Damascus Bids Farewell to Quwatli’s ‘Secret- Keeper’, Witness to All of Syria’s Revolts

Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
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Damascus Bids Farewell to Quwatli’s ‘Secret- Keeper’, Witness to All of Syria’s Revolts

Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)
Abdullah al-Khani witnesses the transition of power from President Hashem al-Atassi (R) and Shukri al-Quwatli in 1955. (Khani archive)

Abdullah al-Khani, one of Syria’s top diplomats and witness to decades of revolts in the country, was laid to rest in a quiet ceremony in Damascus’ Bab el Saghir Cemetery. Khani lived through various upheaval at the presidential palace, from the time of Shukri al-Quwatli to Hafez al-Assad to his son, Bashar.

Khani passed away at 98 and was known as Quwatli’s “secret-keeper” and oversaw the transfer of power to him from Hashem al-Atassi in the mid-1950s.

Khani was born in 1922 and was a classmate to famed late poet Nizar Qabbani. He pursued his studies at the American University of Beirut before completing his education at Damascus University, where he earned a degree in law. He was later employed at Naim al-Antaki’s firm. Antaki would become one of the symbols of the national movement in Syria.

On April 17, 1946, Khani witnessed the evacuation of the last remaining French troops from Syria, marking the end of its mandate over the country. He attended a military ceremony for Syrian cavalry on the banks of Barada River and leaders of the “revolt”, who held aloft a large poster of late Defense Minister Yusuf al-Azma.

The next year, Khani started working for Quwatli at the recommendation of Damascus University President Sami al-Midani. Quwatli requested that Khani monitor the United Nations Security Council discussions on the division of Palestine due his proficiency in English, which he learned during his years at AUB.

In eulogizing Khani, historian Sami Moubayed wrote: “Quwatli liked him and wanted to keep him by his side. He could not find a vacancy for him at the presidential palace, so he asked him to wait a little. It was during this time that he forged a strong relationship with Quwatli, who came to heavily rely on Khani in managing the palace affairs, especially the press office.”

Khani would show up to work dressed in his white suit, to either climb up the steps of the Grand Serail or enter the Tishreen Palace to greet his mentor and friend, President Quwatli.

After Quwatli’s ouster in 1949, the presidential palace was ordered shut by leader of the revolt, Husni al-Za'im. Khani would come to work for President Adib al-Shishakli, who sent him to France to learn about the republican system under Charles de Gaulle. He also traveled to Britain to learn about its monarchy.

Khani rose up the ranks and became chief of protocols and then acting general secretary under President Hashem al-Atassi, who “trusted him very much due to his dedication to his work.”

Quwatli was reelected president in 1955 and Khani was in charge of managing the transition from Atassi. Khani took part in meetings between Quwatli and world leaders, including Jordan’s King Hussein, Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser, India’s Jawaharlal Nehru and form UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld. He also took part in negotiations on Syrian-Egyptian unity in 1958 and was there for the declaration of the United Arab Republic.

At the Foreign Ministry, Khani served in various diplomatic posts in Brussels, London and Paris, where he worked at UNESCO and met with several world leaders. Among them were India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, De Gaulle and Yugoslavia’s President Josip Tito.

He joined the permanent Syrian delegation to the UN during the 1967 war and was appointed general secretary of the Foreign Ministry in 1969, according to his Wikipedia page. Khani became aide to the foreign minister when Hafez Assad came to power in 1971. He took part in meetings between Assad and US President Richard Nixon in Damascus in 1974 and Jimmy Carter in Geneva in 1977.

Assad would later order Khani to set up the Ministry of Tourism and he would later be named its first minister in the government of Prime Minister Mahmoud al-Ayyubi in 1972. He would remain in the post until 1976. His tenure would witness the eruption of the October War in 1973 and the opening of some of the most important western hotels in Damascus.

In 1980, Khani was elected a member of the International Court of Justice before joining the International Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce in Paris in 1990. He was elected an independent member of the Court of Arbitration for Sport. He was a judge at the Olympic Games in Atlanta in 1996. In 1993, he was named a member of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was also member of the team tasked with drafting a constitution for Sarajevo.

Historian Moubayed wrote that during the past ten years, Khani would look up to the Damascus sky with deep sorrow and pain as the columns of dark smoke billowed around it, recalling that the Syrian war had “caused his mind and heart profound anguish.”



Sudan in 25 Years: One War Begets Another

Fleeing the fighting, people are transported by truck from the border town of Renk in South Sudan to a dock to continue their journey to the next destination (DPA)
Fleeing the fighting, people are transported by truck from the border town of Renk in South Sudan to a dock to continue their journey to the next destination (DPA)
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Sudan in 25 Years: One War Begets Another

Fleeing the fighting, people are transported by truck from the border town of Renk in South Sudan to a dock to continue their journey to the next destination (DPA)
Fleeing the fighting, people are transported by truck from the border town of Renk in South Sudan to a dock to continue their journey to the next destination (DPA)

The sound of gunfire, barrel bombs, and stray bullets is nothing new in Sudan. What’s new is that the violence has moved from the outskirts to the capital, Khartoum. This shift forced the government and military to relocate to a temporary capital in Port Sudan, nearly 1,000 kilometers away on the Red Sea coast.
Past conflicts were seen as rebellions against the state, but they stemmed from a deeper struggle: the “center” holds all the power and resources, while the “margins” are left with nothing.
These wars have always been about demands for rights and equality.
Under Islamist President Omar al-Bashir, Sudan’s wars shifted from demands for rights to a “religious war” between the Muslim north and the Christian or secular south. This led to South Sudan’s secession and the creation of a new state that joined the United Nations. But what drives the conflicts that continue to devastate Sudan?
Analysts say the root cause is the lack of a national vision and the failure to recognize Sudan’s ethnic and cultural diversity. Without a unified political and economic framework, this diversity has been ignored.
The current war, though fought between two formal armies, stems from the same issues of marginalization and exclusion. These problems sparked Sudan’s first rebellion in 1955, led by the Anya-Nya 1 forces, named after the cobra snake.
The Naivasha Agreement
Sudan’s first civil war ended with the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement but reignited in 1983 after former President Jaafar Nimeiri imposed Islamic Sharia law. This sparked a rebellion led by John Garang’s Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM).
The conflict escalated into a “jihadist” war as Islamist forces framed it as a battle against “enemies of the faith.” The fighting lasted for years, killing more than two million people.
Unable to secure a military victory, the government signed the Naivasha Agreement in Kenya. The deal granted South Sudan the right to self-determination, with a five-year transitional period to decide between unity or independence.
John Garang briefly became Sudan’s First Vice President during this period but died in a mysterious helicopter crash. His deputy, Salva Kiir, succeeded him and led South Sudan to a 2011 referendum, where the region voted for independence. South Sudan became a new nation, taking a third of Sudan’s land, a quarter of its people, and most of its resources.
Meanwhile, conflict spread to Darfur in 2003, with rebels accusing the government of marginalization. The war turned ethnic when the government armed Arab militias, known as the Janjaweed, to fight African-origin rebel groups. One Janjaweed leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, or Hemedti, later became the head of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
The Darfur war claimed 300,000 lives. Al-Bashir’s government was accused of war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, leading to International Criminal Court arrest warrants for Bashir and three senior officials that remain in effect.
Chasing Peace Across Capitals
In May 2006, Sudan’s government signed a peace deal in Abuja with a faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) led by Minni Arko Minnawi. However, the movement split, and another faction, led by Abdel Wahid al-Nur, rejected the deal and continued fighting from Jebel Marra in central Darfur.
Minnawi briefly joined the government as an assistant to President Omar al-Bashir but later rebelled again, claiming he was treated as a "kitchen helper" rather than a serious political partner.
Efforts to negotiate peace moved between capitals. In 2011, some groups signed the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur in Qatar, which promised power and wealth-sharing, but fighting continued.
In 2020, Sudan’s transitional government signed a new peace agreement in Juba with key armed groups, including Minnawi’s faction and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) led by Gibril Ibrahim.
The deal gave Minnawi the role of Darfur governor and Ibrahim the post of finance minister. Despite these accords, true peace remains out of reach.
A New Southern Conflict
War broke out in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, two regions given a right to “popular consultation” under the Naivasha Agreement to decide their future. The SPLM-North, an offshoot of the southern SPLM, took up arms again.
The SPLM-N split into two factions: one led by Malik Agar, now a deputy in Sudan’s Sovereign Council, who signed the 2020 Juba Peace Agreement; the other, led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, controls Kauda in South Kordofan and continues sporadic fighting.
Eastern Sudan also saw conflict in the 1990s, with groups like the Beja Congress and Free Lions opposing Bashir’s regime. These groups later signed the Asmara Peace Agreement, gaining shares of power and wealth.
In April 2019, months of protests forced the military to oust President Omar al-Bashir. But sit-ins continued, and a violent crackdown killed hundreds, drawing condemnation as a horrific crime against civilians.
Under public pressure, the military signed a constitutional declaration in August 2019, agreeing to share power with civilians. This led to a transitional government with Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, and a Sovereign Council headed by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and his deputy, Hemedti.
War of the Generals
On October 25, 2021, Sudan's army leader overthrew Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok’s civilian government in a coup. Under pressure from peaceful protests, the general later agreed to a framework agreement with civilian leaders, promising a return to civilian rule and preventing the return of the Islamist regime.
However, supporters of the former regime undermined the deal, causing tensions between the army and the RSF, leading to war.
On April 15, 2023, gunfire broke out in southern Khartoum, marking the start of the ongoing conflict. The RSF accused the army of attacking its camps, while some claim Islamist cells within the army targeted the RSF, forcing it to choose between surrender or war.
Miscalculations
The war was expected to end quickly due to the army’s stronger military. However, the RSF surprised the army by using urban warfare tactics to take control of key military bases and government buildings, including the presidential palace.
The government moved to Port Sudan, while Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan was trapped for over three months before escaping.
The RSF expanded its control over Darfur, western Sudan, and the central Gezira region, holding about 70% of the country. After nearly two years of fighting, the army regained some areas, but the RSF still controls large parts of Sudan and continues fierce fighting, with the war still ongoing.
The Worst Humanitarian Crisis
The war in Sudan has killed tens of thousands and triggered what the UN calls "the worst humanitarian crisis in history." More than 11 million people are displaced within Sudan, while around 3 million have fled to neighboring countries. Over half of Sudan’s population, about 25 million people, face severe food insecurity.
Negotiations have failed, with both sides refusing to return to talks after the Jeddah Humanitarian Declaration collapsed, largely due to the army’s and its supporters' refusal to engage.
Root Causes
Former Sovereign Council member and deputy head of the Democratic Civil Forces Coordination “Tagadum,” Al-Hadi Idris blames the war on Sudan’s failure to agree on a “national development plan” since independence.
Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he says the main reasons for the conflict are the failure to implement fair development, achieve justice, and the lack of resolution on key issues like the role of religion in politics, national identity, and military involvement in government.
Idris argues that addressing these issues is crucial to ending the war for good.
Mohamed Abdel-Hakim, a leader in the Unionist Gathering, believes the wars stem from unequal development and citizenship.
He says resolving issues like marginalization, protecting people’s rights, and replacing oppressive regimes with democratic governance is key to stopping Sudan’s long-running conflicts.
Abdel-Hakim also calls for reforming the military to create a professional, national army focused on protecting the constitution and civilian leadership, with strict oversight to prevent the army from becoming politicized.