Gulf Maritime Integration Needed to Protect Hormuz, Counter Strategic Blackmail

A satellite image shows small boats north of the Strait of Hormuz. (Reuters)
A satellite image shows small boats north of the Strait of Hormuz. (Reuters)
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Gulf Maritime Integration Needed to Protect Hormuz, Counter Strategic Blackmail

A satellite image shows small boats north of the Strait of Hormuz. (Reuters)
A satellite image shows small boats north of the Strait of Hormuz. (Reuters)

The Strait of Hormuz has shifted, amid the current crisis, from a vital shipping lane into a strategic bargaining chip, anchored in Iran’s ability to keep passage uncertain, legally open, yet militarily threatened, politically conditioned, and economically sensitive.

A report by the Gulf Research Center, published on Tuesday, said Gulf states are the most exposed to the fallout from using Hormuz as leverage.

It said the strait’s impact goes beyond energy exports, extending to port security, supply chains, insurance, investment, the reputation of the economic environment, and the continuity of trade flows.

The report, prepared by retired Naval Admiral Abdullah Jaber AlZaidi, senior adviser for defense and security studies at the center, said Gulf states must not only protect the waterway but also reduce their vulnerability to strategic blackmail.

That requires stronger maritime early warning, a more integrated maritime picture, higher readiness to protect ports and infrastructure, alternative supply chain plans, and closer coordination with international partners, without turning the region into an open arena for escalation.

Iran’s approach, the report said, rarely reaches full closure. Instead, it relies on selective restrictions or threats, particularly against ships it views as tied to logistical support for US bases or as subject to maritime pressure. This gives Tehran room to maneuver, allowing it to calibrate between escalation and de-escalation.

The United States, by contrast, is using naval and air deployments as deterrence and counter-pressure, seeking to make any disruption of Hormuz a high-cost option for Iran. The aim is to curb escalation and reassure allies and markets that freedom of navigation will not be held hostage by Iran.

The report warned that the crisis is governed by a fragile balance. Iran is betting on raising the cost of passage without exhausting the Hormuz card, while the United States is betting on stronger deterrence without tipping into open conflict. Gulf states remain the most affected, as Hormuz is no longer just a navigation issue, but a broad national security concern spanning energy, ports, insurance, investment, supply chains, and regional stability.

Maritime pressure and the shadow fleet

The report said Iran’s use of Hormuz cannot be separated from wider maritime and economic pressure imposed on it. This goes beyond direct restrictions on Iranian ports to targeting shipping networks, insurance, intermediaries, and tankers that help Tehran bypass sanctions and market oil and petroleum products outside official channels.

Recent US measures against shipping firms and tankers linked to Iranian oil are not just financial sanctions, the report said, but part of dismantling Iran’s ability to sustain unofficial maritime trade.

Strategic ambiguity

Iran’s shifting statements on the strait reflect a deliberate strategy of ambiguity, the report said. The messaging has moved from allowing commercial transit, to linking passage, to de-escalation, to tougher positions on monitoring or restricting some vessels.

This is not an inconsistency, but an effort to keep the strait in a gray zone.

At its core, the strait remains legally open, but militarily threatened and subject to political and security conditions. That alone is enough to unsettle shipping firms, insurers, and vessel owners, who base decisions on worst-case risks, not reassuring statements.

The report said Iran adds a more sensitive layer by claiming some transiting ships provide logistical support for US bases in the Gulf, shifting from the language of disruption to a claim of the right to monitor what it sees as threats to its sovereignty.

Iran’s strategy reflects an awareness of its limits in conventional naval operations, offset by effective tools of disruption, confusion, and gray-zone pressure, the report said. These include direct military tools, hybrid gray-zone and cyber tools, and psychological and information warfare.

The Strait of Hormuz is narrow, the report said, and any incident could escalate quickly, whether a ship refusing inspection or a mine hitting the wrong target. Such events could shift the dynamic from bargaining to confrontation, stripping Iran of control over escalation and turning leverage into liability.

Impact on Gulf security

Gulf states remain the most exposed to the fallout, the report said, as Hormuz affects not only energy exports but also ports, supply chains, insurance, investment, the business environment, and trade flows.

Iran’s use of the strait puts Gulf states in a delicate position, the report noted, adding that they need to protect freedom of navigation, but do not want the strait to become an open confrontation zone.

It also mentioned that Gulf states need international deterrence, but know that any broad escalation would hit them directly, economically, and in security terms.

The report said Gulf states must go beyond protecting the passage and work to reduce their vulnerability to strategic blackmail.

This requires stronger maritime early warning, better integration of maritime awareness, higher readiness to protect ports and infrastructure, alternative supply chain planning, and tighter coordination with international partners, without turning the region into an open theater of escalation.



Saudi FM Joins Regional Meeting with US President on Sidelines of UN General Assembly

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah participated on Tuesday in a multilateral meeting in New York convened by US President Donald Trump
Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah participated on Tuesday in a multilateral meeting in New York convened by US President Donald Trump
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Saudi FM Joins Regional Meeting with US President on Sidelines of UN General Assembly

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah participated on Tuesday in a multilateral meeting in New York convened by US President Donald Trump
Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah participated on Tuesday in a multilateral meeting in New York convened by US President Donald Trump

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah participated on Tuesday in a multilateral meeting in New York convened by US President Donald Trump, the Saudi Press Agency said.

The meeting, held on the sidelines of the High-level Week of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, was attended by heads of delegations from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Türkiye.

During the meeting, the participants discussed the latest developments in the Middle East, with a focus on the regional escalation and its implications for the region's security and stability, as well as challenges related to the security and freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

The participants also reviewed efforts to contain tensions and prevent the conflict from expanding across the region, as well as ways to strengthen political and diplomatic efforts to address ongoing crises.

The meeting was attended by Saudi Ambassador to the United States of America Princess Reema bint Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdulaziz, Director General of the General Administration for Policy Planning Prince Dr. Abdullah bin Khalid bin Saud, and Adviser and Special Envoy to the Foreign Minister for Negotiations and Peace Efforts Dr. Manal Radwan.

 


Saudi FM Co-Chairs High-Level Meeting on Palestinian Peace Process in New York

Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah co-chaired a high-level meeting in New York alongside France, the United Kingdom, and Canada. (SPA)
Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah co-chaired a high-level meeting in New York alongside France, the United Kingdom, and Canada. (SPA)
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Saudi FM Co-Chairs High-Level Meeting on Palestinian Peace Process in New York

Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah co-chaired a high-level meeting in New York alongside France, the United Kingdom, and Canada. (SPA)
Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah co-chaired a high-level meeting in New York alongside France, the United Kingdom, and Canada. (SPA)

Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah co-chaired a high-level meeting in New York titled "The Road Ahead: One Year after the New York Declaration and the Comprehensive 20-point Peace Plan for Gaza" alongside France, the United Kingdom, and Canada.

In his speech, Prince Faisal expressed appreciation for steps taken by France, the United Kingdom, Canada, and a growing number of countries in recognizing the State of Palestine and urged countries that have not yet done so to follow suit.

He stressed the need to address Israeli settlement expansion, settler violence and annexation policies, preserve the historical and legal status quo of Al-Quds, and reject violence, hatred and incitement by all parties.

Regarding Gaza, he called for the full and immediate implementation of US President Donald Trump's comprehensive plan to end the conflict, ensuring unhindered access to aid and leading to the unification of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank under the Palestinian National Authority.

He stressed that security must be built on mutual interests rather than at the expense of another party, emphasizing that realizing an independent Palestinian state and ending the occupation are fundamental pillars for regional security and stability.

The foreign minister reaffirmed Saudi Arabia's commitment to achieving a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in accordance with the Arab Peace Initiative, relevant UN resolutions, and the New York Declaration.


Musaid bin Abdulrahman: A Bridge Between the Imam’s Generation and the Institutional State

Prince Musaid bin Abdulrahman
Prince Musaid bin Abdulrahman
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Musaid bin Abdulrahman: A Bridge Between the Imam’s Generation and the Institutional State

Prince Musaid bin Abdulrahman
Prince Musaid bin Abdulrahman

A recent directive by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz, based on a proposal by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, to name the Saudi Electronic University after Prince Musaid bin Abdulrahman comes as Saudi Arabia prepares to celebrate its National Day on Sept. 23.

In a historical coincidence, the 1965 Cabinet decision establishing Sept. 23 as National Day was issued when Prince Musaid was a Cabinet member. Now, his name is being given to the university as the Kingdom marks its anniversary.

The royal directive revives the memory of a major statesman and pioneer of Saudi political and administrative thought who died nearly 40 years ago, in December 1986, and showed little interest in publicizing his life, let alone writing memoirs.

Press archives contain little beyond official reports. Abdulrahman Al-Shubaili, who interviewed him for television and later published the interviews alongside testimonies from his contemporaries, produced what I believe is the only book devoted to Musaid’s life and career.

It is therefore unsurprising that many Saudis today know little about his political and administrative record. Some may first have heard of him when Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman praised his foresight in a 2021 television interview, recalling Musaid’s decades-old proposal that the state, rather than the private sector, develop residential communities — an idea opposed by some ministers and officials at the time.

It is fitting that Musaid’s name should be given to a university whose establishment 15 years ago represented a forward-looking vision for education, just as Mohammed bin Salman revived his uncle’s forward-looking vision by establishing Roshn, a Public Investment Fund company.

It is as though the architect of Vision 2030 sought through this tribute to say that those who possess foresight and work tirelessly for their country will ultimately be recognized, even if the time for implementing their vision has not yet come.

Personally, I regard Musaid not merely as a minister and statesman but as one of the state’s thinkers, who contributed during a period of transformation that required restructuring government operations and decision-making.

Mohammed Aba Al-Khail, one of his most prominent aides and his successor at the Finance Ministry, recalled that Musaid viewed public office through principles rooted in Islamic law: a public servant was entrusted with applying general rules intended to achieve justice. He insisted on stating and defending his views clearly, then adhering precisely to whatever decision was ultimately reached, demanding the same discipline from those working with him.

Those who knew him described him as wise, farsighted, intelligent, honest and committed to justice, while shunning outward displays. They also cited his broad culture, extensive experience, realism, and analytical ability.

His education began at Ibn Musaybih’s traditional school before he studied under Riyadh scholars. Mohammed bin Jubair recalled that Musaid studied with several sheikhs, including Mohammed bin Ibrahim, attending their circles as a student or listener.

His intellectual formation extended further. He read widely, discussed ideas with scholars, politicians, intellectuals and historians who visited his library, and hosted intellectual gatherings at his home. His private library, first at his home in Riyadh’s Al-Hillah district and later in Al-Shumaisi, became in 1944 the first private library in Riyadh opened to the public. He stocked it with rare and varied books, periodicals and new publications, while continuing his own education through BBC recordings and educational programs.

This combination of religious study, early exposure to modern publications, intellectual debate and self-education produced a complex intellectual formation combining grounding in Islamic law, broad knowledge and openness to contemporary culture.

Despite his religious background - Aba Al-Khail described him as a jurist capable of independent legal reasoning - I observed in Musaid a combination of forceful argument and strong personality, authority and humility, simplicity and rigor.

I also saw two qualities in his thinking that were uncommon among many statesmen of his era.

The first was a legal sensibility, something I observed while attending some of his gatherings in Taif and listening to his discussions and views. It was also reflected in the organizational imprint he left on the institutions he headed, particularly the Board of Grievances, the General Auditing Bureau and later the Finance Ministry.

The second was a reformist inclination embodied in his ideas on reform, renewing thought and developing society. From an early age, he was concerned with the public good and the nation’s future. Nor was he merely a theorist: he sought to put his ideas into practice throughout his private life and in every public responsibility entrusted to him.

In 1940, while in his twenties, he wrote two essays setting out some of those ideas as part of a planned series titled, Advice to My Brothers in Religion and Kinship. They called for broad reform and social advancement, keeping pace with the times, developing education, teaching the arts and sciences, encouraging publishing, opening public clubs, establishing schools for girls and creating clubs for women.

Such ideas were not welcomed at the time, and he discontinued the series. What stands out is not only what he advocated but when: some of the educational and social changes he proposed in the early 1940s would take decades to materialize.

Al-Shubaili wrote that Musaid approached these subjects with the methodology of historians and sociologists, drawing lessons from the study of causes and influences, and that his enlightened ideas went beyond the era and environment in which they appeared.

Musaid’s political and administrative career began with his attendance at the councils of King Abdulaziz and later King Saud alongside senior advisers, without holding an official position.

He became head of the Board of Grievances in October 1954, assumed responsibility for state auditing in June 1957, and was appointed royal adviser, minister of state and Cabinet member in August that year. He became interior minister in July 1960 and finance and national economy minister in March 1962, serving until he requested to be relieved of his post in August 1975.

Three episodes particularly illustrate his intellectual abilities and political standing.

King Abdulaziz considered appointing him education minister, but Musaid recalled that resistance to educational reform and change prevented the plan from proceeding.

From October to December 1959, he served as acting prime minister while Prince Faisal, later King Faisal, was in Switzerland for medical treatment. I believe Musaid was the only prince to hold the title of acting prime minister.

He also chaired the committee established in 1962 to draft a Basic Law of Governance following the government’s 10-point program. It appears to me that the committee completed a draft, but circumstances were not conducive to its adoption.

This, then, was Prince Musaid, son of Imam Abdulrahman: a bridge between the imam’s generation and the generation of ministries; a minister in an institutional state; a thinker who helped establish principles of government administration that endure today; an early advocate of reform and education; an intellectual who opened his library to the public before public libraries existed; and a scholar deeply versed in Islamic law.

He established the Board of Grievances and auditing institutions before administrative justice and financial oversight became firmly established traditions, and managed the Kingdom’s finances for more than a decade during crucial years in the construction of its modern economy.

Without ever earning a university degree, he was himself a university from which leading statesmen graduated.