Abed Rabbo to Asharq Al-Awsat: Hamas’ Sinwar Was Stunned by Extent of Oct. 7 Breach

Veteran Palestinian politician Yasser Abed Rabbo speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Veteran Palestinian politician Yasser Abed Rabbo speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Abed Rabbo to Asharq Al-Awsat: Hamas’ Sinwar Was Stunned by Extent of Oct. 7 Breach

Veteran Palestinian politician Yasser Abed Rabbo speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Veteran Palestinian politician Yasser Abed Rabbo speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, mounted by Hamas on Oct.7, has left Palestinians at a critical juncture, torn between a potential new disaster and the hope for a Palestinian state.

Many questions linger: What about Hamas’ recent actions? How will Israel respond? What conditions does Hamas have for joining a peaceful settlement? And what about the Palestinian Authority’s plans for the future?

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Yasser Abed Rabbo, a key figure in Palestinian politics since the late 1960s, shared his insights into the current situation: “Palestinians are facing an unprecedented crisis, surpassing even the historic Nakba (the catastrophe) of the past.”

“Back then, the Palestinian national movement was fractured, replaced by Arab initiatives that fell short of truly safeguarding Palestinian rights,” he added.

A fresh ‘Nakba’ in a changed landscape

In this new crisis, with its flaws laid bare by recent tragedies like the war in Gaza and the Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, the Palestinian national movement endures.

This movement, according to Abed Rabbo, can’t be wiped out or replaced, regardless of military outcomes. It’s not just about comparing past Israeli brutality to today’s. The tools for killing and destruction are far more advanced now, but the aim remains unchanged.

Back in 1948, around 500 Palestinian villages, towns, and cities were destroyed, with a harshness no less than what we see today.

But now, Palestinians have a stronger memory than before.

Back in 1948, they couldn't imagine being completely removed from their homeland. Today, Palestinians of all ages fear being forced out of their land again, seeing this threat as real and tangible. They’re determined to defend their land, despite the destruction in Gaza.

Among the rubble, Palestinians declare: “I won't leave my homeland.” These words reflect the awareness built up over seventy years. Palestinian self-reliance can make a significant difference now.

The world isn't entirely pro-Israel. Some Western political circles support Israel, but with hesitance and, at times, shame, said Abed Rabbo.

Even those sympathetic to Israel acknowledge that a Palestinian state is the solution. They try to downplay Israeli crimes in Gaza, past and present. Today, some call Palestinians “subhuman,” while others openly advocate for expelling Gazans and expanding settlements, he added.

Nevertheless, the world is pressing Israel for accountability like never before. The International Criminal Court’s actions are significant. Despite Israel’s history of crimes against Palestinians, it has never faced trial for genocide, remarked Abed Rabbo.

What role for Hamas?

When asked if Hamas can help solve the problem, he noted that it is hard to say unless the Palestinian group is willing to rethink some of its approaches. While Hamas has been a strong Palestinian force and a key player in past uprisings, it needs to reconsider some of its strategies for real progress.

For Hamas to stay relevant, it needs to rethink its game plan, especially after the recent Gaza tragedy, stressed Abed Rabbo.

Israel’s aim to devastate Gaza completely raises serious questions. Despite potential accusations and sanctions, Hamas must decide its next move, he went on to say.

Consider this: While Hamas faces terrorism charges, Israeli settler activities in Palestinian territories go unchecked, involving killings and destruction.

However, there’s still room for Hamas to adapt, as history has shown with other Palestinian factions like Fatah. They managed to bounce back despite setbacks. Hamas needs to engage with the world and learn from the Palestinian experience, which can’t endure repeated tragedies indefinitely, clarified Abed Rabbo.

Sinwar and Arafat’s influence

When asked if Yahya al-Sinwar, the Hamas leader in Gaza, could accept what Yasser Arafat agreed to in the 1993 Oslo Accords, Abed Rabbo’s response was straightforward: “Yes.”

According to the veteran politician, learning from past experiences, Sinwar, unlike some ideologues, can adapt to changing situations.

Sinwar had joined Hamas during the first intifada in 1987 as part of its Islamic and resistance movement.

Another point is that the outcome of the Palestinian breach of Gaza’s borders on Oct. 7 was unexpected. It was perhaps meant to be a limited operation, involving the capture of some soldiers and minor clashes, said Abed Rabbo.

The aim was to initiate a limited confrontation with Israel, with minimal shelling and destruction, to improve conditions in Gaza under the suffocating Israeli blockade.

Abed Rabbo explained that Hamas had hoped to enhance livelihoods, economics, and possibly even secure geographical terms like a port or airport. Additionally, the movement sought conditions for Israel to accept Hamas leadership in Gaza politically.

This unexpected explosion, termed a failure by Israelis, may have surprised Sinwar and others, revealed Abed Rabbo.

Operation Al-Aqsa Flood: A military move

Regarding if he was aware of any regional timing when the Al-Aqsa Flood operation began, Abed Rabbo said no. He believes it wasn’t orchestrated by Iran or any other external force.

Hamas, according to Abed Rabbo, has ties with Iran but also seeks relations beyond that.

The Hamas leadership outside Gaza was caught off guard, leaving others, like himself, surprised, acknowledged Abed Rabbo.

Some tried to justify it as a decision by the internal military leadership, deflecting responsibility from the political leadership.

Hamas didn't anticipate Israel exploiting the situation to launch a destructive campaign, emphasized Abed Rabbo.

External forces, including Hezbollah in Lebanon, were surprised by the operation’s launch, asserted Abed Rabbo, adding that Iranian and Hezbollah leaders immediately tried to distance themselves from the operation mounted by Hamas.

Abed Rabbo also believes that the decision for launching the attack came from Hamas leaders in Gaza. They expected a smaller-scale operation and a limited Israeli response. But they were surprised by their own success and quickly capitalized on it by obtaining weapons from captives, causing a shock within Israel.

Need for renewing the Palestinian Authority

The recent events in Gaza highlight the urgent need for a fresh start in Palestinian leadership.

Keeping frank, Abed Rabbo pointed to the growing international talk about the need for a new Palestinian Authority. While some may see this as an excuse by global powers to dodge their responsibility, it's worth considering.

With a unified Palestinian leadership, including Hamas, Palestinians could have handled the situation more effectively, using all available resources to protect Palestinian interests.

It’s time to rethink priorities and strategies for a better outcome, stressed Abed Rabbo.

Missing chances to unite Palestinian forces has led to unilateral actions that caught others off guard, he lamented.

Palestinians need to seriously rebuild their unity under a single leadership and revive leadership within the national authority to navigate the current situation and seize diplomatic opportunities, advised Abed Rabbo.

Reforming the Palestinian Authority and Hamas: Are they willing?

As for whether the Palestinian Authority and Hamas could change for the better, Abed Rabbo said he thinks it is possible.

He believes Hamas needs to adapt to avoid a dire fate. Currently, the movement enjoys widespread support among Palestinians and in the Arab world.

Some argue that the conflict predates recent events, going back to the shortcomings of the 1993 Oslo Accords, which failed to curb Israeli occupation and settlement expansion.

Hamas and Fatah both have the potential, but it needs a real commitment from both sides to rethink their political approaches, said Abed Rabbo.

What Palestinians need is a government that represents national unity, not one faction over another.

Not a Hamas-led government in Gaza or a Fatah-led government in the West Bank, but a unified government embraced by all parties and trusted by Palestinians and the international community to work towards the goal of an independent Palestinian state, urged Abed Rabbo.



Trump Comeback Restarts Israeli Public Debate on West Bank Annexation

(FILES) US President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a remembrance event to mark the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel - AFP
(FILES) US President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a remembrance event to mark the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel - AFP
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Trump Comeback Restarts Israeli Public Debate on West Bank Annexation

(FILES) US President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a remembrance event to mark the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel - AFP
(FILES) US President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a remembrance event to mark the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel - AFP

When Donald Trump presented his 2020 plan to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it included the Israeli annexation of swathes of the occupied West Bank, a controversial aspiration that has been revived by his reelection.

In his previous stint as prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu pushed for partial annexation of the West Bank, but he relented in 2020 under international pressure and following a deal to normalize relations with the UAE.

With Trump returning to the White House, pro-annexation Israelis are hoping to rekindle the idea.

Far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, himself a settler in the Palestinian territory, said recently that 2025 would be "the year of sovereignty in Judea and Samaria", referring to the biblical name that Israel uses for the West Bank, AFP reported.
The territory was part of the British colony of Mandatory Palestine, from which Israel was carved during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.

Israel conquered the territory fin the 1967 Arab-Israeli war and has occupied it ever since.

Today, many Jews in Israel consider the West Bank part of their historical homeland and reject the idea of a Palestinian state in the territory, with hundreds of thousands having settled in the territory.

Excluding Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem and its 200,000 Jewish residents, the West Bank is home to around 490,000 Israelis in settlements considered illegal under international law.

Around three million Palestinians live in the West Bank.

- 'Make a decision' -

Israel Ganz, head of the Yesha Council, an umbrella organization for the municipal councils of West Bank settlements, insisted the status quo could not continue.

"The State of Israel must make a decision," he said.

Without sovereignty, he added, "no one is responsible for infrastructure, roads, water and electricity."

"We will do everything in our power to apply Israeli sovereignty, at least over Area C," he said, referring to territory under sole Israeli administration that covers 60 percent of the West Bank, including the vast majority of Israeli settlements.

Even before taking office, Trump and his incoming administration have made a number of moves that have raised the hopes of pro-annexation Israelis.

The president-elect nominated the pro-settlement Baptist minister Mike Huckabee to be his ambassador to Israel. His nominee for secretary of state, Marco Rubio, said this would be "the most pro-Israel administration in American history" and that it would lift US sanctions on settlers.

Eugene Kontorovich of the conservative think thank Misgav Institute pointed out that the Middle East was a very different place to what it was during Trump's first term.

The war against Hamas in Gaza, Israel's hammering of Hezbollah in Lebanon and the fall of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad, all allies of Israel's arch-foe Iran, have transformed the region.

The two-state solution, which would create an independent Palestinian state in Gaza and the West Bank, has been the basis of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations going back decades.

- 'Nightmare scenario' -

Even before Trump won November's US presidential election, NGOs were denouncing what they called a de facto annexation, pointing to a spike in land grabs and an overhaul of the bureaucratic and administrative structures Israel uses to manage the West Bank.

An outright, de jure annexation would be another matter, however.

Israel cannot expropriate private West Bank land at the moment, but "once annexed, Israeli law would allow it. That's a major change", said Aviv Tatarsky, from the Israeli anti-settlement organisation Ir Amim.

He said that in the event that Israel annexes Area C, Palestinians there would likely not be granted residence permits and the accompanying rights.

The permits, which Palestinians in east Jerusalem received, allow people freedom of movement within Israel and the right to use Israeli courts. West Bank Palestinians can resort to the supreme court, but not lower ones.

Tatarsky said that for Palestinians across the West Bank, annexation would constitute "a nightmare scenario".

Over 90 percent of them live in areas A and B, under full or partial control of the Palestinian Authority.

But, Tatarsky pointed out, "their daily needs and routine are indissociable from Area C," the only contiguous portion of the West Bank, where most agricultural lands are and which breaks up areas A and B into hundreds of territorial islets.