After Medicine Shortage, Lebanese Now Scramble to Find Baby Milk

Pharmacist Siham Itani wearing a protective mask looks at her mobile phone inside her pharmacy in Beirut, Oct. 6, 2020. (Reuters)
Pharmacist Siham Itani wearing a protective mask looks at her mobile phone inside her pharmacy in Beirut, Oct. 6, 2020. (Reuters)
TT
20

After Medicine Shortage, Lebanese Now Scramble to Find Baby Milk

Pharmacist Siham Itani wearing a protective mask looks at her mobile phone inside her pharmacy in Beirut, Oct. 6, 2020. (Reuters)
Pharmacist Siham Itani wearing a protective mask looks at her mobile phone inside her pharmacy in Beirut, Oct. 6, 2020. (Reuters)

The sight of empty shelves in the majority of pharmacies throughout Lebanon demonstrates the extent of the crisis the country’s health sector is enduring.

Pharmacies have been suffering from the drop in the value of the local currency and the people’s hording of medicine before the state stops subsidizing them, which would lead to their prices increasing a whopping six-fold.

The hording continued in spite of assurances from the health minister and parliamentary health committee that the subsidies will not be lifted. They explained that the prices of medicine to treat chronic diseases will remain the same, while over the counter drugs and others that need a prescription will increase by 2.5 their original price and based on the Central Bank exchange rate of 3,900 pounds to the dollar.

The Lebanese have stocked up on medicine that they need and those that they don’t need, making them among the main reason for the drop in supplies.

“There are more medicines at homes than at our warehouses,” said head of the Pharmacists Syndicate, Ghassan al-Amin.

Head of Pharmaceuticals Importers Association, Karim Jebara said that within 15 days, some 200,000 boxes of aspirin and 250,000 boxes of its substitute, Aspicot, were imported. They are now practically out of stock in pharmacies.

The medicine shortage has even affected supplies of baby milk, which is exclusively sold at pharmacies.

One pharmacy owner said a real crisis is unfolding because the people are hording the milk at home, fearing a shortage in supplies and hike in price.

A pediatrician told Asharq Al-Awsat that the milk that is in short supply is primarily given to one-year-olds and above. This product is unsubsidized and is likely being stored by pharmacies so that they can sell it at increased prices once the health ministry announces a new price list.

One father revealed that he had purchased 70 boxes of baby milk for his newborn child. Now, however, he has been confronted with a shortage in baby food, which the infant should take when he reaches the age of six months.

“I even offered one pharmacy some of the boxes I had bought in exchange for some of the baby food, but the told me that they are out,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity.

Amin told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Lebanese people can rest easy whenever they have stocks of medicine at their homes, blaming the Central Bank’s announcement that it will lift subsidies for sparking the panic-buying among the population.

The solution lies in the prime minister-designate and Central Bank governor declaring frankly to the people that medicine supplies will be kept away from political tensions, he suggested.

Jebara said the lack of trust between the people and state has led to the panic-buying. He urged the Central Bank to declare that it has enough funds to continue to subsidize medicine until the end of 2021 so the people can be at ease.



Muslim Brotherhood, Jordan’s Governments: From Alliance to Rupture

One of the Islamic Action Front Party’s offices in Jordan (Party’s official website)
One of the Islamic Action Front Party’s offices in Jordan (Party’s official website)
TT
20

Muslim Brotherhood, Jordan’s Governments: From Alliance to Rupture

One of the Islamic Action Front Party’s offices in Jordan (Party’s official website)
One of the Islamic Action Front Party’s offices in Jordan (Party’s official website)

The arrival of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, marked by periods of resolution and banning of activities, is not disconnected from the long history of the group’s journey in the kingdom, dating back to the mid-1940s when it was first established.

However, this journey—characterized by varying relations with successive governments—began with collaboration and ended in conflict. How did this unfold?

Leaders of Jordan’s Islamic movement, encompassing both the banned Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, consistently supported Jordan’s stability during the last decades of the 20th century.

This support, however, shifted into decades of confrontation with the authorities after the divisions within the movement emerged.

A key moment in the movement's history came when Jordanian authorities accused the group of plotting to “stir chaos” and possessing “explosive materials,” marking a significant turning point for the Islamic movement in the kingdom.

This came especially after recordings revealed the arrested individuals’ ties to the unlicensed Brotherhood group in Jordan.

Founded in 1946, the Brotherhood initially operated as a charitable society, providing aid through fundraising efforts. It attracted young people who were influenced by its leaders’ calls for public activism.

Throughout the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, the Muslim Brotherhood maintained an alliance with the government. Its leaders gradually moved into senior official positions, using their power to expand their grassroots support and promote their message within Jordanian society, which historically had a strong conservative religious base.

During this time, the Brotherhood’s influence on school students was significant. It encouraged protests and sit-ins against political forces opposed to them, particularly the Communist and Ba’ath parties before the latter's split. Clashes occurred between these groups in downtown Amman and in key cities across the kingdom.

In the 1970s, the relationship between the Brotherhood and the government evolved into one of partnership and alliance, particularly under the leadership of former Prime Minister Wasfi Tal. This period saw prominent Islamic leader Ishaq Farhan appointed as Minister of Education and later as Minister of Awqaf, overseeing important reforms in educational curricula.

Farhan’s task of reforming the education system included incorporating the Brotherhood’s religious teachings into school textbooks, reflecting the growing influence of the group in shaping Jordanian public life.

Meanwhile, members of the Brotherhood, funded by the government, pursued advanced studies in the United States, returning to hold key positions in the Ministry of Education, with Abdullatif Arabiyat, a senior member, serving as the ministry’s deputy for almost a decade.

Following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the Brotherhood sought to capitalize on regional developments, aiming to increase its political influence. Its leadership, particularly in key urban centers such as Amman, Zarqa, and Irbid, began to broaden its outreach.

The Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Awqaf became critical battlegrounds for the Brotherhood, enabling it to infiltrate mosques through imams and transform them into organizational hubs.

This religious outreach laid the groundwork for political mobilization, with gatherings and lessons organized after evening prayers, further solidifying the Brotherhood’s presence in the public sphere.

The political journey of the Brotherhood in Jordan took a dramatic turn in 1989, when the country lifted martial law and resumed parliamentary life after decades of authoritarian rule.

The Brotherhood seized the opportunity, winning a powerful bloc in the 11th Parliament and securing popular support, positioning itself as a key political player.

That era also marked the Brotherhood’s first foray into governance, backing Prime Minister Mudar Badran’s cabinet as part of a national effort to support Iraq against a US-led coalition. It was a rare alignment with the state, underscored by the election of Arabiyat as parliamentary speaker for three consecutive terms — a move widely seen as part of a government-Brotherhood alliance.

In 1992, the group formalized its political arm with the creation of the Islamic Action Front, cementing the link between its religious mission and political ambitions. But the distinction between party and group remained blurred, with critics arguing that the party remained under Brotherhood control.

That same year, tensions flared when the Brotherhood opposed Jordan’s participation in the Madrid Peace Conference, prompting a no-confidence motion against the government of Prime Minister Taher Masri. Although Masri resigned voluntarily, the incident marked the start of growing rifts between the Brotherhood and the state.

The following parliamentary elections in 1993 deepened internal fractures, both within the movement and between the Brotherhood and its political allies. The rift widened further in 1994, when Jordan signed a peace treaty with Israel. The Islamic Action Front boycotted the vote on the treaty, signaling a decisive shift from cooperation to confrontation.

In the aftermath of the peace treaty, the Brotherhood distanced itself from official alliances and became a staunch opponent of normalization with Israel. The group boycotted the 1997 parliamentary elections, a move that triggered an exodus of leaders who opposed the boycott. Some dissidents went on to form the moderate Islamist Wasat Party, led by Abdel Rahim Akkour.

Distrust between the Brotherhood and the government deepened under the shadow of King Hussein’s illness and the succession of King Abdullah II. The movement remained politically dormant until 2003, when the Islamic Action Front re-entered parliament following a two-year suspension of legislative life during the Second Intifada. The party secured 16 seats in the 14th Parliament.

However, the rocky relationship persisted. In 2007, the Brotherhood and its party participated in elections again after negotiations with then-Prime Minister Marouf al-Bakhit. But allegations of large-scale vote rigging saw the Islamic Action Front secure only six seats — a result it denounced as a betrayal of the agreement with the government.

The controversial election result sparked a leadership crisis within the Brotherhood. The group’s hardline faction, known as the Hawks, overpowered the traditional moderates (the Doves) in internal polls, leading to a purge of long-standing leaders.

Accusations emerged that the group had been hijacked by Hamas sympathizers, reshaping the Brotherhood’s identity and guiding principles.

In the years that followed, former leaders split from the movement, accusing its new leadership of dragging the Brotherhood and its political arm into a confrontational path aligned with regional Islamist movements.

From mainstream political player to marginalized actor, the Brotherhood’s trajectory in Jordan mirrors a broader regional trend — one where Islamist movements rise through democratic openings but often clash with the state over ideology, foreign policy, and the limits of political power.