Beit Jin Operation: Is the Israeli Escalation Tied to Syria’s Refusal to Cede Land?

A destroyed Israeli military vehicle in the town of Beit Jin in rural Damascus near Mount Hermon, Syria, 28 November 2025. (EPA)
A destroyed Israeli military vehicle in the town of Beit Jin in rural Damascus near Mount Hermon, Syria, 28 November 2025. (EPA)
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Beit Jin Operation: Is the Israeli Escalation Tied to Syria’s Refusal to Cede Land?

A destroyed Israeli military vehicle in the town of Beit Jin in rural Damascus near Mount Hermon, Syria, 28 November 2025. (EPA)
A destroyed Israeli military vehicle in the town of Beit Jin in rural Damascus near Mount Hermon, Syria, 28 November 2025. (EPA)

As Israel maintains that its troops carried out a deadly raid in the Syrian town of Beit Jin as part of a counterterrorism operation on Friday, analysts said the real driver was the collapse of the latest talks between Damascus and Tel Aviv.

They argued that Israel sought to force concessions by pressing for the annexation of Syrian territory under what it calls peace through force.

According to these analysts, Israeli negotiators presented two options to the government of Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa. The first was a full peace agreement that would require Damascus to give up the Golan Heights, which Israel has occupied since 1967. The second was a phased understanding that would allow Israel to keep its occupation of ten positions deep inside Syrian territory from Mount Hermon in the north to the southern border.

The core of this dispute was spelled out by Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz in his recent comments, saying he sees no path for peace with Syria.

In a closed session of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee on Wednesday, Katz said Syria demands an Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights, which he called impossible.

Katz added a series of arguments to justify keeping Israeli forces in Syria and continuing military operations there. He said there are forces inside Syria “that are considering an invasion of towns in the Golan Heights to use them as launchpads for attacks on Israeli towns, referring to settlements in the Golan.”

He listed among these forces several Islamist groups, including the Houthis, Iranian militias, ISIS, Hamas and other Islamic factions, saying they pose a threat of a “ground invasion” of northern Israel.

The remarks drew criticism even in Tel Aviv. The newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth wrote that Israel has never before spoken of attempts by the Yemeni Houthi group to operate against Israel from Syrian territory.

It said there is no information about any Houthi activity in Syria, even though the group has launched rockets and drones from Yemen at Israel over the past two years in response to its war on the Gaza Strip.

Katz also revisited the issue of the Druze in Syria, calling it a “matter of concern” for Israeli officials.

He warned that the Israeli army has a ready plan and that if there are renewed airstrikes on Jabal Al-Druze in southern Syria, Israel will intervene again, including by closing the border.

In parallel, the Israeli army reinforced its presence in the wide area it has occupied in Syria since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024.

This area covers 450 square kilometers. Israel has also taken control of all the peaks of Mount Hermon and built ten large military posts there.

A crane removes a burnt Israeli Humvee from a street in the southern Syrian village of Beit Jin on November 28, 2025. (AFP)

After Israeli air forces carried out a sweeping attack on Syrian airports and military bases immediately after the collapse of the Assad government about a year ago, destroying 85 percent of its defensive capabilities, Israel continued to strike different parts of Syria from Deir Ezzor to Homs and from Aleppo to Daraa, and carried out raids to arrest what it calls terror suspects.

The Israeli army has also intervened in internal conflicts in southern Syria on the grounds of defending the Druze, demanding an Israeli corridor from the Golan Heights to Sweida, which has a majority Druze population.

Israel has divided southern Syria into two zones. The first is a security belt along the border with a depth of five to seven kilometers, where no armed presence is allowed. The second is a demilitarized area where Syrian army heavy vehicles are prohibited, stretching from Damascus to Daraa.

Israel carried out various attacks in these border areas while high level delegations from both countries were meeting in different capitals under the supervision of mediators including the United States, Türkiye and Azerbaijan.

Analysts believe the latest Israeli military strikes were part of its negotiating tactics and its pressure campaign to force concessions from Damascus.

In recent weeks Israel deployed Force 55 of the Israeli army, known as the commandos, transferring the unit from the Khan Younis area in the Gaza Strip to conduct operations similar to those carried out in the enclave and in Bint Jbeil in Lebanon.

The unit stormed the town of Beit Jin in the Damascus countryside in southern Syria early Friday with large forces to arrest three men it says were involved in preparing attacks on Israel.

After detaining the three while they were asleep in their homes and beginning to withdraw, the force came under fire.

The sudden shooting caused panic and confusion, one armored personnel carrier sank in mud and the Israeli unit fled, leaving behind a large Hammer military jeep, similar to a tank, which Israel then destroyed from the air to prevent it from falling into the hands of gunmen.

The army said six of its soldiers and officers were wounded, including two in critical condition and a third with moderate injuries. Syrians reported that 13 people were killed and insisted the Israeli shelling targeted civilians only.

The Israeli army said its operation was complete, the wanted men were arrested and several terror operatives were killed.

Although Israeli officials said the wounded Syrians were fighters from the Jamaa Islamiya group, local sources said the detainees had no known organizational or security ties and were civilians working in agriculture and livestock.

Israeli forces launched retaliatory attacks after the incident.

In Quneitra, Israeli forces shelled Tel Ahmar in the eastern countryside with artillery and renewed their incursion near Um Batnah junction in northern Quneitra, where three military vehicles entered the area.

Israel said it has a “bank of targets” to respond to the wounding of its soldiers in Beit Jin.



In Final Moments Before Truce, Israeli Strike Kills Lebanese Man’s Family

 A woman reacts as emergency personnel search for survivors at the site of an Israeli strike carried out just before a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, in Tyre, Lebanon, April 17, 2026. (Reuters)
A woman reacts as emergency personnel search for survivors at the site of an Israeli strike carried out just before a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, in Tyre, Lebanon, April 17, 2026. (Reuters)
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In Final Moments Before Truce, Israeli Strike Kills Lebanese Man’s Family

 A woman reacts as emergency personnel search for survivors at the site of an Israeli strike carried out just before a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, in Tyre, Lebanon, April 17, 2026. (Reuters)
A woman reacts as emergency personnel search for survivors at the site of an Israeli strike carried out just before a 10-day ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, in Tyre, Lebanon, April 17, 2026. (Reuters)

Hassan Abu Khalil's family miraculously survived six weeks of war in southern Lebanon, but tragedy struck in the final minutes before a ceasefire came into force. An Israeli strike late on Thursday killed 13 of his relatives, leaving him the sole survivor.

Abu Khalil, 36, stepped out to see friends just before midnight, when a US-brokered truce between Lebanon and Israel was meant to halt fighting that had raged since March 2 between Israel and armed group Hezbollah.

“I heard a very powerful strike, and when I came ‌back to the neighborhood, ‌I found this had happened," Abu Khalil told Reuters on ‌Friday ⁠as he watched ⁠a bulldozer dig through the mountains of pulverized concrete that was once his home in the southern Lebanese port city of Tyre.

"In this building, more than 13 members of my family are missing under the rubble. What then, Israel? Just before the ceasefire, it was one massacre after another against us," he said.

Later on Friday, Lebanon's state news agency said rescue teams had recovered 13 bodies and pulled 35 wounded survivors from the ruins ⁠of the building that was hit the previous evening. It ‌reported that 15 other people were unaccounted for.

The ‌Israeli military did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the strike.

Lebanon's health ministry ‌says 2,294 people have been killed between March 2 and Thursday, when the ‌ceasefire came into force. The toll includes 177 children and 274 women.

'MY FUTURE IS GONE'

On Friday, thousands of Lebanese streamed through Tyre on the way to their southern villages. They crossed over a dirt berm that Lebanese soldiers had erected over the ruins of a main bridge ‌destroyed by Israel earlier on Thursday. Many were relieved to return to their southern villages, even if they were destroyed.

But ⁠Abu Khalil spent ⁠the first day of the ceasefire in a haze of despair, unable to eat or sleep.

He stood wringing his hands next to a bulldozer working through the ruins, his eyes locked on the gaping hole that rescuers were searching.

"Since the strike, I've been here and haven't gone anywhere. Every time they pull someone out, we run over to see what happened, who it is - my friend I grew up with, my friend's mother, my friend's father," Abu Khalil said.

He said he had been living in the United Kingdom but returned to Lebanon to be with his extended family.

"Who is left? No one is left. I wish I had never gone out for that coffee and had stayed with them," he said.

“My future is gone here. This was my life, this was my family - what now? What more is there after this?"


Can Iran Legally Impose Tolls on the Strait of Hormuz?

FILE PHOTO: Cargo ships in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam governance, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Cargo ships in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam governance, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
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Can Iran Legally Impose Tolls on the Strait of Hormuz?

FILE PHOTO: Cargo ships in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam governance, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Cargo ships in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam governance, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo

Tehran has sought to tighten its grip over the Strait of Hormuz by charging tolls on vessels to ensure safe passage, in conjunction with Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The following explains law governing toll collections and actions that countries opposed to tolls might take, according to Reuters.

WHAT IS THE STRAIT OF HORMUZ?

The Strait of Hormuz is ‌a waterway connecting the Gulf with the Gulf of Oman, and located within Iran's and Oman's territorial waters. It is perhaps the world's most important energy shipping lane. About 20% of the world's oil passes through it.

The waterway is about 104 miles (167 km) long. Its width varies, and at its narrowest point provides 2-mile channels for inbound and outbound shipping, separated by a 2-mile buffer zone.

Iran effectively closed the strait following US-Israeli strikes on the country, and has demanded a right ⁠to collect tolls as a precondition to ending the war. The status of any toll collections so far could not immediately be confirmed.

WHAT LAW GOVERNS PASSAGE ON THE STRAIT?

The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, opens new tab, sometimes known as UNCLOS, was adopted in 1982 and has been in force since 1994.

Article 38 provides vessels a right of unimpeded "transit passage" through more than 100 straits worldwide, including the Strait of Hormuz.

The treaty allows a country bordering a strait to regulate passage within its "territorial sea," up to 12 nautical miles from its border, but shall permit "innocent passage."

Passage is innocent if it is not prejudicial to a country's peace, good order and security. Military action, serious pollution, spying and fishing are not permitted. The concept of innocent passage was key to a 1949 International Court ‌of ⁠Justice case concerning the Corfu Channel, along the coasts of Albania and Greece.

Approximately 170 countries and the European Union have ratified UNCLOS. Iran and the United States have not. This raises the question of whether the treaty's rules affording freedom of maritime navigation have become part of customary international law, or bind only ratifying countries.

Experts say UNCLOS has become or is generally viewed as customary international law. Some non-ratifying countries may ⁠argue that they need not follow the treaty because they persistently and consistently object. Iran has argued that it has made such objections. The United States disputes Iran's authority to charge tolls.

HOW CAN TOLLS BE CHALLENGED?

There is no formal mechanism to enforce UNCLOS. The International Tribunal for the Law ⁠of the Sea in Hamburg, Germany, which the treaty established, and the International Court of Justice in The Hague, Netherlands could issue rulings but cannot enforce them.

Countries and businesses have other potential means to counteract tolls.

A willing state or coalition of states could ⁠try to enforce the treaty. The UN Security Council could pass a resolution opposing tolls.

Companies could redirect shipments away from the Strait of Hormuz, and have begun doing so. Countries could expand sanctions targeting financial transactions believed to benefit Iran's government, by sanctioning companies willing to pay tolls.


How China’s Weapons Transfers to Iran Have Evolved Over Decades

FILE PHOTO: A member of the People's Liberation Army stands as the strategic strike group displays DF-5C nuclear missiles during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, September 3, 2025. REUTERS/Tingshu Wang/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: A member of the People's Liberation Army stands as the strategic strike group displays DF-5C nuclear missiles during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, September 3, 2025. REUTERS/Tingshu Wang/File Photo
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How China’s Weapons Transfers to Iran Have Evolved Over Decades

FILE PHOTO: A member of the People's Liberation Army stands as the strategic strike group displays DF-5C nuclear missiles during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, September 3, 2025. REUTERS/Tingshu Wang/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: A member of the People's Liberation Army stands as the strategic strike group displays DF-5C nuclear missiles during a military parade to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War Two, in Beijing, China, September 3, 2025. REUTERS/Tingshu Wang/File Photo

Washington: David Pierson

For much of the last two decades, China has maintained a delicate balance in its military relationship with Iran, offering often indirect assistance instead of arms sales.

That approach is now drawing renewed attention after US officials said intelligence agencies were assessing whether China may have shipped shoulder-fired missiles to Iran in recent weeks. President Trump has said he would impose an additional 50 percent tariff on Chinese goods if the assessment proves accurate. China has denied the claim, calling it “pure fabrication” and has vowed to “resolutely retaliate” if the Trump administration goes through with tariffs.

The American officials said the information obtained by US intelligence agencies was not definitive. But if proven true, it would be a significant tactical change in the way Beijing supports its closest strategic partner in the Middle East.

Chinese arms sales to Iran exploded in the 1980s and have all but vanished in the last decade to comply with a United Nations embargo and US sanctions. Chinese support for Iran in recent years has instead come in the form of components that could be used in both civilian technologies as well as missiles and drones.

China has a major stake in the crisis in Iran. About a third of its total crude oil imports come from the Arabian Gulf.

Here is how China’s military support for Iran has evolved over the years:

The 1980s: The Boom Years

The outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War in 1980 coincided with major market reforms in China when the leader at the time, Deng Xiaoping, ordered state-owned companies to wean themselves off government support and instead seek commercial profit.

Chinese state-run defense companies were suddenly empowered to export their wares. That resulted in a deluge of Chinese missiles, fighter jets, tanks, armored vehicles and assault rifles being sold to Iran starting in 1982 and peaking in 1987, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

At the same time, China sold even more arms to Iraq, resulting in a situation in which the two warring sides clashed with each other using the same Chinese weapons.

The Reagan administration opposed China’s arms sales to Iran, particularly Silkworm anti-ship cruise missiles. Tehran used the missiles in attacks in Kuwaiti waters in 1987 that struck an American-owned tanker and an American-registered tanker.

The United States responded by curbing exports of some high-technology products to China. China denied selling arms directly to Iran, but said it would do more to prevent its military exports from reaching Iran through intermediaries.

The 1990s: Technology Transfers

Following the war, Iran set out to develop its own military-industrial base with the help of China. One of its key products was the Noor anti-ship cruise missile, which had been reverse-engineered through purchases of Chinese C-802 cruise missiles.

“China played a major role in supporting Iran’s military modernization for decades, especially in developing Iran’s missile capabilities,” said Brian Hart, a fellow with the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Iran also received help from China in building missile-production facilities and even in constructing a missile test range east of Tehran, wrote Bates Gill, a longtime China expert, in the Middle East Review of International Affairs.

Under US pressure to curtail its sale of finished weapons, particularly missiles, to Iran, China began increasing exports of machine tools and components that could be used for both military and civilian purposes.

The 2000s to the Present: Dual-Use Technologies

In 2006, the United Nations imposed sanctions on Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs. China voted in favor of the resolution and largely pivoted away from new, formal arms contracts with Tehran.

The shift was as much about regional strategy as it was about international law. Starting in the mid-2010s, China began deepening its strategic relationships with Gulf countries including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, as well as Qatar.

China continued to supply Iran with dual-use technologies and materials that have helped it amass an arsenal of missiles and drones.

That included chemicals used to produce fuel for ballistic missiles and components for drones, such as radio frequency connectors and turbine blades.

But Mr. Hart said China was still “a critical form of support, given Iran’s reliance on ballistic missiles and drones to attack US and Israeli forces and other countries in the region.”

The US Treasury Department has sanctioned Chinese and Hong Kong front companies it says were set up to source parts and ingredients for ballistic missiles and drones for Iran.

Suspicions are also growing that Iran is using its access to China’s BeiDou satellite navigation system, an alternative to the US-owned Global Positioning System, for military purposes. Last month, a US congressional agency said BeiDou may have been used to direct Iran’s drone and missile strikes across the Middle East.

The New York Times