John Simpson: The More I Covered War the More I Hated it

A BBC journalist’s journey of 52 years… worldly interviews and crossfire

John Simpson: The More I Covered War the More I Hated it
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John Simpson: The More I Covered War the More I Hated it

John Simpson: The More I Covered War the More I Hated it

The waitress at London’s Landmark Hotel led me to his usual table in the corner, and there he was, an English, elegant man in his seventies. He was engrossed in an article on his MacBook. He greeted me with a warm smile. And after we exchanged pleasantries, he immediately assumed the role of the interviewer, forgetting that I was the one asking the questions. He soon realised and said, “I prefer asking the questions, as people’s stories and documenting the truth is my passion”.

To John Simpson, journalism is not a career, it is a calling. When he was only 15 years old he read George Orwell’s “1984”, and decided ever since to always be on the side of those who preserve memories rather than ones trying to erase them. He devoted his life to documenting history in public records.

Simpson’s name became linked to the BBC from day one. This partnership allowed for a journey of 52 years packed with adventures in over 120 countries, and 47 wars. Death brushed him ten times, and he lost one of his crew members in Iraq, a few metres away from where he was standing. As he grew older, his hatred for war grew with him. However, he refuses to allow those bad experiences to take control of his endless memories.

He told me about the time he snuck into Afghanistan in a Shadoor (Afghani Burqa), and how he discovered the Massacre of Sabra and Shatila in Lebanon. When he told me about his mock execution in the outskirts of Beirut, I felt I was there with him.

I asked him about his interviews with world leaders so he praised Mandela, told me he was charmed by King Hussein of Jordan, and expressed his annoyance with Khomeini. He even diagnosed Gaddafi with insanity.
One cannot summarize Simpson’s career in numbers and anecdotes, but interviewing him gave me an insider’s look at the world of journalism aimed at humanizing politics.

* You have covered tens of wars, and have become regarded as one of the most important British war correspondents. How do you feel about that?
I do not regard myself as a war reporter. I am really more of a diplomatic correspondent who strays into wars. I have covered around 47 wars all together, but it is not how I see myself. I see myself as somebody who is really interested in politics. Of course, wars are a nasty form of politics, so that is really why I have strayed into that. Also, not everyone likes to cover wars, but I do not mind. Like Martin Bell and the others, whatever happens I ought to report on it, and sometimes it is a war, sometimes it is a revolution..

* Claire Hollingworth late war reporter used to take socks and a toothbrush with her in a small rucksack to war. What do you take?
I am much less organized than her. I also take much more than Claire. I always carry some form of gadget for music whatever it may be, and I always carry one big book because you can get arrested or stuck somewhere and if you do not have anything to read that is absolutely dreadful. I am very forgetful. I often forget the toothbrush or the socks, but I never forget the music or the book.

* You have categorized wars in your last book as dirty wars, proxy wars, and so one. How is the notion of war changing today?
Back where Claire Hollingworth and Martha Gellhorn started, at the time of the Spanish Civil War, big powers were fighting. I think that is true for Syria and in other parts of the world where the big countries are moving in, paying people, supplying them with weapons and fighting out their ideological, religious or just purely political battles in other people’s territory. The idea of an all-out major war between powers, that seems to have vanished, the last example of that I believe was Saddam Hussein’s attack on Iran in 1980. I do not think we have had anything as straightforward ever since.

* In your Panorama special on the BBC in 2016, you predicted an isolationist America under Trump, and this year’s Munich Security Conference has come to a conclusion that diplomacy is dead. How do you perceive the scene now?
I think that is profoundly wrong about diplomacy, as I feel that it is all what we have got. It is a lifebelt that saves us from disaster. However, there are times where diplomacy goes silent, but it can never go away. I must say having covered 47 wars in 52 years, wars make me profoundly angry and as I have got older and have become a father again quite late in life, it has made me all the more angry. I have a hatred of war, that I suppose I previously did not have.

* How many times did you have a near death experience?
I have it written out actually. In 2016, pure chance, I had kidney failure and I lay there in hospital and was lucky to survive. I had nothing else to do on my hospital bed, and so I recalled all the times.. the Kidney failure was the 10th. Death has brushed me. It was not just the bullet that is fired here and there, it is the bullet what hits the wall right beside you. It has been bombs more than bullets for me, and knives and physical attack by groups and so forth in Northern Ireland, Iran, Lebanon (three times), and others. I know very well now what it feels like to be on the point of death and I have to say, it is not that disturbing.

* Would you count losing members of your crew more upsetting them?
That is far worse. When my translator was killed in 2003 during the invasion of Iraq, I could not see any reason to be still alive while he was dead. He was standing quite close to me and he had his legs cut off by a piece of shrapnel, and I just had a piece of shrapnel in my leg. It just seemed to me to be unfair that he died and I lived.

* Do you suffer from PTSD?
No. I do not believe in it. I have got friends who had suffered from it, so I know it does actually exist. I am not denying it, but it has not affected me. I am not saying that I go through those experiences and they do not matter, and that they do not have an effect on me. However, I do not believe in letting it affect me, and it has not. I do get little flashbacks of these things, but I do not feel of damaging flashbacks, they are more like memories. I will never forget the business of the mock execution I once had just outside Beirut during the civil war in the 80s. I knew the gun was not loaded, but it felt like a near death experience. I was made to kneel down. The guy put the gun behind my neck, I remember it with the greatest clarity, looking down at the sandy earth filled with cigarette ends, feeling that it was the last scene I would see, and then he pulled the trigger with no bullet and everybody laughed. I do have these memories, and I do think it is important to, but they are not my master, they do not control me.

* Do you prefer interviewing or being interviewed?
I much prefer interviewing. I do not like being interviewed.

* Is it because you would rather hear someone’s story rather than tell yours?
Yes. I am not very keen on talking. When I am with somebody who is talkative, I prefer getting them to talk.

* You say journalism is more of a calling than a profession, why did you become a journalist?
It is. It is not organized enough to be a profession. I became a journalist for rather noble reasons in a way, although I find it quite amusing to think of nobility and journalism in the same sentence. When I was about 15, I read George Orwell’s 1985 and it was wonderful. That idea that you could destroy the reality of the past by destroying documents, newspapers and memories, was such a concept to me. So I thought, whatever I do I will be on the side of the memories, not on the side of people trying to stop them. I still think that if you can get things out on the public record that is what counts. To tell people the truth has a serious effect on the way these events are seen. An example of that, the Chinese government for decades tried to make out that there was no massacre in Tiananmen square. I was there, I saw it. Every time I talk to a government official in
China I manage to get a reference to Tiananmen, and I always use the world massacre, and it causes upset and embarrasses people. We must not allow ourselves to forget what really, really, happened.

* You mention in your book that the kindest person you interviewed was Nelson Mandela. What was it like to interview him?
It is a big cliché and I know that, but he was the greatest person I ever interviewed. What made him the greatest was simply his normality and naturalness. You really could ask him anything and he would not have been offended by it. I asked him about corruption in South Africa for instance, which is a very sensitive subject, and he just talked through it. He was so honest and accepted that some of his ministers were corrupt. That is something you do not often see.

* You also note that some of the people you interviewed were impressive, some were not at all. Can you give examples?
I have interviewed a lot of people, many we impressive and a lot were not over the years. To me, it is their relationship to truth that makes them a serious interviewee or just another politician defending him or herself. I used to interview Margaret Thatcher quite a lot and she was terribly difficult to interview because she was so sharp and well informed and if you made any slightest little mistake she would be on you and she would correct you. I did not really like her very much as a person, but I did admire her. I have interviewed various Arab leaders over the years, amongst them was Bashar Al Assad.

* What did you think of him?
This was long before the war began. It was in 2006, and at that stage he seemed to me to be more like a North London Ophthalmologist than a Syrian president. I asked him quite a lot of difficult questions and he answered them all. I remember my producer was with me and he was very worried when I asked Assad about who was in charge in Syria, was it him or his brother or his uncle, and I heard my producer gasping, and he answered honestly. Now if you interviewed Assad you would sadly be talking about the most appalling violations of the rules of war and some of the worst examples of attacks on civilians in modern history, and he is responsible. He carries the burden of guilt for that.

* Which other interviews with Arab leaders resonated with you?
I interviewed Colonel Gaddafi several times, and I thought probably he was insane, he was just a weirdo. I am never still to this day, even after talking to several people who worked for him or knew him, quite been able to understand how he managed to survive because he was really off the wall and a very nasty character, and now we know the details. To me he seemed eccentric to the point of craziness. I also interviewed the late king of Saudi Arabia, King Abdullah bin Abdel Aziz. He was very charming, and very sharp. He was absolutely delightful, and walking away from the interview I felt much better to having met this person. Not many politicians give you that feeling. He was a very thoughtful man. Another interview I remember was with King Abdullah of Jordan. Delightful. My favorite really in many ways was the late King Hussein of Jordan. He was such a charmer and his sons got those same qualities. I just think that Abdullah has done extraordinarily well.
The list also includes various prime ministers of Lebanon but they do come and go a little bit more. I have also specialized in Iran even before the revolution. Now, sadly Tehran is so terrified by the BBC Persian service they have placed a total block on anybody from the BBC going there. I would like to go back to Iran on holiday. I tried to also learn Farsi. I interviewed Ayatollah Khomeini.

*What did you think of Al Khomeini?
He was absolutely firmly lodged in the past. All his concerns were related to the Shah’s father and to the Shah himself and to the role the Western countries played in helping the Shah and all of that kind of stuff. He was also concerned about fighting Saddam Hussein, and I do not think it was anything more in his life except that. He was very withdrawn and did not want to have any kind of relationship with his interviewer. Rafsanjani who took over from him was a lot funnier and more charming. He was more interesting and far more plugged into the realities of the real world.

*What about American Presidents?
Historically, I was not very involved in reporting from America, as the BBC has a big bureau there. There was rarely a need for me to go there. I have however met and got to know many of the American Presidents like Bill Clinton and George Bush Sr. I also met Obama, and felt he was light weight even though he is intelligent. He wanted to be liked too much. I was from the start a little less enthusiastic about his presidency than a lot of people were. Decent man no question, but not very good as a president.

*You mention in your book that a scoop should be sacrificed for the sake of checking and verifying the news before broadcasting it. The BBC does not tend to break news to the public. What do you think of that?
They never did. They are uncomfortable with stories that only one of their correspondents has got. You can feel the sense of their relief when other newspapers and outlets pick the news up. An example from a long time ago is the massacre in Sabra and Shalita in 1982. It was something which together with another BBC correspondent we were the first people to come across. Even when we broadcast the pictures of the piles of bodies I could see that the BBC was uncomfortable about it. Fortunately quite soon, it got picked up by Reuters and everybody relaxed. For the BBC the most important thing is to get it right not to get it fast. I believe in that, but it is sometimes very frustrating. I did some reporting in Iraq about abnormalities in children being born, and clearly there was something very wrong in this town, the doctors all said it. It was difficult to get to because ISIS was taking hold of the town then. It was dangerous to get to, and we got lots and lots of pictures with children with dreadful abnormalities, and proof of why it might have happened and seemed to be something to do with the weapons that the Americans had used when they stormed the town, but the BBC was terribly nervous about it. We used it in the end, but the editors were scared.

* You have done things that were not very safe, like in Afghanistan. Can you tell me more about that?
I have done a lot of crazy things in Afghanistan without necessarily setting out to do that. in 1989 when the Russian troops were just withdrawing a cameraman and I were smuggled in to Kabul by one of the fighter groups. We did not realise how dangerous it was. we were betrayed to the secret police and there was a shootout. We kind of got out stepping over the bodies of secret policemen who were attacking the house where we had been hiding. I have near thought it was something to be terribly proud of, as it sparked a fight with casualties, but it was a major story at the time, and the story was how deeply the fighters had infiltrated the government structure in Kabul. It was exciting and alarming. After 9/11, the Taliban closed of Afghanistan completely, and said that any journalists found there will be dealt with. I do not like people telling i cannot do things, so i got a group of smugglers in Pakistan who smuggled goods into Afghanistan, to agree to take me and they said the only they would do it if you and your cameraman wear a Burka and we did that.

*How did you feel wearing a Burka?
Horrible. You feel so powerless. You just have that little panel with lace on it. It is amazing how quickly you start obeying other people's instructions just like Afghan women tend to do that. it was not sensible, but i am too old to be sensible.

*Did you feel that you had to fight to be sent by the BBC everywhere?
Quite often I did, In a big organization like that, there are so many competing groups. it is a very competitive environment. I had to pull out all the stops, from bullying to contacts. It does not make me popular with my colleagues, which is sad, but there are more important things than popularity.

*You were the first BBC correspondent to use the Online Service for reporting. Tell me more?
Yes I think I was. What I really was genuinely the first person in the world to do, in Afghanistan in 2001 I was able to broadcast from there live from a battle. things going off all around us.

*You are very caught up with technological advances; you have a verified twitter account. why is that so?
You have got to keep up. A fellow BBC journalist friend of mine still uses a typewriter. I think if you step out of the line as it is moving forward, you just end up being completely forgotten about. I now rather enjoy Twitter and I am still not very good at Facebook. The technology is terribly important particular in television and you have got to keep up. When you get to my age its quite easy to stop, but I feel the need to keep on pushing myself.

*What is the most essential advice you can give to young journalists?
We are living in a different kind of world, where newspapers and television and radio news are much less popular than they were. People do not want to know about things. They want to just be in their little echo chamber where they just hear the views that they like to hear which is disturbing. I just feel that young journalists in particular have to be aware of that and have to fight against it. It is the death of real journalism if we just simply write and broadcast about things that will please people. You have to challenge the other peopple’s views of things, and keep on forcing it through. It is more difficult now because institutional journalism is on the way down. We need good young journalists more than any other stage. It is not a profession that makes money. You do not get rich by being a journalist, and you should not ever want to. You absolutely have to be true to the kind of voice inside you and not be somebody else’s employee.

*What is your next project?
I have decided to turn to fiction and am currently writing a novel about Russia. More important to me is my television work. 25 years ago, I went to Brazil to the farthest reaches of the amazon and I met a tribe there that never had any contact with the outside world. They were lovely. Now I want to go back and see what has happened to them, and I am scared that they would all be wearing Manchester United t-shirts.



Yemeni Interior Minister: Assassination Cells in Aden Backed by Foreign Funding, Seeking to Undermine State

Haidan stated that security coordination between Yemen and Saudi Arabia is at its highest levels (Photography: Turki Al-Oqaily)
Haidan stated that security coordination between Yemen and Saudi Arabia is at its highest levels (Photography: Turki Al-Oqaily)
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Yemeni Interior Minister: Assassination Cells in Aden Backed by Foreign Funding, Seeking to Undermine State

Haidan stated that security coordination between Yemen and Saudi Arabia is at its highest levels (Photography: Turki Al-Oqaily)
Haidan stated that security coordination between Yemen and Saudi Arabia is at its highest levels (Photography: Turki Al-Oqaily)

Yemen’s Interior Minister Major General Ibrahim Haidan revealed what he described as the foiling of the "largest political assassination plot" in the temporary capital Aden, saying security forces had carried out a successful pre-emptive operation against terrorist cells linked to foreign actors that were planning to target prominent political and security figures as part of what he called an “intelligence war” against the Yemeni state and its institutions.

In an extensive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Haidan said investigations had uncovered foreign funding and logistical support for the cells behind the recent assassinations in Aden, adding that authorities found documents, maps and tools in the possession of cell members that exposed the scale of the plot and its objectives.

The minister said security coordination with Saudi Arabia was taking place "at the highest levels," describing ties between the two countries as a "shared destiny" and praising support provided by the Kingdom under the leadership of Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Prince Abdulaziz bin Saud, Saudi Interior Minister, during his reception of Major General Haidan in February 2024 (SPA)

Shared destiny with Saudi Arabia

Haidan stressed that Yemen’s relationship with Saudi Arabia represented a "shared destiny."

"Given the circumstances Yemen is going through, we find our brothers in Saudi Arabia dedicating all their efforts to supporting Yemen’s legitimate government in restoring the state and achieving security, economic and political stability," he said. "Therefore, Yemen’s security is an integral part of the region’s security."

He added that this made security coordination between Yemen and Saudi Arabia "at its highest levels," while expressing appreciation for the "generous and continued support" provided by the Kingdom, including in training, rehabilitation, logistical and technical assistance.

Haidan said the support had played a major role in ensuring the resilience and continuity of Yemen’s security institutions, adding: "We consider the Kingdom our primary strategic partner in the battle against terrorism."

Haidan explained that the assassination operations were an attempt to create social unrest to undermine public trust in the state (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Security situation in Aden

The minister said the security situation in liberated areas in general, and in the temporary capital Aden in particular, was seeing continuous improvement despite what he described as a "systematic targeting" of the city’s security aimed at undermining efforts to restore the state.

He said progress could be measured through several indicators, including the effectiveness and rapid response of security agencies, declining crime rates, and public support for state institutions. He added that those factors had helped foil what he described as the largest political assassination plot, although "the price was high."

According to Haidan, the plot claimed the lives of three prominent figures over recent weeks: Major Abdul Karim Abdullah, deputy director of the Seventh Security District; Dr. Abdulrahman Al-Shaer, director of Al-Nawras Schools; and Wissam Qaed, acting executive director of the Social Fund for Development.

He said the Interior Ministry, backed by military and intelligence institutions, was working to achieve security and stability under a comprehensive security plan aimed at strengthening state institutions and enforcing the rule of law, while noting positive cooperation from citizens.

Haidan added that security forces had become "more professional, disciplined and vigilant" in confronting threats posed by militias and their regional allies.

Why assassinations have returned

Haidan said the resurgence of assassinations in Aden was intended to create social unrest and erode public confidence in the state.

"By examining the nature of the targets chosen by militias backed by regional actors, we can understand the mechanism of the plot," he said. "The assassinations recently targeted the security sector, education and development, meaning that both the state and society were being targeted simultaneously."

He said the attacks were also aimed at obstructing efforts by the Presidential Leadership Council and the government to unify decision-making and normalize conditions in the country.

Who is behind the assassinations?

Responding to a question about those responsible for the recent assassinations in Aden, Haidan said security agencies, in coordination with the public prosecution, had made significant progress in collecting evidence and tracking leads.

"Many leads indicate that the rebellious coup militias received support from foreign parties to create chaos, disrupt the project of restoring the state and obstruct development efforts in liberated areas, especially Aden," he said.

Assassination of Wissam Qaed

Regarding threats allegedly received by Wissam Qaed from the Houthis before his killing, Haidan said the group had a long history of using assassinations as a political tool.

"The preliminary evidence and threats received by the martyr before his assassination place these militias under direct suspicion," he said, adding that the perpetrators may not necessarily have been directly affiliated with the Houthis but could have cooperated with allied groups pursuing a common goal of chaos and undermining the state.

Major General Haidan with General Fahd Al-Salman, Commander of the Joint Forces, in November 2024 (SPA)

Foreign funding and support

Haidan confirmed that some of the terrorist cells behind the assassinations had foreign links and had received financial and logistical backing.

"There is an intelligence war taking place on our soil aimed at shedding the blood of our people and dismantling the social fabric in order to undermine the state and obstruct the restoration of its institutions," he said.

He added that Yemen was coordinating with regional and international partners to "dry up the sources of cross-border terrorism."

Dismantling assassination cells

Speaking about the recently dismantled assassination cells, Haidan said the arrested group had been trained to carry out assassinations and plant explosive devices and included individuals with criminal records directly linked to a command center in Houthi-controlled areas.

He described the operation as a successful pre-emptive strike, adding that authorities had found documents, maps and tools revealing a major plot targeting prominent political and security figures.

Security in liberated areas

The minister said there had been "tangible progress" in the security situation across liberated provinces, noting growing coordination and integration among security agencies nationwide, with Aden receiving particular focus because of its political and symbolic significance.

He added that official statistics showed a slight decline in crime rates while maintaining the same level of enforcement.

"Compared with the first quarter of 2025, which recorded 3,111 crimes, the first quarter of 2026 recorded 3,064 crimes, with a clearance rate reaching 90 percent," Haidan said.


Lebanon’s Foreign Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: Only the State Decides on Talks with Israel

Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi - File Photo
Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi - File Photo
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Lebanon’s Foreign Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: Only the State Decides on Talks with Israel

Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi - File Photo
Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi - File Photo

Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi said Lebanon “has started to gradually reclaim its natural right to determine its own fate independently of others’ calculations,” stressing that the Lebanese state “alone holds the decision to negotiate,” and that Lebanon “is not subordinate to anyone and is not a card in the hands of any axis.”

He expressed regret that the state’s efforts to secure financial and political support for reconstruction “are being confronted by an internal party, Hezbollah, which continues to gamble with the fate of these villages and their residents in service of goals and agendas unrelated to the national interest or to the suffering of the people of the south.”

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Raggi said that “the national priority today is to fully restore sovereignty, without diminution,” adding that “there is no shame in the Lebanese state negotiating with Israel if the goal is to end the war and recover territory.”

He also condemned “what has been uncovered of roving sabotage networks linked to Hezbollah in a number of Arab countries,” while at the same time denouncing the targeting of brotherly Arab states and their security and stability.

 

Lebanese Minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants Youssef Raggi (L) meets UN Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations Jean-Pierre Lacroix (R) at the Lebanese Foreign Ministry in Beirut, Lebanon, 07 January 2026. Lacroix is on an official visit to meet Lebanon's leaders. EPA/WAEL HAMZEH

Negotiations exclusively in the hands of the state

The Lebanese ambassador to Washington, Nada Hamadeh Mouawad, held a second direct meeting with her Israeli counterpart, Yechiel Leiter, at the US State Department to discuss extending the truce and to set a date and venue for negotiations between the two delegations, in what is the first track of direct talks since 1993.

Raggi noted: “Iran dragged Lebanon into a war that was neither the choice of the Lebanese state nor of the majority of the Lebanese, but was imposed on it under an approach that treats Lebanon as a pressure card to be used at regional and international negotiating tables.”

He continued: “This led to the step taken by President Joseph Aoun to pursue a path of direct negotiations, clearly declaring that the Lebanese state alone holds the decision to negotiate, and that Lebanon is not subordinate to anyone and is not a card in the hands of any axis.” He stressed that “this step is not limited to its negotiating dimension, but lays the groundwork for restoring independent national decision-making and reinstating the concept of the state as the sole reference in war, peace, and foreign policy.”

Raggi reaffirmed that “the Lebanese track is now separate from the Iranian track,” and that “Lebanon’s interests are no longer hostage to the progress or deadlock of Iranian negotiations,” noting that “the second preparatory meeting is being held while talks related to Iran are facing stagnation and complications, which proves that Lebanon has begun to gradually reclaim its natural right to determine its own fate independently of others’ calculations.”He said: “This is a pivotal moment in Lebanon’s modern history, as it ends a long phase in which national milestones were tied to external agendas.”

No longer an arena

Raggi said: “We will no longer accept using Lebanon as an arena for settling regional scores or as a platform for military and political adventurism whose cost is borne by the Lebanese in their security, economy, and national unity.” He explained: “Experience has shown that turning Lebanon into an open arena for conflict has brought it nothing but destruction, isolation, and collapse. What is required today is to reassert its position as a sovereign state, not as a sphere of influence or a permanent front line.”

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun holding talks with Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi (Presidency)

Objectives of negotiations

On the objectives of negotiations, Raggi said that “Lebanon’s move toward negotiations is intended to address outstanding issues between the two countries, foremost among them border, security, and humanitarian matters,” stressing that “negotiation is not surrender, as some try to portray it, but a tool for defending national interests when conducted from a position of state authority and with careful calculation.”He added: “The balance of power is not measured only in weapons, but also in the legitimacy of the state, unity of the national position, international support, and the ability to use law and diplomacy to protect rights.”

He noted that “it is a grave mistake to portray Lebanon as being in a position of absolute weakness, just as it is equally wrong to portray it as being in a position of surrender. The reality is that Lebanon, if its institutions are unified, can negotiate from a clear national-interest position.”

Raggi added: “The national priority today is to fully restore sovereignty, without diminution. There is no shame in the Lebanese state negotiating with Israel if the goal is to end the war, recover territory, and secure a lasting peace that preserves the dignity of the Lebanese and prevents the recurrence of tragedies, especially for our people in the south who have paid a heavy price in lives, homes, and livelihoods.”

He continued: “The futile adventures carried out through what are called ‘proxies’ have proven that their outcome was neither liberation nor victory, but further fragmentation and weakening of the Lebanese state and depletion of its society and economy.”

Monopoly of arms

Raggi said Lebanon “has long delayed implementing governmental and constitutional decisions related to restricting weapons to the state, particularly Hezbollah’s arms, at a time when the majority of Lebanese are calling for a real state that alone holds the right to use force.” He added: “Restricting arms is not a political demand by one side against another; it is the only gateway to building a modern state, because the very concept of the state fundamentally contradicts the existence of armed groups outside its authority. A state cannot exist with two sets of arms, two sovereignties, or two decisions on war and peace.”

He pointed out that “facts have shown that weapons outside state control did not liberate occupied land, did not protect Lebanese citizens, and did not prevent destruction; rather, they deepened national losses.”

He explained: “Before the ‘support for Gaza’ war and linking Lebanon to the Iranian confrontation, the disputed border points were limited and confined to known issues, including the thirteen points, the Shebaa Farms, and the Kfar Shouba hills. After October 7, 2023, Israeli occupation expanded inside Lebanese territory at five points, and after March 2, the occupied areas widened further, while dozens of villages were destroyed and vast areas suffered devastation and displacement.”

He added: “This catastrophic outcome confirms that the logic of uncontrolled arms did not produce protection; rather, Hezbollah’s war calculus ultimately imposed the path of direct negotiations as the only way to recover what Lebanon has lost.”

Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi - AFP

Targeting Arab states

Raggi strongly condemned “the discovery of roving sabotage networks linked to Hezbollah in a number of Arab countries.” He said: “This behavior is another example of the nature of the cross-border Iranian project, and its danger is not limited to Lebanon’s sovereignty but also extends to the security of sister and friendly states that have long stood by Lebanon in its most difficult times.”

He added: “We have informed our friends in the concerned countries of Lebanon’s full readiness for judicial and security cooperation, to pursue those responsible for these networks and provide all necessary assistance. We also reiterate our absolute rejection of using Lebanese territory or any Lebanese entity to harm the security of any Arab or friendly country.”

Hezbollah ‘gambling with the south’

Meanwhile, Israel continues explosions in border villages in the south. Raggi said: “We are closely following developments on the ground in the south, particularly the security belt imposed by Israel. The Foreign Ministry is working through all available diplomatic channels to achieve a full Israeli withdrawal, ensure residents can return to their villages, and launch reconstruction.”

He added: “But it is regrettable that while the state seeks to secure financial and political support for rebuilding, it faces an internal party, Hezbollah, that continues to gamble with the fate of these villages and their residents in service of goals and agendas unrelated to Lebanon’s interest or the suffering of the people of the south.”

Raggi said: “The painful scene of destroyed villages in the south, and of residents who have lost their homes, livelihoods, and sense of safety, should be a moment for courageous national reassessment,” stressing that “those who caused this war and dragged Lebanon into it against the will of its people must bear their political, moral, and historical responsibility and review their calculations before it is too late.”

Raggi affirmed that “Lebanon can no longer bear others’ wars, their projects, or illusions of victory that bring only ruin.” He concluded: “The future must belong to the state, to sovereignty, and to a just peace that protects all Lebanese.”


Healey to Asharq Al-Awsat: UK Has More Jets Flying in the Region Than at Any Time in the Last 15 Years

British Secretary of State for Defense John Healey arrives for a cabinet meeting at 10 Downing Street in London, Britain, 24 March 2026.  EPA/ANDY RAIN
British Secretary of State for Defense John Healey arrives for a cabinet meeting at 10 Downing Street in London, Britain, 24 March 2026. EPA/ANDY RAIN
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Healey to Asharq Al-Awsat: UK Has More Jets Flying in the Region Than at Any Time in the Last 15 Years

British Secretary of State for Defense John Healey arrives for a cabinet meeting at 10 Downing Street in London, Britain, 24 March 2026.  EPA/ANDY RAIN
British Secretary of State for Defense John Healey arrives for a cabinet meeting at 10 Downing Street in London, Britain, 24 March 2026. EPA/ANDY RAIN

British Defense Secretary John Healey revealed Wednesday that UK pilots and aircrew have flown over 1,200 hours on defensive missions across the Middle East since the conflict with Iran erupted, saying they have now had over 80 engagements together with RAF Regiment Gunners.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat following his visit to Saudi Arabia, Healey said that the UK has around 1,000 personnel in the region and an extra 500 air defense personnel in Cyprus.

“I continue to work closely with our partners in the region on what further support we can provide,” he said, lauding the UK-Saudi Arabia defense partnership which he said is “founded on mutual security interests and longstanding industrial collaboration.”

“Although our friendship is historic, it has evolved into a modern partnership that responds to contemporary challenges,” he added.

On ties between Moscow and Iran, Healey did not rule out a hidden Russian hand behind some of the Iranian tactics.

The following are the key points from the interview:

80 engagements

“UK pilots and aircrew have flown over 1,200 hours on defensive missions across the region. Together with our RAF Regiment Gunners, they have now had over 80 engagements since the conflict began,” said Healey.

“I am proud of the work that our UK Armed Forces are doing alongside our Gulf partners to help keep people safe in the region. Their dedication and professionalism is helping to save lives as Iran indiscriminately targets countries across the Gulf,” he added.

Heavy Deployment

“The UK has around 1,000 personnel deployed to the region, not including our personnel in Cyprus,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. “Force protection is at the highest levels for UK bases in the region.”

“We have more UK jets flying in the region than at any time in the last 15 years. We are undertaking defensive counter air operations over Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, and the UAE as well as Cyprus,” he said.

“Since January, I have deployed extra equipment and people to the region. This includes Typhoon and F-35 jets, Wildcat helicopters armed with purpose-built counter-drone Martlet missiles, a Merlin Crowsnest helicopter, providing airborne surveillance and control plus radar systems, air defense systems and counter-drone units.”

He added that there are now an extra 500 air defense personnel in Cyprus, and the warship, HMS Dragon - which is fully integrated within the layered air defense system with allies and partners - is deployed in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Defense Systems to Support the Gulf

“I continue to work closely with our partners in the region on what further support we can provide, which was the purpose of my visit (to Riyadh) this week,” Healey told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I confirmed during my meeting with the Defense Minister, His Royal Highness Prince Khalid bin Salman Al Saud, that we will deploy Sky Sabre to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia - an air defense system that will be integrated into Saudi Arabia’s defenses to support Saudi Arabia's efforts in repelling Iran's attacks,” he added.

He also said that Rapid Sentry – a system made up of a radar and a missile launcher – was deployed to Kuwait, and Lightweight Multiple Launchers to Bahrain.

“We have extended the operations of our jets in Qatar which are flying defensive missions every night, and through Taskforce Sabre we're ensuring UK industry steps up too. The Taskforce brings together industry who offer counter drone and air defense capabilities with governments, including Gulf partners ... to rapidly provide them with the equipment they need.”

Advanced defense partnership with Saudi Arabia

On his visit to Saudi Arabia, he said the trip was aimed at showing support “during this period of sustained and indiscriminate Iranian attacks, and also to discuss further cooperation between our nations to protect our people and our shared interests in the Kingdom. That's why I was delighted to meet with His Royal Highness Prince Khalid bin Salman to discuss recent events in the region.”

“The UK and Saudi Arabia have a close, longstanding friendship, and share a decades-long defense partnership, founded on mutual security interests and longstanding industrial collaboration.”

That friendship “has evolved into a modern partnership that responds to contemporary challenges. This really matters in times like today: it means we have the trust and the shared understanding to respond quickly and decisively when the security environment demands it. It is precisely because of that deep foundation that we are able to act as we have done, such as deploying Sky Sabre to Saudi Arabia.”

Russian-Iranian cooperation

On Russia’s role in the Iran war, Healey said: “Our assessment is that, even prior to US and Israeli strikes, Russia highly likely shared intelligence and provided training to Iran, including on things such as drone technology and operations, and electronic warfare. And our intelligence also indicates that this cooperation is ongoing.”

“No one will be surprised that Putin’s hidden hand may be behind some of the Iranian tactics and potentially some of their capabilities as well. We see an axis of aggression between Russia and Iran - two countries that menace their neighbors and that pose a threat more widely to us all.”

No assessment on targeting Europe

Healey said that there is no assessment Iran is trying to target Europe with missiles. “Even if they did, we have the resources and alliances we need to keep the UK and our allies safe from any kind of attacks, whether it's on our soil or from abroad. The UK stands ready 24/7 to defend itself and protection of forces is at the highest levels for our bases in the region.”