A Year after Unprecedented Iraq Protests, What Has Changed?

Iraqi demonstrators take part in anti-government protests at Tahrir Square in Baghdad, Iraq, Nov. 2, 2019. (Reuters)
Iraqi demonstrators take part in anti-government protests at Tahrir Square in Baghdad, Iraq, Nov. 2, 2019. (Reuters)
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A Year after Unprecedented Iraq Protests, What Has Changed?

Iraqi demonstrators take part in anti-government protests at Tahrir Square in Baghdad, Iraq, Nov. 2, 2019. (Reuters)
Iraqi demonstrators take part in anti-government protests at Tahrir Square in Baghdad, Iraq, Nov. 2, 2019. (Reuters)

Back in October 2019, unprecedented protests demanded the fall of Iraq's ruling class. One year on, with a new government in place and nearly 600 protesters killed, almost nothing has changed.

The nationwide demonstrations which broke out on October 1, 2019 spiraled into a decentralized movement slamming unemployment, poor public services, endemic corruption and a political class more loyal to Iran or the US than to Iraqi citizens.

It led to the shock November 1 resignation of then-premier Adel Abdel Mahdi, succeeded after months of political deadlock by Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi, who pledged to integrate protesters' demands into his transitional government's plans.

But on the ground, little has been achieved.

Kadhimi has set an early parliamentary vote for June 6, 2021, nearly a year ahead of schedule.

"Protesters wanted early elections and a new electoral law. We're doing that," Abdelhussein Hindawi, Kadhimi’s advisor on elections, told AFP.

But while parliament approved a new voting law in December, essential points including the size of electoral districts and whether candidates would run independently or on lists have yet to be agreed by lawmakers.

And despite repeated claims he has no political ambitions and would only serve as a transitional premier, Kadhimi himself appears to be preparing for an electoral fight.

Several MPs and members of rival parties told AFP the prime minister's advisors are scouting candidates for the 2021 elections, hoping he could secure a new term in office.

"He's stuck because he has to make a decision about where he wants to be," said Renad Mansour, a researcher at the UK-based Chatham House.

"Does he want to be PM for another four years and play politics, or does he want to change something right now?"

One foot in, one foot out

When he came to power, Kadhimi pledged to guide Iraq through a dire fiscal crisis, saying state coffers were "nearly empty" after years of waste and an oil price slump.

The World Bank said Iraq's poverty rate could double to 40 percent this year and that youth unemployment, already at 36 percent, could rise further.

Kadhimi’s cabinet first vowed to reduce the public payroll and audit stipends handed out to millions of Iraqis, but walked back the policy following public criticism.

It changed course again in August, hiring hundreds at the defense ministry -- but not enough to stop sit-ins outside other government offices demanding jobs.

And Finance Minister Ali Allawi missed a late August deadline to submit a "white paper" of economic reforms that is still being finalized, Iraqi officials told AFP.

Kadhimi also said he would prioritize Iraq's fight against the novel coronavirus, which had in May killed 100 people.

Now, the death toll stands at close to 9,000, with the health ministry warning hospitals could "lose control" if the spread is not contained.

The PM has few allies in parliament, where pro-Iran MPs have bristled at his references to protester demands.

"He's had one foot in the elite camp and one foot in the anti-establishment camp. At the end of the day, he ends up not satisfying either," said Mansour.

'It's too sensitive'

The premier has also struggled to make good on his promise to bring those responsible for the deaths of nearly 600 protesters and activists since last October to justice.

In September, his government announced that families of victims could apply for compensation from the state, but no funds have been disbursed yet.

A few weeks later, Kadhimi said a statue would be erected in Tahrir Square, the epicenter of Baghdad's rallies, as well as in the protest hotspot of Nasiriyah further south.

"I don't recall a statue being among our demands last year," wrote Ali, a young protester from east Baghdad.

Meanwhile, the intimidation campaign has continued, including the abduction of a German national and the killing of scholar and government advisor Hisham al-Hashemi in July.

"We know who and where the killers are, but we cannot arrest them or announce that. It's too sensitive," one Iraqi official told AFP on condition of anonymity.

Rocket attacks on diplomatic missions and military convoys have increased, with hardline groups becoming more brazen in their threats against Kadhimi.

Many of those factions fall under the state-sponsored pro-Iran Popular Mobilization Forces paramilitary network, and being unable to exert full control over them has made Kadhimi look "weak", Mansour said.

"The challenge in Iraq is no one man can fix it -- but certainly not a man who believes in incremental slow change at a time that you have such a violent context," he said.



Lebanese Whose Homes Were Destroyed in the War Want to Rebuild. Many Face a Long Wait

FILE - A man pauses as he looks at destroyed buildings in Dahiyeh, Beirut, Lebanon, Nov. 29, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein, File)
FILE - A man pauses as he looks at destroyed buildings in Dahiyeh, Beirut, Lebanon, Nov. 29, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein, File)
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Lebanese Whose Homes Were Destroyed in the War Want to Rebuild. Many Face a Long Wait

FILE - A man pauses as he looks at destroyed buildings in Dahiyeh, Beirut, Lebanon, Nov. 29, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein, File)
FILE - A man pauses as he looks at destroyed buildings in Dahiyeh, Beirut, Lebanon, Nov. 29, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein, File)

Six weeks into a ceasefire that halted the war between Israel and Hezbollah, many displaced Lebanese whose homes were destroyed in the fighting want to rebuild — but reconstruction and compensation are slow in coming, The Associated Press reported.
Large swaths of southern and eastern Lebanon, as well as Beirut’s southern suburbs, lie in ruins, tens of thousands of houses reduced to rubble in Israeli airstrikes. The World Bank estimated in a report in November — before the ceasefire later that month — that losses to Lebanon's infrastructure amount to some $3.4 billion.
In the south, residents of dozens of villages along the Lebanon-Israel border can't go back because Israeli soldiers are still there. Under the US-negotiated ceasefire deal, Israeli forces are supposed to withdraw by Jan. 26 but there are doubts they will.
Other terms of the deal are also uncertain — after Hezbollah's withdrawal, the Lebanese army is to step in and dismantle the militants' combat positions in the south. Israeli officials have complained the Lebanese troops are not moving in fast enough — to which they say the Israeli troops need to get out first.
Reconstruction prospects — and who will foot the bill — remain unclear.
In 2006, after the monthlong Israel-Hezbollah war, Hezbollah financed much of the $2.8 billion reconstruction with ally Iran's support.
The Lebanese militant group has said it would do so again and has begun making some payments. But Hezbollah, which is also a powerful political party, has suffered significant losses in this latest war and for its part, Iran is now mired in a crippling economic crisis.
The cash-strapped and long paralyzed Lebanese government is in little position to help and international donors may be stretched by the post-war needs in the Gaza Strip and neighboring Syria.
Many Lebanese say they are waiting for Hezbollah's promised compensation. Others say they received some money from the group — much less than the cost of the damage to their homes.
Manal, a 53-year-old mother of four from the southern village of Marjayoun has been displaced with her family for over a year, since Hezbollah began firing rockets into Israel on Oct. 8, 2023, in support of its ally Hamas in Gaza.
Israel responded with shelling and airstrikes in southern Lebanon. In July, Manal's family heard that their home was destroyed. The family has now sought compensation from Hezbollah.
“We haven’t received any money yet,” said Manal, giving only her first name for fear of reprisals. “Maybe our turn hasn’t arrived."
On a recent day in southern Beirut, where airstrikes had hit just 100 meters (yards) away from his home, Mohammad watched as an excavator cleared debris, dust swirling in the air.
He said his father went to Hezbollah officials and got $2,500 — not enough to cover $4,000 worth of damage to their home.
“Dad took the money and left, thinking it was pointless to argue,” said Mohammad, who also gave only his first name for fear of repercussions. He said his uncle was offered only $194 for a similarly damaged home.
When the uncle complained, Mohammad said, Hezbollah asked him, “We sacrificed our blood, what did you do in the war?”
Others, however, say Hezbollah has compensated them fairly.
Abdallah Skaiki, whose home — also in southern Beirut — was completely destroyed, said he received $14,000 from Qard Al-Hasan, a Hezbollah-linked microfinance institution.
Hussein Khaireddine, director of Jihad Binaa, the construction arm of Hezbollah, said the group is doing as much as it can. Its teams have surveyed over 80% of damaged houses across Lebanon, he said.
“We have begun compensating families,” he said. “We have also started providing payments for a year’s rent and compensations for furniture.”
Khaireddin said their payments include $8,000 for furniture and $6,000 for a year’s rent for those living in Beirut. Those who are staying elsewhere get $4,000 in money for rent.
Blueprints for each house are being prepared, he said, declining to elaborate on reconstruction plans.
“We are not waiting for the government," he added. “But of course, we urge the state to act."
There is little the government can do.
The World Bank's report from mid-November said Lebanon's infrastructure and economic losses from the war amount to $8.5 billion. And that estimate doesn't take into account the last month of the war, Deputy Prime Minister Saadi Chami told The Associated Press.
“The government does not have the financial resources for reconstruction,” he said bluntly.
The World Bank said 99,209 housing units were damaged — and 18% of them were completely destroyed. In southern Beirut suburbs alone, satellite analysis by Lebanon’s National Center for Natural Hazards and Early Warning identified 353 buildings completely destroyed and over 6,000 homes damaged.
Lebanese officials have appealed to the international community for funding. The government is working with the World Bank to get an updated damage assessment and hopes to set up a multi-donor trust fund.
The World Bank is also exploring an “emergency project for Lebanon,” focused on targeted assistance for areas most in need, Chami said, though no concrete plan has yet emerged.
“If the World Bank gets involved, it will hopefully encourage the international community to donate money,” Chami said.
Ali Daamoush, a Hezbollah official, said earlier this month that the group has mobilized 145 reconstruction teams, which include 1,250 engineers, 300 data analysts and hundreds of auditors — many apparently volunteers.
The compensations paid so far have come from “the Iranian people,” Daamoush said, without specifying if the money was from Iran's government or private donors.
Jana, a 29-year-old architect, is volunteering with Hezbollah teams to survey the damage to her hometown of Nabatiyeh in southern Lebanon. Much of the city is destroyed, including an Ottoman-era market. Her father’s warehouse was hit by airstrikes, and all the medical supplies stored there were consumed by a fire.
Hezbollah officials "told us not to promise people or discuss reconstruction because there is no clear plan or funding for it yet,” she told the AP. She did not give her last name because she wasn't authorized to talk about Hezbollah's actions.