Israeli Settler Outposts Spread Among West Bank Villages and Fuel Fear of More Attacks

An Israeli settler outpost stands in the middle of a valley next to olive trees in the West Bank town of Turmus Ayya, Wednesday, Nov. 12, 2025. (AP)
An Israeli settler outpost stands in the middle of a valley next to olive trees in the West Bank town of Turmus Ayya, Wednesday, Nov. 12, 2025. (AP)
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Israeli Settler Outposts Spread Among West Bank Villages and Fuel Fear of More Attacks

An Israeli settler outpost stands in the middle of a valley next to olive trees in the West Bank town of Turmus Ayya, Wednesday, Nov. 12, 2025. (AP)
An Israeli settler outpost stands in the middle of a valley next to olive trees in the West Bank town of Turmus Ayya, Wednesday, Nov. 12, 2025. (AP)

The fear is palpable in this Palestinian village. It’s clear in how farmers gather their harvests quickly, how they scan the valley for movement, how they dare not stray past certain roads. At any time, they say, armed Israeli settlers could descend.

“In a matter of minutes, they get on their phones. They gather themselves, and they surprise you,” said Yasser Alkam, a Palestinian-American lawyer and farmer from the village of Turmus Ayya. “They hide between the trees. They ambush people and beat them up severely.”

In recent months, Alkam says Turmus Ayya has weathered near-daily attacks by settlers, especially after they set up an outpost that the anti-settlement watchdog group Peace Now says is on his village’s land.

Alkam says he can’t reach his own fields for fear of being assaulted. In a particularly gruesome attack, he watched a settler beat a Palestinian woman unconscious with a spiky club.

The fear is shared throughout the West Bank. During October's olive harvest, settlers across the territory launched an average of eight attacks daily, according to the United Nations humanitarian office, the most since it began collecting data in 2006. The attacks continued in November, with the UN recording at least 136 more by Nov. 24.

Settlers burned cars, desecrated mosques, ransacked industrial plants and destroyed cropland. Israeli authorities have done little beyond issuing occasional condemnations of the violence.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described the attackers as a minority that did not represent most settlers in the West Bank, where settlements are considered illegal by most of the international community. But their continued expansion of outposts — conducted in public with seemingly few legal repercussions — and the violence have cemented a fearful status quo for their Palestinian neighbors.

A brutal assault on a grandmother

While driving in fields east of Turmus Ayya on Oct. 19, Alkam saw Afaf Abu Alia, a grandmother from a nearby village, harvesting a grove of olive trees. They were loaned to her after the Israeli military bulldozed her own 500 trees this year, she said.

She worked until she heard yelling in Hebrew. Settlers descended on the road nearby. Suddenly, one ran toward her with a club.

“The monsters started beating me,” she told The Associated Press three weeks after the attack. “After that, my memories get all blurry.”

Video of the attack obtained by the AP shows a settler beating Alia with the jagged club, even after she was motionless. She was hospitalized for four days, requiring 20 stitches on her head, she said.

Asked for comment on the attack, the military said its troops and police had “defused” a confrontation in which Israeli civilians were torching vehicles and using violence.

In rare move, Israel charges settler responsible Police arrested a man named Ariel Dahari for beating Abu Alia. An Israeli court charged him later with terrorism.

Dahari is being represented by Honenu, an organization that provides legal aid to settlers, who say the West Bank is part of the biblical Jewish homeland and often cast attacks as self-defense. According to an article about Dahari on the group's website, he has received at least 18 administrative orders since 2016 that included house arrest and confinement to his town in Israel.

He told the Israeli news site Arutz Sheva in 2023 that he had been kicked out of the territory twice. It is not clear how he was able to return.

Palestinians and human rights workers say Israeli soldiers and police routinely fail to prosecute attacks by violent settlers. Their sense of impunity has deepened under Israel's far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, a settler, and Defense Minister Israel Katz, who in January released settlers from administrative detention, Israel’s practice of detaining individuals without charge or trial.

The number of investigations opened into settler violence since 2023, Ben-Gvir's first year in office, has plummeted, according to a report by Israel's Channel 12 TV that cited official police data. Police opened only 60 investigations into settler violence in 2024, compared with 150 cases in 2023 and 235 cases in 2022, the report said.

About 94% of all investigation files opened by Israeli police into settler violence from 2005 to 2024 ended without an indictment, according to Israeli rights group Yesh Din. Since 2005, just 3% of those investigations led to convictions.

Dahari told Arutz Sheva that he was determined to stay in the West Bank.

“We will not give up our grip on our land because of one order or another. We will continue to build it and make it flourish everywhere,” he said, adding that he hoped “the security establishment” would “invest all its resources in the war against the Arab enemy, who is the real enemy of us all.”

When reached by the AP, Dahari’s lawyer, Daniel Shimshilashvili, sent a statement from Honenu, saying there was “slim evidence” against Dahari.

Threats are reinforced by settler outposts

The villagers from Turmus Ayya say it's not enough to arrest one settler — the threat of violence is reinforced by the outpost in the nearby valley called Emek Shilo.

Emek Shilo was founded this year on private Palestinian land, according to Peace Now. It was started by a well-known settler named Amishav Melet, said three Palestinians living in Turmus Ayya and Yair Dvir, the spokesperson for Israeli rights group B'tselem. On his personal X account, Melet posted videos of the outpost’s construction.

Villagers alleged that Melet travels the valley in an all-terrain vehicle, surveilling their activities. He’s frequently armed, they said.

Usually little more than a few sheds and a pen for livestock, such outposts can impose control on nearby land and water sources. They often turn into authorized settlements, spelling the end of Palestinian communities.

Israeli police did not comment when asked about Melet.

Abdel Nasser Awwad had to halt construction of a new family home when the outpost was established. In security camera footage he shared with AP, masked figures showed up at the construction site, smashing his truck with a club and appearing to cut piping. He said they have stoned three of his workers.

When AP visited the village, groups of settlers were visible around the outpost and a settler tractor patrolled the area. Drones hummed in the air.

Melet was convicted of assaulting police in 2014, according to court records. In an interview with Israel's Ynet news in 2015, Melet said he had received administrative orders barring him from the West Bank.

In response to questions from the AP, Melet said he was a “peace activist.”

“Any claim against me that I am active or connected to violence or terrorism or any illegal action is a lie and a falsehood!” he wrote.

He called the AP’s questions “part of a cruel and false campaign” against Zionism that “reeks” of antisemitism.

In video from Oct. 20 shared with the AP by Alkam, a man who Alkam said was Melet was recorded telling a farmer picking olives to leave. The farmer responded, “The army allowed us to be here today.”

“Where is the army?” the man identified as Melet said. “I am the army.”

When settlers descend on Turmus Ayya, the mosque emits a loud siren. Young men dash quickly to the village entrance, forming a barrier between their families and the settlers.

During the harvest, many villagers brought cameras into the fields, hoping footage showing assaults would help hold settlers accountable.

It’s a far cry from past olive harvests, when families spent all day in the groves, picnicking beneath the trees.

Abu Alia, the grandmother, said nothing will prevent her from returning.

“I’ll be back next year.”



Trump Goes After Netanyahu as He Pursues Deal with Iran, Putting Their Friendship to the Test

President Donald Trump shakes hands with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the end of a news conference at Mar-a-Lago, Dec. 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Fla. (AP)
President Donald Trump shakes hands with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the end of a news conference at Mar-a-Lago, Dec. 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Fla. (AP)
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Trump Goes After Netanyahu as He Pursues Deal with Iran, Putting Their Friendship to the Test

President Donald Trump shakes hands with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the end of a news conference at Mar-a-Lago, Dec. 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Fla. (AP)
President Donald Trump shakes hands with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the end of a news conference at Mar-a-Lago, Dec. 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Fla. (AP)

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told President Donald Trump last year that he was the “greatest friend Israel ever had in the White House."

Now, as Trump tries to finalize a deal to end the war with Iran, he's unloading on Netanyahu with rhetoric that no other American leader has dared to use publicly.

He claimed credit for Israel's existence — “without me, there would be no Israel” — and cursed his judgment in interviews. He even described him as “crazy.”

Netanyahu’s tenure as prime minister spans four US presidents, and he's frustrated all of them at one point or another. But none has voiced that as openly as Trump, who started the conflict in tandem with Netanyahu.

The tension comes as Trump criticizes recent Israeli attacks in Lebanon, which threatened to jeopardize negotiations between Washington and Tehran. Trump has been pushing for a deal as he faces political blowback at home, where the war is unpopular and has driven up gasoline prices.

“If Netanyahu gets in between something Trump really wants, and that’s out of this war, he’s prepared to use the leverage that he has,” said Aaron David Miller, who served as an adviser on Middle East issues to Democratic and Republican administrations over two decades.

An agreement is scheduled to be signed on Friday in the Burgenstock resort near the city of Luzern. Speaking on Tuesday at the annual G7 summit in France, Trump said he told Netanyahu that he's been unhappy with his recent moves.

“Without the US, there would be no Israel. Without me, there would be no Israel because no other president was willing to do what I did,” Trump said. “I have had a great relationship with Bibi. Now Bibi has to be more responsible with respect to Lebanon.”

There has long been a bipartisan consensus around supporting Israel in Washington, but that has frayed in recent years. Liberals have been increasingly outraged by Israel's treatment of Palestinians, especially during the war in Gaza, and conservatives have questioned the importance of longstanding American support for Israel. There are concerns about antisemitism on the left and the right.

Trump’s latest comments drew swift criticism from left-leaning groups.

“He is framing Israel’s mere existence as contingent on him,” said Halie Soifer, who leads the Jewish Democratic Council of America. “It’s deeply offensive to the vast majority of Jews who care about Israel’s future.”

President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris often disagreed with Netanyahu during the war in Gaza, and sometimes they criticized him publicly. But they were more circumspect to avoid facing accusations of being anti-Israel.

Conservative, pro-Israel groups were divided on the seriousness of Trump’s public condemnation of Netanyahu.

Republican Jewish Coalition President Matt Brooks described Trump’s criticism as little more than the inevitable disagreement among family members.

Brooks dismissed that any muted criticism of Trump’s comments from his party represented a political mixed message because Trump has been reliably supportive of Israel as president.

“If Biden or Harris said something critical, it came from the position of someone who was hostile toward or didn’t have the same level of support for Israel that President Trump has,” Brooks said.

He noted the first Trump administration’s role in moving the US embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and the return of Israeli hostages from Gaza during the president’s second term, among other acts.

Biden had criticized Netanyahu’s handling of the war in Gaza, though Trump’s criticism of Netanyahu comes with a “tremendous reservoir of goodwill on this issue that neither Biden nor Harris ever had.”

Pro-Israel advocate Mort Klein said Trump should have kept the comments private, especially in light of his public praise over the years of authoritarian leaders in North Korea and China.

Klein, president of the conservative Zionist Organization of America, said he worried that Trump was making the comments in public to appeal to Israel critics “because he sees that Americans have become more hostile toward Israel than they’ve ever been.”

“That worries me,” Klein said.


Costs to Lebanon of Latest Israel-Hezbollah War

 Sukaina al-Muhtadi, 22, who returned to her village following the announcement of an initial ceasefire agreement between the United States and Iran, search for her belongings between the rubble of her destroyed house in Nabatieh town, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, June 16, 2026. (AP)
Sukaina al-Muhtadi, 22, who returned to her village following the announcement of an initial ceasefire agreement between the United States and Iran, search for her belongings between the rubble of her destroyed house in Nabatieh town, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, June 16, 2026. (AP)
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Costs to Lebanon of Latest Israel-Hezbollah War

 Sukaina al-Muhtadi, 22, who returned to her village following the announcement of an initial ceasefire agreement between the United States and Iran, search for her belongings between the rubble of her destroyed house in Nabatieh town, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, June 16, 2026. (AP)
Sukaina al-Muhtadi, 22, who returned to her village following the announcement of an initial ceasefire agreement between the United States and Iran, search for her belongings between the rubble of her destroyed house in Nabatieh town, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, June 16, 2026. (AP)

Lebanon has suffered the deadliest spillover of the regional war ‌triggered by the US-Israeli strikes on Iran more than three months ago, which is set to end with a deal between Washington and Tehran.

The conflict spread to Lebanon on March 2, when Iran-backed group Hezbollah fired on Israel in support of Tehran, triggering an Israeli air and ground campaign.

Here are some of the main costs for Lebanon.

CASUALTIES

From March 2 until June 14, the night the US-Iran deal was announced, at least 3,783 people were killed and 11,699 wounded in Lebanon, according to the country's health ministry. The death toll included 247 children, 363 women and 133 healthcare workers. The ministry's figures do not distinguish between civilians and combatants, and Hezbollah has not said how many of its fighters were killed.

The toll surpasses the 3,468 killed in Iran as of late April, when a US-Iran ceasefire was reached.

It is also ‌higher than the ‌ministry's figures for the last Israel-Hezbollah conflict, which lasted from October 2023 ‌to November ⁠2024. That war ⁠saw 3,768 people killed, the vast majority of whom were killed after Israel went on the offensive in September 2024.

At least 28 Israeli soldiers have been killed in Lebanon in the latest war, according to a Reuters tally of Israeli military announcements, while four civilians have been killed in Hezbollah attacks. That compares with 73 Israeli soldiers and 45 civilians in northern Israel in the 2023-2024 war.

DESTRUCTION

Israel's airstrikes have damaged and destroyed buildings across Lebanon. Most of the damage has been concentrated in the south, but buildings were also ⁠destroyed in the capital and its southern suburbs.

Israeli troops occupying a southern swathe ‌of the country have also flattened dozens of villages there, ‌saying their aim is to keep residents of northern Israel safe from attacks by Hezbollah fighters embedded in civilian ‌areas.

Buildings damaged in the south within the first month of the war included hospitals, power stations ‌and water pumping stations.

A man who returns to his village following the announcement of an initial ceasefire agreement between the United States and Iran, flashes victory sign as he stands on the rubble of his destroyed house in Nabatieh town, southern Lebanon, Tuesday, June 16, 2026. (AP)

The latest figures from Lebanon's National Council for Scientific Research, which cover the period from March 2 until May 17, show that more than 68,000 housing units across the country have been damaged or destroyed. Nearly 30,000 of those units are in the three southernmost districts of Lebanon, and more than 8,000 in Beirut and ‌its southern suburbs.

In a report published this month, the United Nations Development Program said that in Beirut and the southern suburbs alone, the damage ⁠amounted to $365 million.

DISPLACEMENT

More than ⁠1.2 million people have been displaced by Israel's airstrikes and evacuation warnings across Lebanon since March 2, according to Lebanese authorities.

They include hundreds of thousands of people who fled Beirut's southern suburbs, which Israel's military ordered entirely evacuated for the first time during this war.

Even after the announcement of the US-Iran deal, many displaced did not return home - either because they had no homes to return to or because they were skeptical the ceasefire would hold in Lebanon.

ECONOMIC IMPACT

Lebanon's authorities have not yet assessed the full scale of the war's economic impact, but have said that it derailed the country's recovery from a series of recent crises, including the 2023-2024 war, the Beirut port blast of 2020 and the financial collapse of 2019.

Finance Minister Yassine Jaber told Reuters in May that the war could see Lebanon's economy contract by at least 7% this year.

The 2024 war cost Lebanon at least $8.5 billion in physical damage and economic losses, according to the World Bank. Lebanon's real GDP contracted by 7.1% in 2024, the World Bank said, leading to a cumulative GDP decline of nearly 40% since 2019.


Gaza Tailor Turns Waste Fabrics Into Dresses for Girls

Palestinian dressmakers add skirt hoops to a child's gown, at a workshop where dresses are created including evening and wedding gowns despite limited resources and old dresses are recycled, in the city of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on June 13, 2026. (Photo by BASHAR TALEB / AFP) /
Palestinian dressmakers add skirt hoops to a child's gown, at a workshop where dresses are created including evening and wedding gowns despite limited resources and old dresses are recycled, in the city of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on June 13, 2026. (Photo by BASHAR TALEB / AFP) /
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Gaza Tailor Turns Waste Fabrics Into Dresses for Girls

Palestinian dressmakers add skirt hoops to a child's gown, at a workshop where dresses are created including evening and wedding gowns despite limited resources and old dresses are recycled, in the city of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on June 13, 2026. (Photo by BASHAR TALEB / AFP) /
Palestinian dressmakers add skirt hoops to a child's gown, at a workshop where dresses are created including evening and wedding gowns despite limited resources and old dresses are recycled, in the city of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on June 13, 2026. (Photo by BASHAR TALEB / AFP) /

A young Gazan girl twirls across the floor of a dressmaker's shop, her white dress billowing around her as a shy smile spreads across her face.

Trimmed with delicate tulle and topped with a soft veil, the dress looks fit for a celebration.

Few would guess that parts of it are from discarded fabric or an old gown salvaged from the ruins of the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza.

The dress is the work of 24-year-old tailor Amir al-Rantisi, who has made it his mission to provide elegant dresses for special occasions for young girls and women in southern Gaza's Khan Yunis area.

He does this by recycling used fabrics and old dresses.

"When I go to Gaza (City) to get the fabric, I take it from a place that's been destroyed, from old fabric that's available, which was probably damaged by shrapnel or burnt," Amir told AFP.

"I select pieces from it, and I make dresses from those pieces. I also take old dresses and recycle them."

Palestinian women shop for dresses in the city of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on June 13, 2026. (Photo by BASHAR TALEB / AFP)

Outside the shop, his colorful creations in satin, organza and tulle hang from makeshift mannequins fashioned from iron poles -- vivid splashes of color against a backdrop of grey concrete and blackened buildings.

Several elegant long gowns are displayed on cement mannequins outside the shop, while colorful frocks sway gently from a clothesline stretched across the storefront, allowing customers to inspect the garments with ease.

Inside the workshop, neat rows of ready-to-wear dresses line the walls. Nearby, a customer dressed in a black abaya carefully examines a small dress, considering its intricate details.

The workshop itself hums with activity. On a table beside a collapsed wall, piles of old dresses sit waiting to be given new life as festive creations.

His mother, Nisreen al-Rantisi, works alongside him in the workshop, while another assistant tailor attentively takes the measurements of a young girl.

As Nisreen sorts through the colorful fabrics, selecting the perfect materials for the next creation, the assistant tailor deftly guides his scissors through a length of cloth, skillfully shaping it into what will soon become a beautifully crafted dress.

A Palestinian dressmaker sits at a sewing machine as he assembles a gown in the city of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on June 13, 2026. (Photo by BASHAR TALEB / AFP)

Keeping the business running, however, requires constant improvisation.

"We suffer greatly from power outages," said mother Nisreen al-Rantisi.

"Sometimes, we have orders or work that we can't complete."

Amir has found a way to tackle that too.

He has rigged an old bicycle pedal to his sewing machine, a makeshift solution to keep working through the frequent power cuts that plague the devastated Gaza Strip.

But it is difficult and inconvenient, said his mother.

"Sewing is done manually; one person has to sew while the other has to do the rest," she said.

Meanwhile, the cost of supplies has soared.

With imports into Gaza severely restricted and shortages widespread, even basic materials have become difficult to obtain.

"This spool of black thread is no longer available, and even if it's available, it used to cost seven shekels ($2.40), but now it's 50," said Amir.

Israel controls all entry points into the territory, and the number of trucks carrying foreign aid and private sector goods remains far too low to ease war-inflated prices or shortages, according to NGOs on the ground.

Yet, as the little girl spins once more in her white dress, her eyes wide with joy, Amir's work offers a rare reminder of how residents of Gaza are finding ways to create and celebrate despite the hardships of war.