Where Are the Armed Groups That Fought Hamas in Gaza Now?

Hamas police officers patrol a street in Gaza City (Reuters)
Hamas police officers patrol a street in Gaza City (Reuters)
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Where Are the Armed Groups That Fought Hamas in Gaza Now?

Hamas police officers patrol a street in Gaza City (Reuters)
Hamas police officers patrol a street in Gaza City (Reuters)

During the two-year Israeli war on Gaza that followed Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, attack, the group faced growing internal challenges, including clashes with armed clans and factions that emerged amid the chaos and sought to spread lawlessness across the enclave.

Two days before the ceasefire took effect last Friday, Hamas fought one of its fiercest internal battles against gunmen from the Al-Majayda clan in Khan Younis, southern Gaza.

When the fighting with Israel stopped, new confrontations erupted, this time with members of the Doghmosh clan south of the city, as Hamas also hunted armed groups it accused of operating under Israeli patronage.

The Abu Shabab Group

In recent months, Yasser Abu Shabab has risen as a key figure leading one of Gaza’s most prominent armed groups, estimated to number in the hundreds. His men, lightly armed, are based in Rafah, at Gaza’s southernmost edge, which remains under full Israeli control even after the ceasefire. Many residents there belong to Abu Shabab’s own Bedouin clan.

Abu Shabab has not spoken publicly since the war ended. Earlier, he had tried to expand his influence into Khan Younis by recruiting members of the Barbakh clan after their attack on Nasser Medical Complex and police forces protecting it in late June. The effort failed, however, and his influence remains confined to Rafah.

Hamas refers to his faction as the “Abu Shabab Gang”, saying it operates within Israeli-controlled areas of Rafah. Although their positions have not changed, their attacks have ceased since the ceasefire. In previous months, the group had repeatedly tried to exploit Israeli bombardments to infiltrate neighborhoods, loot civilians, and target Hamas fighters — notably in the Mawasi area and parts of Khan Younis.

Hamas accuses Abu Shabab’s men of “serving Israel”. Abu Shabab, who calls his faction the “Popular Forces,” has alternated between denying and admitting links to Israel or the Palestinian Authority.

Once a minor criminal figure detained by Hamas police, Abu Shabab had no prior political or militant background. His notoriety grew after his men looted aid trucks near Israeli military zones. Hamas pursued him relentlessly, killing his brother during one of the chases.

Though not yet a major threat, Hamas has continued to strike at his group to demonstrate control and is expected to mount further operations against them.

Hossam al-Astal

Another group operates in southeastern Khan Younis, particularly in Qizan al-Najjar, Jorat al-Lout, and Al-Manara. Led by Hossam al-Astal, a former officer in the Palestinian Authority’s security services, it consists of roughly 40 fighters. The area remains contested, with sporadic Israeli activity.

Reports suggest al-Astal split from Abu Shabab to form his own faction — a claim Abu Shabab denied on Facebook before deleting the post.

In 2022, Hamas sentenced al-Astal to death for allegedly helping Israel’s Mossad assassinate senior Al-Qassam Brigades commander Fadi al-Batsh in Malaysia in 2018. Despite the charges, his group has shown limited activity and carried out no major attacks.

Al-Majayda Clan

The Al-Majayda are one of Gaza’s largest clans, based mainly in Khan Younis. Tensions with Hamas escalated when clan members killed two Al-Qassam fighters and a mediator attempting to defuse the dispute. Hamas gave the clan a brief deadline to hand over the killers. When mediators failed, Hamas launched a large assault days before the ceasefire, killing the suspects and seizing weapons. Israeli airstrikes later hit Hamas forces involved, killing about 20.

Following mediation efforts, the clan pledged on Monday to hand over unlicensed weapons and affirmed support for Hamas in combating “security chaos.”

Central Gaza

In central Gaza, two small armed groups — the Abu Khammash and Abu Moghaiseb factions — surfaced around Deir al-Balah before the January ceasefire and reappeared after fighting resumed in March. Hamas quickly crushed both, killing and wounding several members before tribal elders brokered a truce and arranged for the surrender of their weapons.

The Doghmosh Clan

In Gaza City and the northern parts of the enclave, Hamas also clashed with the Doghmosh clan, which is concentrated in the Tel al-Hawa and al-Sabra neighborhoods. Clan members accused Hamas of killing their elder after he refused to cooperate with an Israeli plan to turn local clans into armed administrators of their neighborhoods.

During the war, Hamas accused Doghmosh gunmen of killing Al-Qassam fighters, seizing their weapons — including Yasin-105 anti-tank rockets — and attempting to assassinate more fighters. The operation was never completed due to Israeli airstrikes and Hamas’s preoccupation with the frontlines.

Before the war, Hamas had praised the clan’s leadership for rejecting Israeli offers to form local militias, a stance that led to Israeli strikes on their homes.

When the ceasefire began Friday afternoon, two Al-Qassam fighters — including the son of a senior commander — were killed by Doghmosh gunmen. Hamas issued an ultimatum to hand over the killers, then launched raids over the following two days.

The fighting left at least 20 Doghmosh members and six Hamas fighters dead, including senior figure Bassem Naim’s son and journalist Saleh al-Jafarawi, who was covering the clashes. Hamas later arrested several clan members and released a video showing executions of alleged “Israeli collaborators,” though it remains unclear if any belonged to the clan.

Northern Gaza

After the Doghmosh battle, Hamas forces stormed positions held by Rami Helles, leader of a militant group operating in Gaza City’s Shujaiya, Zeitoun, and Tuffah districts. The group, numbering in the dozens, retreated eastward as Israeli forces withdrew. On Tuesday, Hamas attacked again, killing and wounding several members.

Simultaneously, another Hamas raid targeted Ashraf al-Mansi’s group in Jabalia, Sheikh Radwan, Nasr, and Beit Lahia. His men, operating under Israeli drone cover, had reportedly looted property and attacked civilians, including near Al-Shifa Hospital.

Israeli Cooperation and Covert Networks

Israeli media have acknowledged that Israel treated wounded Palestinian fighters who collaborated with it against Hamas — particularly in eastern Gaza — and cited one case involving the tunnel explosion that killed members of Helles’s faction.

Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that a body once believed to belong to an Israeli soldier killed in a tunnel blast in Jabalia in May 2024 was later identified as a Palestinian operative from Shujaiya who had fought alongside Israel for pay.

“These cells were composed of infiltrators and mercenaries recruited by Israel to serve its objectives inside Gaza,” the sources said, adding that Hamas had decided to “deal with them decisively — whether during the previous ceasefire or after the war.”

They confirmed that Hamas is now implementing “a comprehensive plan to eliminate these gangs gradually.”

Trump’s Reaction

During a White House meeting with Argentine President Javier Milei, US President Donald Trump spoke approvingly of the way Hamas “took out two very evil gangs” in Gaza and “killed a number of them.”

Israel has made no official comment on Hamas’s campaign, though some Israeli analysts say the country has “abandoned its allies too quickly.” Hebrew-language media have continued to report extensively on Hamas’s internal security operations in Gaza and its pursuit of groups accused of collaborating with Israel.



In Tierra del Fuego, a Hunt for the Rodent Carrier of Hantavirus

This aerial view shows tourists taking photos at the Ushuaia sign in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur, Argentina, on May 17, 2026. (AFP)
This aerial view shows tourists taking photos at the Ushuaia sign in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur, Argentina, on May 17, 2026. (AFP)
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In Tierra del Fuego, a Hunt for the Rodent Carrier of Hantavirus

This aerial view shows tourists taking photos at the Ushuaia sign in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur, Argentina, on May 17, 2026. (AFP)
This aerial view shows tourists taking photos at the Ushuaia sign in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur, Argentina, on May 17, 2026. (AFP)

A scientific mission was set to kick off the search Monday for rodents that may be hantavirus carriers after an outbreak on a cruise ship departed this region at the southern tip of Argentina on April 1.

For several days, biologists from Buenos Aires will set traps at various locations on the southern island of Tierra del Fuego to analyze whether the captured rodents carry the Andes strain of the virus, the only one known to spread between people.

The mission is critical since the outbreak aboard the Hondius led to three deaths and triggered global alarm.

The first person to die from the disease, a Dutchman, had spent 48 hours in the picturesque city of Ushuaia with his wife -- who died two weeks later -- before embarking on the cruise, raising suspicions that they had contracted the virus in Argentina.

Provincial officials vehemently deny this hypothesis.

They insist that Tierra del Fuego province has not had a case of hantavirus since its reporting became mandatory 30 years ago, unlike in provinces to the north, such as Rio Negro and Chubut.

"There's no precedent," said Sebastian Poljak, an expert in local mammals.

- Night Traps -

Local scientists debate about whether the noteworthy rodent in Tierra del Fuego is the long-tailed rat (Oligoryzomys longicaudatus) or a subspecies, the Magellanic long-tailed rat (Oligoryzomys magellanicus).

"For some, it's the same species, for others, a subspecies, but the important thing is to analyze whether one of them is infected with hantavirus," said Juan Petrina, the province's director of epidemiology.

The woodland rodent that lives here is a small species measuring 6-8 centimeters (2.4-3.1 inches), but with a tail that can reach 15 cm.

The rodent is nocturnal and feeds on fruits and seeds. It lives in wooded and shrubby areas, nesting, for example, in tree cavities.

It is in these areas that scientists from Malbran, Argentina's leading institute for infectious diseases, will set trap cages in the evening and retrieve them in the morning, local health sources said.

A prime target is Tierra del Fuego National Park, 70,000 hectares (173,000 acres) of forests, lakes and mountains 15 kilometers (9 miles) from Ushuaia.

Another wooded area, not far from a landfill, will also be targeted, though the landfill itself will be excluded, they said.

Unconfirmed reports suggested that the Dutch person who died, a bird enthusiast, had visited the site to observe local scavengers, prompting speculation that his case involved contact with rodents there.

Capturing rats in the landfill itself would "make no sense, (because) the rodents found there are urban rodents, not susceptible to hantavirus," Petrina said.

Analysis results of the captured rats should be available within four weeks, he added.

- Isolated Rodents -

Local scientists welcome the mission, which will allow them to "assess with greater certainty the potential danger posed by the local rodents," said Guillermo Deferrari, a biologist at the Southern Center for Scientific Investigation (CADIC).

That should allow them to "definitively eradicate the idea that there is hantavirus here," said Poljak.

He points out that Tierra del Fuego is an archipelago separated from the mainland by the Strait of Magellan, a major geographical barrier for species.

The rodent population there is significantly isolated, he said.

Local scientists suspect that it is more likely that the infection happened in another region.

The Dutch couple had traveled extensively in Argentina for four months, with forays into Chile -- where hantavirus is also present -- and Uruguay.

Local authorities hope the Malbran mission will rule out the hypothesis of a local infection so as not to hurt the tourism business.

While Ushuaia is experiencing a slowdown at the start of winter, cruises that run from September to April attract up to 200,000 visitors annually.

"We don't want this situation to escalate any further," said Juan Manuel Pavlov, secretary of the Tierra del Fuego Tourism Institute.


Was Israel Secretly Running Two Military Bases in Iraqi Desert for Months?

 An Iraqi shepherd herds sheep and goats as the sun sets in the Iraqi town of Mishkhab south of Najaf, Iraq, Saturday, May 9, 2026. (APl)
An Iraqi shepherd herds sheep and goats as the sun sets in the Iraqi town of Mishkhab south of Najaf, Iraq, Saturday, May 9, 2026. (APl)
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Was Israel Secretly Running Two Military Bases in Iraqi Desert for Months?

 An Iraqi shepherd herds sheep and goats as the sun sets in the Iraqi town of Mishkhab south of Najaf, Iraq, Saturday, May 9, 2026. (APl)
An Iraqi shepherd herds sheep and goats as the sun sets in the Iraqi town of Mishkhab south of Najaf, Iraq, Saturday, May 9, 2026. (APl)

Israel built two covert bases in Iraq’s rugged western desert for well over a year to aid in its wars with Iran, The New York Times reported Sunday.

Iraqi officials described the development as a “blatant disregard for Iraqi sovereignty,” while a shepherd was killed after he stumbled on the base.

It all started on March 3, after Awad al-Shammari, 29, set off on a grocery trip, his cousin, Amir al-Shammari, told The New York Times.

Instead of making it home, the shepherd stumbled upon a closely guarded Israeli military secret, hidden in the Iraqi desert near the town of al-Nukhaib. His family believes it cost him his life.

Sometime between starting his ill-fated trip and its gruesome end, Awad had contacted Iraq’s regional military command to report what he had seen: soldiers, helicopters and tents clustered around a landing strip.

Israel was operating a base there to support its military operations against Baghdad’s regional partner, Iran, according to senior Iraqi and regional officials.

The presence of an Israeli outpost in Iraq was previously reported by The Wall Street Journal. Iraqi officials told The Times there was another undisclosed second base also in Iraq’s western desert.

The base Awad came across predated the current war between the United States, Israel and Iran, the regional security officials said, and was used during the 12-day war against Iran in June 2025.

The information the sources shared indicates that at least one of the bases — the one the shepherd stumbled upon — had been known to Washington since June 2025 or possibly earlier. That would most likely mean Baghdad’s other key ally, the United States, had withheld from Iraq the fact that hostile forces were on its soil.

“It shows a blatant disregard for Iraqi sovereignty, its government and its forces, as well as for the dignity of the Iraqi people,” said Waad al-Kadu, an Iraqi lawmaker who attended a confidential parliamentary briefing about that base.

Israel’s military declined repeated requests for comment on the camps or on Awad’s killing.

The US role in Iraqi security was part of Israel’s calculations in deciding it could safely operate clandestinely in Iraq, the regional officials said.

Major General Ali al-Hamdani, commander of the Iraqi military’s Western Euphrates Forces, said the army had suspected an Israeli presence in the desert for over a month before the shepherd’s discovery.

“Until now,” he said, “the government has been silent about it.”

Iraq’s government, for whom acknowledging Israeli outposts is fraught, has still not acknowledged the Israeli bases. Iraq has no diplomatic relations with Israel, and its population sees Israel as an enemy.

Lt. Gen. Saad Maan, a spokesman for Iraq’s security forces, told The Times that Iraq “has no information regarding the locations of any Israeli military bases.”

Growing outrage in Iraq over the revelations could threaten US efforts to curb Iranian influence in the country, even as the war’s outcome remains uncertain.

Iraqis also fear pro-Iran armed factions will use these developments to justify their refusal to disarm and to expand their military influence in Iraq.


Israel Could Wean Itself off US Defense Aid, but Not Yet

 Israeli soldiers stand guard during a weekly settlers' tour in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, May 16, 2026. (Reuters)
Israeli soldiers stand guard during a weekly settlers' tour in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, May 16, 2026. (Reuters)
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Israel Could Wean Itself off US Defense Aid, but Not Yet

 Israeli soldiers stand guard during a weekly settlers' tour in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, May 16, 2026. (Reuters)
Israeli soldiers stand guard during a weekly settlers' tour in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, May 16, 2026. (Reuters)

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's call to gradually end Israel's reliance on US military aid could boost strategic flexibility, analysts said, though a full break from Washington's support remains unlikely anytime soon.

The United States currently provides Israel with $3.8 billion annually under a 10-year memorandum of understanding signed in 2016 under Barack Obama's administration.

The vast majority of the funds must be spent on American-made equipment, according to the agreement.

Negotiations on the next agreement, which would cover the period from 2028 onwards, are expected to begin in the coming months.

But last week, Netanyahu said he had urged US President Donald Trump to gradually reduce this support to "zero".

"I think that it's time that we weaned ourselves from the remaining military support," he told CBS News's 60 Minutes.

Since its founding in 1948, Israel has received more than $300 billion, adjusted for inflation, in US economic and military assistance, according to figures from the Council on Foreign Relations. That is far more than any other country has received since 1946.

"In 2024, US military aid to Israel soared to its highest level in decades during Israel's ongoing war with Hamas in Gaza," the Washington-based think tank said.

Netanyahu's remarks come at a moment of dwindling support for Israel among US voters.

A Pew Research Center survey conducted in March showed that roughly 60 percent of US adults now hold an unfavorable view of Israel.

"As American public opinion, both on the left and right, for different reasons, is turning against the aid, it's always good to stop yourself before you're being forced," Israeli military historian Danny Orbach told AFP.

"Netanyahu understands it very well."

- 'Sparta' -

His push also reflects mounting concern inside Israel over the vulnerabilities created by heavy reliance on foreign suppliers.

On Tuesday, Israel's state comptroller released a scathing report accusing successive governments of neglecting domestic weapons production and failing to maintain critical raw material reserves.

The report said Israel's supply chain faltered under the pressure of wartime demand.

Recent battlefield setbacks have intensified those concerns.

A malfunction in the David's Sling aerial interceptor system allowed two Iranian ballistic missiles to hit southern Israel in March, injuring dozens.

Reports later suggested that stocks of the more advanced Arrow interceptor system had fallen dangerously low.

American aid currently accounts for less than eight percent of Israel's projected 2026 defense budget, which has expanded to approximately 143 billion shekels ($49 billion) during wartime.

"It wouldn't be wise to give it up immediately... but it is not impossible to give it up gradually," said Orbach.

Israel's military establishment still depends heavily on the United States for advanced combat platforms, including fighter aircraft, submarines and critical spare parts.

That makes complete self-sufficiency -- an idea Netanyahu previously invoked when he said Israel should become more like "Sparta" -- unrealistic for now.

Yet Israel's economic transformation over the past decade has changed the equation significantly.

Yaki Dayan, Israel's former consul general in Los Angeles and an expert on US-Israeli relations, said that Israel's GDP has more than doubled since the current aid agreement was signed in 2016.

It has risen from roughly $320 billion to a projected $720 billion in 2026, according to IMF estimates.

The financial dependency on the US has therefore decreased considerably.

- Greater flexibility -

Dayan also argued that the relationship has never been one-sided.

Israel has served as a real-world testing ground for American weapons systems, providing operational feedback that has helped US defense companies refine and improve their technologies.

The cooperation has grown "to such a large scale that it eventually provided the US billions of dollars", Dayan said.

"American industries are gaining a lot from this cooperation."

Reducing dependence on Washington could also give Israel greater flexibility to diversify its procurement strategy while maintaining its core alliance with the Pentagon.

"We are not likely to purchase from China or Russia but, you know, countries like India or Serbia or Greece. We should be able to give up aid in return for more freedom," Orbach said.

A stronger domestic defense industry could further boost Israel's already thriving arms export industry.

Germany has already agreed to purchase the Arrow missile-defense system in a multi-billion-dollar deal, and Israeli officials say talks with other potential buyers are continuing.

Still, few experts believe Israel can fully detach itself from the United States in the foreseeable future.

Given the ongoing geopolitical reality, ending Washington's military alliance completely would significantly harm Israel's national security, Israel defense expert and retired Colonel Adi Bershadsky told AFP.

"Israel is a very small country surrounded by threats with no strategic depth and no collective defense alliance, such as NATO," Bershadsky said.

"And, we are in a region where peace is, unfortunately, not on the horizon."