be Mao."

In Shijiazhuang, an industrial city of seven million northeast of Dazhai, 20-year-old Wang Zhihao and his classmates posed with a giant Mao statue opposite the municipal government.

"We admire and revere Chairman Mao very much. He is a great figure," Wang said, as the sound of elderly residents singing songs praising the Communist Party drifted over from the nearby square.

"He led the founding of New China."