Iran Gives Türkiye Green Light in Iraq without Guarantees 

Asharq Al-Awsat details plan to eliminate the Kurdistan Workers' Party in Iraq

An Iraqi soldier is seen in Sinjar three years after its liberation from ISIS. (AP file photo)
An Iraqi soldier is seen in Sinjar three years after its liberation from ISIS. (AP file photo)
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Iran Gives Türkiye Green Light in Iraq without Guarantees 

An Iraqi soldier is seen in Sinjar three years after its liberation from ISIS. (AP file photo)
An Iraqi soldier is seen in Sinjar three years after its liberation from ISIS. (AP file photo)

The pro-Iran Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) in Iraq has become a partner in a crucial deal between Baghdad and Ankara - with Iran’s blessing - to eliminate the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Iraqi and Turkish sources said the recent deal goes beyond military operations against the PKK to cover comprehensive arrangements related to the shape of the Middle East after the war in Gaza is over.

A Turkish official told Asharq Al-Awsat that part of “Ankara’s plan” was to prepare for changes that will happen after the war and its determination to have “zero security problems in the region, especially in Iraq.” The “blood fraternity” between the PKK and Shiite factions in the town of Sinjar may however prove to be an obstacle in Türkiye's new plan.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan spoke last week of an understanding reached between his country and “an official institution funded by the Iraqi state” over Sinjar.

It seems Türkiye is throwing its major political and military weight in Iraq and is seeking broader relations to end the chronic tensions along its southern border. Internal balances in Baghdad and the PKK’s rising power in Sinjar could undermine the plan.

Iraqi sources agreed that the “comprehensive Turkish activity” is part of the post-war arrangements for the region, and this demands the “elimination of sources of tension.”

What happened?

On March 13, Turkish FM Fidan met with his Iraqi counterpart Fuad Hussein in Baghdad. Security officials, including PMF leader Faleh al-Fayyad and National Security Adviser Qasim al-Araji were present at the meeting.

A government statement said Iraq deems the presence of the PKK on its territory as a “violation of the constitution.” Türkiye praised the statement, speaking of forming a 40-km deep buffer zone to eliminate the PKK, which it deems as terrorist. The zone would stretch from the Sulaymaniyah region, pass through Sinjar and reach the Syrian border.

That night, Turkish Defense Minister Yasar Guler did not return to Ankara with Fidan. He stayed behind and spent the night at the Iraqi border at the headquarters of Turkish forces deployed in Hakkari.

Türkiye’s zero hour

According to two sources in Baghdad and Erbil, Ankara has for years been receiving Iraqi complaints that it has been “too patient” in its fight against the PKK that ultimately has not been successful. It has repeatedly been asked what is holding it back from launching a “final military operation to rid everyone of this headache.” It seems it has finally been convinced to take decisive action.

Iraqi sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that before Fidan traveled to Baghdad, Iraq was informed of the Turkish plan, including Iran’s blessing of the new situation regarding the PKK.

“Everything, including zero hour, was ready” when the official consultations began, revealed another Iraqi source. He described the plan as “unprecedented” between the countries, adding that the PMF will be involved in some regions to provide support.

It remains unclear why Iran has agreed to eliminating the PKK in Iraq, especially since the party’s activity has since 2016 been connected to pro-Iran factions along Tehran’s strategic route that stretches to Damascus and Beirut.

The Iraqi sources said the agreement includes Turkish mediation with the Americans on easing tensions with Tehran in Iraq and securing a greater Iranian role in regional trade with Turkish guarantees. It also includes securing Iran’s assistance to Baghdad in overcoming crises, such as the export of oil and the “flawed” situation in the Kurdistan Region and Kirkuk.

Comprehensive changes

An Iraqi diplomat said the political aspects of the deal prepare for the “comprehensive changes that are expected to happen after the war in Gaza is over.” A Turkish aide had confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat that Ankara had prepared a file about the post-war situation that covers countries in the region.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, the Turkish official said the Turkish foreign ministry and security agencies had drafted a plan some five months ago, covering Ankara’s options in the post-war phase and how to deal with the expected changes. “Iraq and Syria are part of this picture,” he revealed.

Former Nineveh Governor, Sunni politician Atheel al-Nujayfi told Asharq Al-Awsat: “All countries in the region are aware that the battle in Gaza has a post-war phase. Changes will be made to the strategies of major powers in the region.”

These changes demand preemptive steps that either prepare for a greater role in the future or prevent any plans that could affect the national security of these countries. He said Türkiye is very active in making strategic calculations to develop its interests.

However, a Turkish diplomatic source denied that the Turkish military operations in Iraq are directly tied to the situation in Gaza. He predicted that the operations may kick off in June.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is expected to travel to Baghdad in April. He is set to sign an agreement for the establishment of a joint operations command center and a buffer zone, “which will effectively mean we have reached zero hour,” said Turkish sources.

An Iraqi official from the pro-Iran Coordination Framework said Ankara wants to turn the PKK’s zones of influence into a “zone of secure partnership” with Iraq and Iran. The Turks have shown “clear keenness for the concerned regional players in this file to reach the post-war phase with zero tensions.”

This may explain why Türkiye is throwing such weight in Iraq. “Türkiye needs to prevent the ball of fire from rolling towards it amid such instability in the region,” said al-Nujayfi. This is why it is urging Iraq and Syria to “carry out direct and strong measures with it to prevent the PKK from turning into a greater crisis.”

Meanwhile, Iraqi sources said Tehran has given its blessing to the Turks to act in Iraq. An Iraqi politician said this was reflected with the notable presence of the PMF at the official consultations that took place between the two countries. The possibility of an armed confrontation taking place against the PKK in Sinjar remains unresolved, revealed the sources.

Türkiye’s military plan calls for a broad military operation in mountainous regions in the Kurdistan Region, while Baghdad provides intelligence support, maps and information and monitors the border.

Sulaymaniyah and Sinjar, however, lie on the outskirts of the Turkish buffer zone and intersect with Iranian interests, demanding that Ankara take different political and security arrangements over them.

A Kurdish source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Turks were trying to neutralize the PKK in Sulaymaniyah by forging a new relationship with Bafel Talabani, head of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), including exploring opportunities for partnership with him and resolving differences with the Kurdistan Democratic Party in Erbil.

Al-Nujayfi said it would be difficult for the leaderships of the PUK, including Talabani, to put themselves in a confrontation with agreements reached between major countries in the region. So, there can be no doubt that the agreements were blessed by Iran and approved by Iraq, Türkiye and the official authority in Kurdistan.

Sinjar hurdle

The situation in Sinjar, however, remains an obstacle in the regional plans. The situation there will be handled by the PMF, according to the Turkish agreement.

Al-Nujayfi told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Shiite factions’ influence is limited to Sinjar and doesn’t extend to the rest of the Kurdish regions.

The situation in Sinjar is different, however. Located on the Turkish-Syrian border, its population is predominantly Yazidi and it boasts several armed groups. Even the Iraqi army acts like one of the factions there, said a local official in the town.

He compared Sinjar to Beirut during the Lebanese civil war where frontlines are at a close distance from one another and armed groups that represent regional and local interests are always on alert.

An alliance has grown over the years between the PMF and PKK and they formed a “blood fraternity” during the battles against the ISIS extremist group, said a member of a Shiite faction.

It remains unclear how the PMF will neutralize PKK fighters after the recent years of partnership on the ground.

Information about the nature of this alliance has varied. Two leading members of Shiite factions told Asharq Al-Awsat that the PMF provides safe locations for PKK leaderships in Sinjar, Nineveh and other regions in return for logistic and military services.

Three sources on the ground, including the leader of a powerful faction in Baghdad, said the situation goes “much more beyond this because the decision to form an alliance between the PMF and PKK was taken by Iran.”

“The PKK is very powerful. All the Iraqi security agencies don’t have an accurate imagining of the power of the party and its weapons,” they revealed, adding that the Iraqi military, during the term of former Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi, twice confronted the PKK in Sinjar and it came out defeated both times.

Moreover, they claimed that the PKK had set up a network of tunnels in Sinjar, especially the mountainous regions. Local journalists told Asharq Al-Awsat that they had previously spotted trucks transporting diggers from Sinjar to the areas where the tunnels are located.

Locals in Sinjar and members of Shiite factions did not answer question from Asharq Al-Awsat about the tunnels.

Expert force

A prominent politician from Nineveh described the PKK as an “expert force in deployment, mobilization and consolidating control, so it would be difficult to predict how the PMF can eliminate the party or help Türkiye neutralize it.”

Al-Nujayfi said the PKK will become a problem for Iraq that will weigh on local affairs so it will need Türkiye’s help in tackling this “internal crisis.” The PKK will eventually realize that “it is nothing more than a pawn and negotiations card. When it no longer serves a role, everyone will cooperate to eliminate it,” he added.

The question remains: How will the PMF neutralize the PKK fighters?

Former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki said in a recent television interview that there was a need to “confront the PKK gunmen as long as they were harming the people of Sinjar.” He added, however, that he doesn’t know how the cooperation with Türkiye against this party will take place, referring to whether the fighters will be expelled or contained.

A Shiite politician said: “The Iranian green light is not decisive.” Speaking on condition of anonymity, he added that Tehran stands before a “good deal with Türkiye, but it won’t sign a blank check and jeopardize its armed influence in Iraq.”

“Iran is observing and everything may change according to how developments unfold. All we know now is that a limited settlement is in place in Sinjar,” he remarked.

Other sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the PMF would deploy local PKK members among Shiite factions, ending the visible presence of the party. Such a move would guarantee total control over Sinjar at the expense of Kurdish forces that are loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic Party.

What does this mean? The PMF will view the Turkish agreement as a way to strengthen its influence in a strategic area to Iraq, Iran and Türkiye. In theory, the military operation will lead to the expulsion of the PKK fighters to the mountainous regions of Kurdistan. It will also merge the Turkish buffer zone with the Iranian zone where Iranian factions are deployed near Syria. Political and diplomatic aides in Baghdad said everything should go according to plan “unless Tehran comes up with an unexpected card at a decisive moment.”



Displaced Hebron Residents Return Home to Scenes of Destruction after Israeli Operation

People inspect the damage on the roof of a house that was blown up by Israeli forces in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
People inspect the damage on the roof of a house that was blown up by Israeli forces in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
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Displaced Hebron Residents Return Home to Scenes of Destruction after Israeli Operation

People inspect the damage on the roof of a house that was blown up by Israeli forces in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
People inspect the damage on the roof of a house that was blown up by Israeli forces in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)

Hijazi Shawer al-Tamimi, known as Abu al-Raed, had run out of the traditional sweets to hand out to his many grandchildren as they returned with their parents to the family’s large home in the Jalda area of Ain Deir Baha neighborhood in Hebron, in the occupied West Bank.

The 70-year-old neighborhood community elder, was celebrating their return after 11 days of forced displacement by the Israeli army.

At least 3,000 people, including more than 200 infants and 32 people with disabilities, were forced from their homes during an Israeli military operation launched in response to an attack by two Palestinian gunmen from Ain Deir Baha.

The attack, carried out at a checkpoint near Hebron less than two weeks earlier, killed two Israeli soldiers.

“We are here, and we will not leave. Our roots are here, like the roots of fig trees in the earth,” Tamimi declared after returning home.

But the joy of returning was quickly overshadowed by scenes of destruction and vandalism. Families who had barely begun celebrating were shocked by the damage to their homes and belongings.

Tamimi, who had been hospitalized a week earlier after Israeli soldiers assaulted him while preventing him from reaching his home, expressed defiance as he returned.

Like other families in the neighborhood, he was finally able to reach his house on Monday after Israeli forces, which had forcibly evicted residents, withdrew.

A children's bedroom, ransacked by Israeli forces during an operation is seen in the Deir Baha area of Hebron in the occupied West Bank, on November 2, 2026. (AFP)

Videos circulating on social media showed crowds celebrating, cars driving through the streets, young men handing out sweets, women weeping as they entered their homes and children playing in courtyards.

Yet, many residents were stunned by the extent of the damage.

Palestinians accused Israeli soldiers of vandalizing homes, shops and institutions, while others reported thefts. Accounts of looting circulated on social media.

Obaida Mujahid, who owns a photography studio, said his shop had been looted, with losses exceeding 100,000 shekels (about $32,000) after cameras and photographic equipment were stolen.

An unidentified woman accused soldiers of smashing and vandalizing her home. Another recounted how soldiers had destroyed all the items prepared for her daughter’s wedding.

Osama Shawer told the official Palestinian news agency that his sons returned to their apartments to find that Israeli forces had smashed most of their contents.

Children’s toys, perfumes, cash and the children’s savings banks had not been spared from damage and theft, he recounted. Doors had been broken and belongings scattered.

Muhannad al-Tamimi told AFP that his family returned to find their apartment wrecked, with furniture and clothes strewn across the floor, mattresses overturned and toys broken.

Many Palestinians posted images showing the damage and destruction left by soldiers inside their homes.

A Palestinian boy gestures from a car, with belongings on its roof, as people return to their homes after the Israeli military ended an operation, in Hebron in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, November 2,2026. (Reuters)

Israeli forces launched the operation in Hebron following a Palestinian attack on a checkpoint in the Farsh al-Hawa area on the city’s outskirts. The attack killed two Israeli soldiers and wounded three others.

During the operation, Israeli troops took control of parts of Hebron, demolished 15 homes and occupied others after expelling their residents, particularly in the Jalda and Deir Baha areas, where the attackers hailed from. The troops withdrew early Monday.

Hebron Governor Khaled Dudin announced that Israeli forces had withdrawn from the entire city, confirming that Palestinian security services had regained full control of the area.

Residents began returning after specialized Palestinian security teams conducted rapid inspections to check for possible explosive remnants.

Despite the declared end of the operation, however, Israeli forces had not left the entire area.

Israeli military sources told the country’s public broadcaster that the withdrawal from Palestinian neighborhoods in Hebron had been postponed until at least after next Saturday.

The delay was attributed to expectations that around 20,000 people would arrive in the city for a Jewish religious event known as Shabbat Chayei Sarah.

The Israeli military issued no formal statement announcing the end of the operation, although a military official confirmed it to journalists.

The official explained that troops had vacated homes in certain areas and were preparing to provide security for the religious event.


Where Things Stand on Iran after a Tense Weekend

An Iranian woman holds Iran's national flag on a street in Tehran on November 1, 2026. (AFP)
An Iranian woman holds Iran's national flag on a street in Tehran on November 1, 2026. (AFP)
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Where Things Stand on Iran after a Tense Weekend

An Iranian woman holds Iran's national flag on a street in Tehran on November 1, 2026. (AFP)
An Iranian woman holds Iran's national flag on a street in Tehran on November 1, 2026. (AFP)

The Middle East is braced for a possible return to all-out war. There are concerns that the United States, along with Israel, could strike Iran shortly after Tuesday’s midterm elections in the US.

Two Iranian officials said their delegation had left Qatar after days of discussions but that messages with the US continued to be exchanged through the mediator. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the talks, The Associated Press reported.

The diplomatic efforts seek to avert new attacks. Tehran has expanded its threats but said it is waiting for the latest US response to a proposal that would fully open the Strait of Hormuz to shipping within two days if Washington meets several conditions.

Here’s where things stand Monday.

Trump had a ‘very good’ call with Netanyahu

US President Donald Trump on Sunday evening told reporters he and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had a “very good” call on Saturday. He said they discussed Iran but gave no details.

Even before Netanyahu and his bloc of allies lost their majority in parliament in last week’s election, there were growing fears that Netanyahu was pushing for new strikes against Iran in an effort to stay in power in an emergency government during renewed war. Since last Tuesday’s election, the prime minister has publicly commented only on the vote.

There was no word from Netanyahu and his office on the latest call with Trump, who has continued to alternate between public comments about pursuing talks with Iran and threats to strike it hard.

Iran greatly expands threats while sticking with diplomacy

The Iranian Republic has stepped up its public messaging during the uncertainty, saying it is ready for both diplomacy and renewed fighting.

The new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, met with Iran’s military chiefs and said the response to “any kind and level of threat” from the US or Israel should be immediate and without “geographic limits,” and urged an expansion of the list of potential targets.

Khamenei still has not been seen publicly since the opening strikes by Israel and the US on Feb. 28 killed his father, the previous supreme leader.

Iran’s security chief, Mohsen Rezaei, warned on X that any attack would bring “devastating blows on the aggressor using new weapons.”

In an interview with state television, Rezaei said “the tone has completely changed” from the US and called it a “very good sign.” He gave no details about the letter he received from US Vice President JD Vance, which Iran acknowledged last week, and said he had not responded.

Rezaei also said there had been no decision to change Iran’s nuclear doctrine, but he noted that some Iranians had questioned whether that should change if Iran were attacked again. Tehran has insisted its nuclear program is peaceful.

Washington seeks to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and wants to address the issue in any new talks. Iran wants to discuss the nuclear issue later.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, on a one-day visit to neighboring Turkmenistan on Monday, has said the final outcome depends on answers provided by the United States to the “Iranian questions.”


Fear of Renewed War Reshapes Housing Choices in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs

Displaced people fleeing Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon sit in traffic at a highway that links to Beirut, in the southern port city of Sidon. (AP)
Displaced people fleeing Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon sit in traffic at a highway that links to Beirut, in the southern port city of Sidon. (AP)
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Fear of Renewed War Reshapes Housing Choices in Beirut’s Southern Suburbs

Displaced people fleeing Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon sit in traffic at a highway that links to Beirut, in the southern port city of Sidon. (AP)
Displaced people fleeing Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon sit in traffic at a highway that links to Beirut, in the southern port city of Sidon. (AP)

Fear of another war is prompting residents of Beirut’s southern suburbs to relocate or rent homes elsewhere. Housing decisions are no longer driven solely by the possibility of destruction or evacuation warnings. The prospect of renewed fighting is increasingly influencing where people choose to live, how they plan their marriages and even where they intend to spend their retirement.

Testimonies gathered by Asharq Al-Awsat reveal how families are reorganizing their lives in search of safety. Some have left the southern suburb, known as Dahiyeh, altogether, while others remain in their homes but maintain alternative accommodation in case they need to flee.

From homeowners paying additional rent to newlyweds choosing larger apartments to shelter relatives, security concerns are increasingly outweighing financial and social considerations.

Marital home for two families

For newlywed Nadia Houri, choosing a marital home was anything but a conventional decision.

Having lived in Beirut’s southern suburbs before her marriage, she decided to move to Bchamoun, making the possibility of another war a central consideration.

“When I decided to get married, I wasn’t thinking only about the home where my husband and I would live, but also about somewhere my family and my husband’s family could seek shelter if another war broke out,” Houri told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Smoke rises from the site of an Israeli air strike that targeted the Haret Hreik neighborhood in Beirut's southern suburbs. (AFP)

“That’s why I chose Bchamoun. I made sure the building was safe and the apartment spacious enough to accommodate both families.”

She said the additional expense was preferable to being unable to help relatives forced to flee their homes.

“I would rather bear the extra cost than see my family or my husband’s family displaced with nowhere to go. I wanted to be prepared for any emergency.”

Trauma of bombardment drives residents away

Lana Shouaib, from the Mreijeh neighborhood in the southern suburbs, rented a small studio in Beirut’s Ashrafieh after becoming increasingly uneasy about returning home. Her parents, meanwhile, moved to their village in the eastern Bekaa Valley.

“The situation is worrying, and security fears aren’t the only reason we’re staying away from the southern suburbs,” Shouaib told Asharq Al-Awsat. “The area is still suffering from all the destruction and water problems. All these factors made me look for somewhere else.”

Her greatest concern, however, remains the possibility of renewed airstrikes, particularly after experiencing a nighttime attack. With no guarantees that war will not resume, she finds the prospect of returning increasingly difficult. Shouaib is now considering leaving the neighborhood permanently.

“When this situation ends and things return to normal, we’ll sell the house and look somewhere else,” she said, acknowledging how difficult it is to abandon a home into which someone has invested a lifetime of hard work.

Retirement at an additional cost

Khaireddine, who asked that his full name not be published, did not wait for his home in the Sainte-Therese neighborhood of Beirut’s southern suburbs to suffer damage before deciding to leave.

Although the property remained intact, he and his wife moved to Khaldeh in Mount Lebanon, where they rented a house for $600 a month, hoping to spend their retirement away from fear and the prospect of repeated displacement.

“My house wasn’t damaged, and we could have stayed there. But we’re tired of being afraid and of the possibility of having to flee again,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. “We’ve reached an age when we want to rest and live peacefully, away from bombardment and anxiety about another war.”

Families displaced by Israeli strikes from southern Lebanon seek refuge at a school transformed into a shelter in Sidon. (AFP)

Their decision was also influenced by a desire to remain close to their children, who live in Khaldeh and the surrounding area.

Khaireddine acknowledged that paying $600 in monthly rent despite owning a habitable property placed an additional financial burden on the couple during retirement. But for him, the trade-off was worthwhile.

“Peace of mind has become more important to us,”he explained.

A summer chalet becomes an emergency refuge

Unlike those who have left, Abu Ali, a man in his 80s, still lives in his home in Beirut’s southern suburbs.

He has nevertheless taken a precautionary step, renting a chalet in Faraya on an annual lease in case another war erupts.

“I still live in the southern suburbs, and I don’t want to leave my home. But I’ve rented a chalet in Faraya for the whole year so I have somewhere to go if war resumes,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I usually use it in the summer, but I decided to keep it in case of an emergency.”

Abu Ali explained that his advanced age had made him more determined to secure accommodation where he could relocate immediately if the security situation deteriorated, rather than search for shelter in the middle of a crisis.