Chinese FM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Crown Prince’s Visit Paves Way for Comprehensive Cooperation

China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi. (Reuters)
China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi. (Reuters)
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Chinese FM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Crown Prince’s Visit Paves Way for Comprehensive Cooperation

China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi. (Reuters)
China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi. (Reuters)

Riyadh and Beijing have enhanced political trust and offered mutual support on issues involving each other’s core interests and major concerns, said State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi.

Speaking exclusively to Asharq Al-Awsat, he stressed the importance of the role played by Saudi Arabia in preserving regional peace and stability, saying Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s visit to China will lay the foundations for effective and comprehensive cooperation.

Wang noted that each of Saudi Arabia and the China have contributed to pushing the peace process forward, noting that they are determined to carry on their fight to eliminate extremism by spreading the spirit of moderation and tolerance.

“Friendship between China and Saudi Arabia has a long history, and bilateral relations have developed rapidly since the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1990. In recent years, China and Saudi Arabia have maintained frequent high-level interactions,” he remarked.

“President Xi Jinping and Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz have exchanged visits and the two countries have established the comprehensive strategic partnership and set up the China-Saudi Arabia High-level Joint Committee. All this boosted cooperation in all areas and contributed to a stronger momentum of growth in bilateral relations,” noted the minister.

“China and Saudi Arabia have achieved fruitful results in practical cooperation as the two countries seek greater complementarity between the Belt and Road Initiative and Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030. In 2018, bilateral trade reached US$63.33 billion and Saudi Arabia remained China’s largest trading partner in West Asia and Africa for 18 consecutive years.

“The two sides have identified the first batch of key projects on industrial capacity and investment cooperation worth US$55 billion. The development of industrial clusters in Jizan is well underway, and groundbreaking was held recently on the US$3.2 billion Guangzhou Pan-Asia PET petrochemical project, which was the first investment project in the clusters.

“Major energy and infrastructure projects, such as the Yanbu Refinery in Saudi Arabia, the Panjin Refinery in China’s Liaoning Province, the Rabigh Power Station and the Landbridge Railway are being advanced steadily or under close discussion.

“Cooperation on new and high technology has delivered successful outcomes. A Chinese satellite installed with an optical camera from Saudi Arabia was launched last year and accomplishing the first lunar probe by an Arab country. Two Saudi Arabia-made satellites were successfully brought into orbit by China’s Long March launch vehicle,” said Wang.

Furthermore, he noted the dynamic cultural exchanges between Riyadh and Beijing, citing the “Roads to Arabia: Archaeological Treasures of Saudi Arabia” exhibition that was attended by both heads of state, the “Exhibition of Chinese Cultural Relics” in Saudi Arabia, the joint archaeological excavation which unearthed relics indicating the maritime Silk Road at the port of Al-Serrian and the performance by the Chinese symphony orchestra and musicians at the World Heritage Site of Al-Ula.

Given the complex regional and international situation, the Crown Prince’s visit will go a long way in enhancing strategic mutual trust between the two countries, boosting practical cooperation in all areas and upholding peace and stability in the region.

Xi will meet with the Crown Prince and Vice Premier Han Zheng will co-chair with the Crown Prince the third meeting of the China-Saudi Arabia High-level Joint Committee. The two sides will sign a number of cooperation agreements on industrial capacity, trade, energy and shipping.

Addressing Saudi Arabia’s role in upholding security and political stability in the region, the minister remarked: “As a big Arab and Islamic country, a major energy producer and the only Arab member of the G20, the Kingdom plays an important role in the Middle East and has made a unique contribution to security, stability and development in the region.

“In the political field, Saudi Arabia follows an independent foreign policy advocating mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and non-interference in internal affairs of countries. It actively promotes friendly exchanges and is involved in resolving regional tensions,” he noted.

He cited its proposal of the Arab peace initiative to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, “which remains to this day the basis for redressing historical injustices and seeking a full and durable solution to this fundamental issue in the Middle East.”

On economic affairs, as a major oil producer and the largest Arab economy, “Saudi Arabia pursues economic diversification by implementing Vision 2030 and the National Transformation Program 2020, and strives for sustainable development of the country and economic rejuvenation of the Gulf region,” stated Wang.

“On the security front, the Kingdom is committed to international cooperation in fighting terrorism and extremism and has established the world’s first counseling and care center for de-radicalization.

“On culture, known as the cradle of Islam, Saudi Arabia advocates dialogue and exchanges between civilizations and cultures, and the return to ‘moderate Islam’. It actively hosts dialogues and forums on religions and civilizations to increase mutual understanding and cooperation among different civilizations.

“China has all along attached great importance to Saudi Arabia’s role in regional and international affairs from a strategic and overarching perspective. China firmly supports Saudi Arabia in upholding its sovereignty, security and stability, in playing a positive and constructive role in the evolving regional landscape, in developing friendship and cooperation with countries in the region, and in making greater contribution to peace, stability and development in the Middle East and the Gulf region,” stressed Wang.

Commenting on Riyadh’s efforts to combat terrorism and radicalization, he said: “Over the years, Saudi Arabia has developed a set of counter-terrorism and de-radicalization measures suited to its national conditions and regional realities. These measures have played an important role in safeguarding Saudi Arabia’s security and regional stability.

“Saudi Arabia intensified its fight against terrorist organizations, including cutting off its funding, playing an active part in international cooperation against terrorism and sponsoring the UN Counter-Terrorism Center.

“On de-radicalization, Saudi Arabia condemned the extremists’ perverse interpretation of Islamic teachings, encouraged religious tolerance and established multiple counseling and care centers to guide and reeducate those influenced by the extremist ideologies.

“Both China and Saudi Arabia are victims of terrorism and we have both been important participants in the international cooperation against terrorism. Our two countries have broad common ground on counter-terrorism and de-radicalization. We both advocate enhanced dialogues between civilizations. We both oppose linking terrorism with any particular ethnic group or religion. We both stand for a holistic approach and reject double standards in fighting terrorism. And we both believe that the views of countries suffering from terrorism deserve closer attention and that the UN remains the main channel for international counter-terrorism cooperation.

“China is ready to carry out policy dialogue and intelligence sharing with Saudi Arabia and strengthen our cooperation on related technologies, personnel training, stemming terrorist financing, fighting transnational organized crimes and sharing best practices of de-radicalization to safeguard our common security.

"Terrorism has long presented a huge challenge for China. Starting from the 1990s, terrorist organizations such as the ETIM have plotted and orchestrated several thousand violent terrorist acts involving explosions, assassinations, poisoning, arson and assaults. These incidents have inflicted heavy casualties and property losses on the people of different ethnicities across Xinjiang, and severely jeopardized Xinjiang’s social stability and economic development.

"While intensifying our fight against terrorist organizations, China has drawn on the experience of Saudi Arabia and other members of the international community in fighting terrorism and radicalization, and set up vocational education and training centers in Xinjiang in accordance with the law. This is a creative and precautionary measure against terrorism and radicalization and represents China’s meaningful effort to explore an approach for the global fight against terrorism. The measure is essentially in tune with Saudi Arabia’s counter-terrorism and de-radicalization efforts.

"The relevant measures are aimed at countering the influence of extremist terrorist ideologies. They are not targeted at any particular ethnicity or religion. They have been conducted strictly in line with legal procedures and in a way that effectively safeguards the rights of citizens. Thanks to these multi-pronged efforts, Xinjiang has achieved visible improvement in its public security. No violent terrorist attacks have occurred in the past two years, and people in Xinjiang feel much safer. Such an approach has been welcomed and supported by people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang, including the Muslim community," Wang added.

On China and Saudi Arabia’s efforts to strengthen coordination and collaboration to promote world peace and development, the minister said: “Being comprehensive strategic partners, China and Saudi Arabia have long had sound coordination and cooperation on major regional and international affairs.

“We both stand for equality in state-to-state relations and respect for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and for each other’s core interests and major concerns and independent choices of social system and development path by people of all countries. We maintain close coordination and collaboration at the United Nations (UN) and other multilateral forums and share the view that the Security Council reform should help increase the representation and voice of developing countries. We have stood together against politicizing human rights issues and double standards and work together to uphold the common interests of developing countries.

“China and Saudi Arabia are good partners in pursuing an open world economy. We both support an open, transparent, inclusive and non-discriminatory multilateral trading system and reject unilateralism and trade protectionism. The two sides have worked to advance negotiations on a free trade agreement between China and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), with a view to upholding free trade and delivering benefits to the people of China and the GCC countries. China supports Saudi Arabia’s G20 presidency in 2020, and is confident that under its presidency, the summit, the first ever to be held in an Arab country, will be a success and will serve to champion multi-lateralism and the spirit of partnership, spearhead innovative growth, promote inclusive development and steer the course for global economic governance.

“China and Saudi Arabia are good partners in promoting regional peace and development. It is our shared view that stability and development of the Middle East serve the common interests of the people of the region and beyond. It is important to remain committed to political settlement to regional crises and pursue dialogue and consultation to seek full, just and durable solutions.

“China is ready to work with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states to synergize our development strategies and pursue high quality Belt and Road cooperation, so that our development will become more interconnected and deliver more benefits to the people of our two countries and other partner countries,” Wang said.

Turning to the Middle East, he stressed: “Lasting peace in the world would not be possible without a stable Middle East. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China has been closely following the peace and security situation in the region. It has held an objective and just position and actively called for working toward a vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security.

“China has approached conflict in a Chinese way and actively facilitated peace and dialogue among parties, playing a positive and constructive role for the political settlement of regional issues.

On Palestine, China has been a staunch supporter of the cause of the Palestinian people. The four-point proposal on the Palestine issue put forth by President Xi Jinping in 2017 was warmly received in the region. At last year’s eighth Ministerial Conference of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum, Xi explicitly reaffirmed China’s support for the just cause of Palestine and called for efforts to renew the Palestine-Israel peace talks on the basis of the two-state solution and the Arab peace initiative.

“On South Sudan, China has consistently supported the peace process in the country and made it a priority to help South Sudan restore stability and development. On Libya, Yemen and other issues, China has been working alongside the international community to be a positive force for the early and peaceful settlement of these issues.

“China has dispatched a total of 27,023 personnel to peacekeeping missions in Lebanon, South Sudan, the Darfur region of Sudan and Western Sahara. They have contributed remarkably to restoring peace and stability in those countries and regions. Thirteen Chinese soldiers have made the ultimate sacrifice for peace in the Middle East. China has also provided mine sweeping and other assistance to countries like Kuwait, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen and Somalia, as part of the successful security cooperation between China and regional countries.

“The Chinese navy fleets conducting escort missions in the Gulf of Aden have escorted more than 6,600 vessels passing through the Gulf of Aden and waters off the coast of Somalia, and rescued, protected and aided more than 70 vessels in danger.

“China has also provided strong humanitarian support to refugees in relevant countries to rekindle their hope for rebuilding their home in peace even in time of conflicts. At the opening ceremony of the eighth Ministerial Conference of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum, Xi announced that China will provide an additional 700 million yuan of assistance to Palestine, Syria, Yemen, Jordan and Lebanon, discuss with Arab countries the implementation of programs totaling one billion yuan on maintaining stability, and launch a special program for economic reconstruction through industrial revitalization with a US$20 billion credit line for closer cooperation with countries having reconstruction needs. These concrete measures have been applauded by the people of regional countries,” said Wang.

On Syria, he noted: “Counter-terrorism efforts have yielded important results, security is improving significantly and the humanitarian situation is improving. There has been a buildup of momentum for a political settlement. Under the good offices of the Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for Syria, major progress has been made in establishing a Constitutional Committee.

“An early and proper settlement of the Syrian conflict is crucial for the country’s stability and development and the well-being of its people. China has always maintained that political settlement is the only way out for Syria, that the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Syria must be upheld and respected, and that the future of Syria should be decided by its people acting in their own will.

“China supports the UN’s role as the main channel of mediation. We have proposed China’s solutions to the issue and sent our special envoy on missions of shuttling diplomacy to promote talks for peace. We call upon all parties in Syria to engage in inclusive political dialogue, advance the political process as soon as possible, and look for a solution that fits Syria’s realities and reflects the concerns of all parties in a balanced way. Members of the international community, for their part, should seize the opportunities and make concerted efforts to create a favorable external environment for settling the Syrian issue.

Turning to China’s remarkable achievements over the past 70 years since the founding of the People’s Republic, Wang said that Beijing’s greatest achievement was its pursuit “of a development path that suits China’s reality and has the support of all its people, namely the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

“This path of development has been shaped by 90 years of struggle by the Chinese people in pursuing the great social revolution under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, by 70 years of tireless exploration since the founding of New China, and by 40 years of reform and opening-up.

“China’s development has shown that, like ‘all roads lead to Rome’, there is more than one pathway leading to modernization and there is simply no such thing as a one-size-fits-all development model.

“The only way to find the right path of development is to open one’s mind, be down-to-earth, proceed from national conditions and the aspirations of the people and be responsive to the needs of one’s country in the context of changing times. The success of China’s development has broadened the avenues for other developing countries to achieve modernization and inspired countries that are exploring their own development paths.

“The development and rejuvenation of China, a big country with 1.4 billion people, represents a major contribution to the development of humanity. As a responsible major country, it never exports its social system to others. It firmly supports other countries, including Saudi Arabia, in choosing their own development paths.”



Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Tried to Assassinate King Hussein with Missile Given to Wadie Haddad

King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
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Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Tried to Assassinate King Hussein with Missile Given to Wadie Haddad

King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).

In the second installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, former Jordanian prime minister and intelligence chief Ahmad Obeidat recounts details of a missile plot to assassinate King Hussein, which he says was backed by Muammar Gaddafi and carried out through operatives linked to Wadie Haddad, head of the external operations arm of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.

Obeidat, who also served as head of intelligence and as minister of interior and defense, revisits the confrontation between Israeli forces, the Jordanian army, and Palestinian guerrillas (fedayeen) in the border town of Karameh in March 1968, asserting that the Jordanian army “decided the battle,” but suffered a “moral defeat amid the fedayeen’s claims of victory.”

Obeidat died earlier this month. The interview was recorded before the “Al-Aqsa Flood,” whose aftermath delayed its publication. Below is the text of the second installment.
 

King Hussein inspects an Israeli tank left behind by occupying forces during the Battle of Karameh (Getty)

“Battle of Karameh”

Obeidat calls Karameh “a pivotal point of utmost importance,” especially for an army still reeling from the 1967 defeat and its withdrawal from the West Bank.

“The army lived the bitterness of that defeat,” he says. “It felt a moral, national, and pan-Arab responsibility.”

Karameh, he argues, offered a chance to restore the army’s fighting morale and reclaim some of its lost dignity.

“It was the army that settled the battle,” Obeidat says.

He credits Jordanian forces with thwarting Israeli attempts to build crossing bridges, destroying their vehicles on Jordanian soil and forcing, for the first time in Israel’s history, a request for a ceasefire. “The late King Hussein refused,” he adds.

Israel, he says, did not acknowledge a fifth of its casualties. Helicopters were evacuating the wounded who were “dripping with blood.”

He singles out artillery observation officers who advanced to the closest possible positions, relaying precise coordinates even as they effectively marked their own locations for shelling.

“The Jordanian soldier would identify his position near the Israeli army to be shelled,” he says, describing a willingness to die in order to restore dignity after the 1967 setback.

He says the declaration of “armed struggle” effectively erased the army’s role, presenting Palestinian fedayeen as the victors over Israel. “They monopolized the victory and ignored the army’s role entirely,” Obeidat says. “We emerged with a moral defeat in the face of their claims.”

He alleges that hundreds of millions of dollars in donations collected afterward, much of it going to Fatah, did not reach the Palestinian people but went to organizations and their leaders.

When the army entered Amman in September 1970, Obeidat says, it aimed to end what he describes as chaos: armed displays, roadblocks, arrests of soldiers on leave and interference in courts.

"When the army entered and began expelling the fedayeen from Amman, it swept through everything in its path. Even my own home, which I had recently rented after my abduction incident and which was close to the army’s command headquarters, was entered by the Jordanian army to search for fedayeen, while my family was inside the house at the time of the raid. My wife told them that her husband was an intelligence officer, but the Jordanian soldier replied, “Don’t lie.”

Obeidat says they did not leave the house until she contacted him, at which point he assigned one of his officers, the commander of an intelligence company, to speak with the army.

"Only then did they leave the house. The point is that the army swept areas without distinguishing between Jordanian and Palestinian; it wanted only to restore control over security. All of this forced me to send my family to my parents’ home in Irbid, in the north of the Kingdom."

He later describes what he calls a “state within a state,” extending from the Jordan Valley to Amman, after armed groups asserted authority over courts, roads, and civilian life.

On Syria’s intervention, Obeidat says Syrian forces entered northern Jordan flying Palestine Liberation Organization flags.

He later learned the decision was political, taken by the Baath Party, and that then-Defense Minister Hafez al-Assad complied reluctantly before Syrian tanks withdrew.

Iraq, he says, did not intervene. Obeidat affirms that he was told by Iraqi officials that neither the Iraqi state nor its forces intended to participate in any operation aimed at ending the Hashemite monarchy in Jordan.

According to one account, Iraqi leaders did not want to shoulder the political and diplomatic burden of the Palestinian issue or risk an uncalculated adventure.

He recounts another account, which he says he cannot adopt, according to which the operations command in the army was handled by a Pakistani figure. Under this account, Zia ul-Haq was receiving operational communications and sending messages that caused confusion among Iraqi and other forces, leading them to believe they would confront powerful strike units, prompting them to remain in a state of alert rather than engage.

He also recalls a meeting in which Palestinian figures, including Abu Iyad, reproached Iraqi President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr. Al-Bakr replied: “We are a state with one life. If we make a fundamental mistake, we end. You are like cats with seven lives.”

As director of intelligence, Obeidat says he dealt directly with operations attributed to Haddad.

Between 1975 and 1977, he says, a missile was sent to Jordan with a group led by a Jordanian, Brik al-Hadid, affiliated with the PFLP. The target was King Hussein’s aircraft.

“The intention was to strike the plane, with Gaddafi’s knowledge and approval,” Obeidat says.

Jordanian intelligence monitored the group from the outset and later arrested its members. The king’s aircraft departed Marka military airport as scheduled but flew in the opposite direction to its planned route as a precaution, using jamming devices against any incoming missiles.

When confronted by Mudar Badran, then head of the Royal Court, Gaddafi denied knowledge. “I have no information,” Obeidat quotes him as saying.

Obeidat describes the aircraft hijackings orchestrated by Haddad as “the straw that broke the camel’s back,” contributing to the army’s intervention.

He says Jordanian intelligence had infiltrated Fatah and monitored its leaders, including Abu Iyad and Abu Yusuf al-Najjar.

In mid-1972, intelligence learned that Abu Dawood and a group were planning to enter Jordan from Baghdad to seize the Jordanian cabinet during a session and hold ministers hostage in exchange for the release of detained Fatah members.

The group crossed in three Mercedes cars, dressed in traditional Arab attire, with weapons concealed inside the seats and forged passports in hand. They were arrested at the border after a thorough search.

Obeidat rejects claims by Abu Iyad that Abu Dawood was tortured, insisting that “not a single hair on his head was touched,” and says Abu Dawood confessed only after realizing the operation had been fully uncovered.

Later, King Hussein met Abu Dawood’s parents, who pleaded for clemency. The king read the full confession and then met Abu Dawood himself. He ultimately ordered his release, honoring a promise he had made to Abu Dawood’s parents.

In Obeidat’s view, Abu Dawood was affected by the king’s treatment of his parents and “did not pose any future threat to Jordan.”

Obeidat describes a direct relationship between King Hussein and the General Intelligence Department.

The king met with officers regularly, not only to hear briefings but also to hear their personal views. 

Obeidat says he would submit reports to the prime minister and also meet with the king. When addressing the king, however, it was sometimes necessary to elaborate verbally on certain issues so that such information would not circulate among staff. 

When he was asked to present a security briefing before the king, the late King Hussein would summon Crown Prince Hassan. The king’s advisers would also attend, along with senior army commanders, the public security leadership, the head of the Royal Court, and the prime minister. The briefing of the security report would include an explanation of the security situation and any external or internal challenges.

 


Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Mystery Sniper Killed Wasfi Tal

Ahmad Obeidat during the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat's Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel in Amman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Ahmad Obeidat during the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat's Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel in Amman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Mystery Sniper Killed Wasfi Tal

Ahmad Obeidat during the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat's Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel in Amman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Ahmad Obeidat during the interview with Asharq Al-Awsat's Editor-in-Chief Ghassan Charbel in Amman. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Former Jordanian Prime Minister Ahmad Obeidat, who died earlier this month, was both a key player and a witness to sensitive chapters in his country’s history.

Obeidat began his career in the 1970s as an assistant director of intelligence, later serving as head of the General Intelligence Department until 1982. At the height of the Palestinian-Jordanian confrontation, he was abducted by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine before the events of September 1970.

He also served for two years as interior minister before King Hussein appointed him prime minister in early 1984, a post he held until April 1985, concurrently serving as defense minister.

For more than 15 years, Obeidat remained at the center of decision-making. He later took on roles drawing on his legal background, from chairing the Royal Commission that drafted the National Charter in the early 1990s to serving in human rights and judicial positions, most recently as head of the board of trustees of the National Center for Human Rights until 2008.

Weeks before Oct. 7, 2023, the day of the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation, Asharq Al-Awsat met Obeidat in Amman. The interview had been scheduled for publication in October 2023, but the major developments that followed led to its postponement, particularly as Obeidat addressed contentious issues, notably Jordanian-Palestinian relations.

In the first part of the interview, Obeidat revisits his formative years, when his political and professional journey began as a law student in Baghdad on the eve of the July 14, 1958 revolution, before returning to Iraq after the fall of the monarchy amid sweeping regional transformations.

The account moves to his early professional life in Jordan, from a brief stint in legal practice to joining the Public Security Directorate, then serving in the Political Investigations Office, which formed the nucleus of organized intelligence work. It concludes with a detailed narrative of the establishment of the General Intelligence Department in 1964, its early structure and founding members, at a time when the Jordanian state was rebuilding its institutions in an intensely turbulent region.

Asked where he was when the 1958 revolution broke out in Iraq, Obeidat said he had completed his first year in law studies and returned to Jordan for the summer break.

“While I was in Irbid, news arrived of the July 14 revolution in Iraq that overthrew the monarchy. After the summer break ended, I went back to Baghdad, where a republican government under Abdul Karim Qassem had taken power,” he recalled.

The return was not easy. “We faced difficulties on the road. The border between Jordan and Iraq was nearly closed, so we had to return via Damascus and then through desert routes to Baghdad. It was an exhausting journey,” he added.

Obeidat left Baghdad in 1961 after completing his final exams. “On the last day of exams in the fourth year, I went home, packed and returned to Jordan the same day. The border between Baghdad and Amman had reopened.”

Among his contemporaries at law school was Saddam Hussein, who studied in the evening section. Obeidat said he saw him only once by chance. “He was with others, one of whom later became a governor,” he revealed.

He returned to Baghdad again in 1983 as Jordan’s interior minister to attend a conference of Arab interior ministers, more than two decades after graduating. There, he met his Iraqi counterpart, Saadoun Shaker. “It was an ordinary relationship,” Obeidat said, describing the ties as largely ceremonial.

From customs to intelligence

After returning to Jordan in 1961, Obeidat initially considered practicing law. But limited opportunities in Irbid and his family’s financial constraints led him to seek public employment.

He was appointed to the Customs Department in Amman, where he worked for several months before joining the Public Security Directorate in April 1962 as a first lieutenant following three months of training at the police academy.

At the time, there was no separate intelligence agency. Public Security included a branch handling general investigations. Soon after, the Political Investigations Office was formed, staffed by legal officers from the army and Public Security, including Mudar Badran and Adeeb Tahaoub from military justice, alongside Obeidat and Tariq Alaaeddin from Public Security.

The office handled cases referred by security and official bodies, including military intelligence and the Royal Court. After reviewing its work, the late King Hussein ordered the establishment of a legally grounded intelligence body. The General Intelligence Law was issued in 1964, formally creating the department, explained Obeidat.

Mohammad Rasoul Al-Kilani became its first director, followed by Mudar Badran, then Nadhir Rashid. Al-Kilani briefly returned before Obeidat assumed the post, succeeded later by Tariq Alaaeddin.

The shock of 1967

Recalling the 1967 war, Obeidat described it as “a defeat, not a setback. A military, political, psychological, and social defeat in every sense.”

He said there was no institutional intelligence view on Jordan’s participation. “The political opinion of a figure of Wasfi Tal’s stature was that entering the 1967 war was a mistake. He was not in office, but he remained close to the king and influential,” said Obeidat.

According to Obeidat, King Hussein believed Israel would occupy the West Bank whether Jordan participated or not.

“Participation was a gamble that might succeed or fail. The catastrophe was discovering that the Egyptian air force had been destroyed within half an hour,” he added.

Despite the bitterness, he said: “We did not fear for the regime, but we sought to contain public anger and absorb the shock.”

September and the assassination of Wasfi Tal

Obeidat first met Yasser Arafat after the events of September 1970. He confirmed that Arafat left Amman with an official Arab delegation to attend the Cairo summit and returned immediately afterward.

He recalled being informed mid-flight of the death of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. “King Hussein was deeply affected.”

On the assassination of Prime Minister Wasfi Tal in Cairo, Obeidat said the gunmen who confronted Tal at the hotel entrance were not responsible for the fatal shot. “The fatal bullet came from behind, from a sniper in another unseen location. To this day, the sniper has not been identified,” he added.

He rejected the notion that Tal had been reckless. “Wasfi was not a gambler. He had a distinct political project,” he stressed.

Obeidat said the Black September Organization accused Tal of ordering the expulsion of fedayeen from forested areas in Jerash and Ajloun. He denied that Tal was directly responsible, saying the clashes began after fedayeen attacked a police station and killed officers, prompting a spontaneous army response.

Abduction without interrogation

Before September 1970, Obeidat was abducted by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine while serving as assistant intelligence director.

Armed vehicles stopped his car as he was leaving his home in Jabal Al-Taj with his family. He and his brother-in-law were taken to the Wehdat camp. “We were treated politely. We drank tea. No one asked me a single question,” he recalled.

After several hours, he was driven to another house in Amman and later returned home. The next morning, members of Fatah took him briefly to one of their offices, only to release him on foot without explanation.

“Not a single question was asked,” Obeidat said. “It was bewildering.”

He resumed his duties after ensuring his family’s safety. “At the time, intelligence, like any official institution, was threatened and targeted,” he said, reflecting on one of the most volatile periods in Jordan’s modern history.


Microsoft Saudi Head Affirms Kingdom Entering AI Execution Phase

Saudi Arabia shifts from AI pilots to live deployment in key sectors (Shutterstock)
Saudi Arabia shifts from AI pilots to live deployment in key sectors (Shutterstock)
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Microsoft Saudi Head Affirms Kingdom Entering AI Execution Phase

Saudi Arabia shifts from AI pilots to live deployment in key sectors (Shutterstock)
Saudi Arabia shifts from AI pilots to live deployment in key sectors (Shutterstock)

Riyadh’s hosting of the Microsoft AI Tour this week delivered a headline with concrete weight: customers will be able to run cloud workloads from a local Azure data center region starting in the fourth quarter of 2026.

The announcement was more than a technical update. It marked a shift in posture. Saudi Arabia is no longer testing artificial intelligence at the margins. It is moving decisively into execution, where infrastructure, governance, skills development, and enterprise adoption align in a single direction.

For Turki Badhris, president of Microsoft Saudi Arabia, the timing reflects years of groundwork rather than a sudden push.

“Confirming that customers will be able to run cloud workloads from the Azure data center region in the fourth quarter of 2026 gives organizations clarity and confidence as they plan their digital and AI journeys,” Badhris told Asharq Al-Awsat on the sidelines of the event.

“Clarity and confidence” may sound procedural, but they are strategic variables. Government entities and large corporations do not scale AI based solely on pilot projects.

They move when they are assured that local infrastructure is available, regulatory requirements are aligned, and long-term operational continuity is secured. The announcement of the new Azure region signals that the infrastructure layer is no longer a plan, but a scheduled commitment nearing implementation.

From pilots to production

Saudi Arabia’s AI story has unfolded in phases. The first focused on expanding digital infrastructure, developing regulatory frameworks, and strengthening cloud readiness. That phase built capacity. The current phase centers on activation and use.

Badhris said the conversation has already shifted. “We are working closely across the Kingdom with government entities, enterprises, and partners to support readiness, from data modernization and governance to skills development so that customers can move from experimentation to production with confidence.”

The distinction is fundamental. Pilots test potential. Production environments reshape workflows.

Companies such as Qiddiya Investment Company and ACWA Power illustrate that transition. Rather than treating AI as isolated pilot initiatives, these organizations are embedding it into daily operations.

ACWA Power is using Azure AI services and the Intelligent Data Platform to optimize energy and water operations globally, with a strong focus on sustainability and resource efficiency through predictive maintenance and AI-driven optimization.

Qiddiya has expanded its use of Microsoft 365 Copilot to enable employees to summarize communications, analyze data, and interact with dashboards across hundreds of assets and contractors.

AI is no longer operating at the margins of the enterprise. It is becoming part of the operating core, a sign of institutional maturity. The technology is shifting from showcase tool to productivity engine.

Infrastructure as strategic signal

The Azure data center region in eastern Saudi Arabia offers advantages that go beyond lower latency. It strengthens data residency, supports compliance requirements, and reinforces digital sovereignty frameworks.

In highly regulated sectors such as finance, health care, energy, and government services, alignment with regulatory requirements is not optional; it is essential.

Badhris described the milestone as part of a long-term commitment. “This achievement represents an important milestone in our long-term commitment to enable real and scalable impact for the public and private sectors in the Kingdom,” he said.

The emphasis on scalable impact reflects a more profound understanding: infrastructure does not create value on its own, but enables the conditions for value creation. Saudi Arabia is treating AI as core economic infrastructure, comparable to energy or transport networks, and is using it to form the foundation for productivity gains.

Governance as accelerator

Globally, AI regulation is often seen as a constraint. In the Saudi case, governance appears embedded in the acceleration strategy. Adoption in sensitive sectors requires clear trust frameworks. Compliance cannot be an afterthought; it must be built into design.

Aligning cloud services with national digital sovereignty requirements reduces friction at scale. When organizations trust that compliance is integrated into the platform itself, expansion decisions move faster. In that sense, governance becomes an enabler.

The invisible constraint

While generative AI dominates headlines, the larger institutional challenge often lies in data architecture. Fragmented systems, organizational silos, and the absence of unified governance can hinder scaling.

Saudi Arabia's strategy focuses on data modernization as a foundation. A structured and integrated data environment is a prerequisite for effective AI use. Without it, AI remains superficial.

Another global challenge is the skills gap. Saudi Arabia has committed to training three million people by 2030. The focus extends beyond awareness to practical application. Transformation cannot succeed without human capital capable of integrating AI into workflows.

Badhris underscored that skills development is part of a broader readiness ecosystem. Competitiveness in the AI era, he said, is measured not only by model capability but by the workforce’s ability to deploy it.

Sector transformation as economic strategy

The Riyadh AI Tour highlighted sector use cases in energy, giga projects, and government services. These are not peripheral applications but pillars of Vision 2030. AI’s role in optimizing energy management supports sustainability. In major projects, it enhances execution efficiency. In government services, it improves the citizen experience.

AI here is not a standalone industry but a horizontal productivity driver.

Positioning in the global landscape

Global AI leadership is typically measured across four pillars: compute capacity, governance, ecosystem integration, and skills readiness. Saudi Arabia is moving to align these elements simultaneously.

The new Azure region provides computing. Regulatory frameworks strengthen trust. Partnerships support ecosystem integration. Training programs raise skills readiness.

Saudi Arabia is entering a decisive stage in its AI trajectory. Infrastructure is confirmed. Enterprise use cases are expanding. Governance is embedded. Skills are advancing.

Badhris said the announcement gives institutions “clarity and confidence” to plan their journey. That clarity may mark the difference between ambition and execution. In that sense, the Microsoft tour in Riyadh signaled that infrastructure is no longer the objective, but the platform on which transformation is built.