In Oil-Rich Iraq, a Few Women Buck Norms, Take Rig Site Jobs

Ayat Rawthan, a petrochemical engineer, poses for a photo near an oil field outside Basra, Iraq, Tuesday, Feb. 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Nabil al-Jourani)
Ayat Rawthan, a petrochemical engineer, poses for a photo near an oil field outside Basra, Iraq, Tuesday, Feb. 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Nabil al-Jourani)
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In Oil-Rich Iraq, a Few Women Buck Norms, Take Rig Site Jobs

Ayat Rawthan, a petrochemical engineer, poses for a photo near an oil field outside Basra, Iraq, Tuesday, Feb. 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Nabil al-Jourani)
Ayat Rawthan, a petrochemical engineer, poses for a photo near an oil field outside Basra, Iraq, Tuesday, Feb. 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Nabil al-Jourani)

It’s nearly dawn and Zainab Amjad has been up all night working on an oil rig in southern Iraq. She lowers a sensor into the black depths of a well until sonar waves detect the presence of the crude that fuels her country’s economy.

Elsewhere in the oil-rich province of Basra, Ayat Rawthan is supervising the assembly of large drill pipes. These will bore into the Earth and send crucial data on rock formations to screens sitting a few meters (feet) away that she will decipher.

The women, both 24, are among just a handful who have eschewed the dreary office jobs typically handed to female petroleum engineers in Iraq. Instead, they chose to become trailblazers in the country’s oil industry, donning hard hats to take up the grueling work at rig sites.

They are part of a new generation of talented Iraqi women who are testing the limits imposed by their conservative communities. Their determination to find jobs in a historically male-dominated industry is a striking example of the way a burgeoning youth population finds itself increasingly at odds with deeply entrenched and conservative tribal traditions prevalent in Iraq’s southern oil heartland.

The hours Amjad and Rawthan spend in the oil fields are long and the weather unforgiving. Often they are asked what — as women — they are doing there, The Associated Press reported.

“They tell me the field environment only men can withstand,” said Amjad, who spends six weeks at a time living at the rig site. “If I gave up, I’d prove them right.”

Iraq’s fortunes, both economic and political, tend to ebb and flow with oil markets. Oil sales make up 90% of state revenues — and the vast majority of the crude comes from the south. A price crash brings about an economic crisis; a boom stuffs state coffers. A healthy economy brings a measure of stability, while instability has often undermined the strength of the oil sector. Decades of wars, civil unrest and invasion have stalled production.

Following low oil prices dragged down by the coronavirus pandemic and international disputes, Iraq is showing signs of recovery, with January exports reaching 2.868 million barrels per day at $53 per barrel, according to Oil Ministry statistics.

To most Iraqis, the industry can be summed up by those figures, but Amjad and Rawthan have a more granular view. Every well presents a set of challenges; some required more pressure to pump, others were laden with poisonous gas. “Every field feels like going to a new country,” said Amjad.

Given the industry’s outsized importance to the economy, petrochemical programs in the country’s engineering schools are reserved for students with the highest marks. Both women were in the top 5% of their graduating class at Basra University in 2018.

In school they became awestruck by drilling. To them it was a new world, with it’s own language: “spudding” was to start drilling operations, a “Christmas tree” was the very top of a wellhead, and “dope” just meant grease.

Every work day plunges them deep into the mysterious affairs below the Earth’s crust, where they use tools to look at formations of minerals and mud, until the precious oil is found. “Like throwing a rock into water and studying the ripples,” explained Rawthan.

To work in the field, Amjad, the daughter of two doctors, knew she had to land a job with an international oil company — and to do that, she would have to stand out. State-run enterprises were a dead end; there, she would be relegated to office work.

“In my free time, on my vacations, days off I was booking trainings, signing up for any program I could,” said Amjad.

When China’s CPECC came to look for new hires, she was the obvious choice. Later, when Texas-based Schlumberger sought wireline engineers she jumped at the chance. The job requires her to determine how much oil is recoverable from a given well. She passed one difficult exam after another to get to the final interview.

Asked if she was certain she could do the job, she said: “Hire me, watch.”

In two months she traded her green hard hat for a shiny white one, signifying her status as supervisor, no longer a trainee — a month quicker than is typical.

Rawthan, too, knew she would have to work extra hard to succeed. Once, when her team had to perform a rare “sidetrack” — drilling another bore next to the original — she stayed awake all night.

“I didn’t sleep for 24 hours, I wanted to understand the whole process, all the tools, from beginning to end,” she said.

Rawthan also now works for Schlumberger, where she collects data from wells used to determine the drilling path later on. She wants to master drilling, and the company is a global leader in the service.

Relatives, friends and even teachers were discouraging: What about the hard physical work? The scorching Basra heat? Living at the rig site for months at a time? And the desert scorpions that roam the reservoirs at night?

“Many times my professors and peers laughed, ‘Sure, we’ll see you out there,’ telling me I wouldn’t be able to make it,” said Rawthan. “But this only pushed me harder.”

Their parents were supportive, though. Rawthan’s mother is a civil engineer and her father, the captain of an oil tanker who often spent months at sea.

“They understand why this is my passion,” she said. She hopes to help establish a union to bring like-minded Iraqi female engineers together. For now, none exists.

The work is not without danger. Protests outside oil fields led by angry local tribes and the unemployed can disrupt work and sometimes escalate into violence toward oil workers. Confronted every day by flare stacks that point to Iraq’s obvious oil wealth, others decry state corruption, poor service delivery and joblessness.

But the women are willing to take on these hardships. Amjad barely has time to even consider them: It was 11 p.m., and she was needed back at work.

“Drilling never stops,” she said.



Palestinian Authorities Say Israeli Army Kills Teen in West Bank

Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Islam Ajouri, 14, at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on August 23, 2026. (Photo by JAAFAR ASHTIYEH / AFP)
Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Islam Ajouri, 14, at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on August 23, 2026. (Photo by JAAFAR ASHTIYEH / AFP)
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Palestinian Authorities Say Israeli Army Kills Teen in West Bank

Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Islam Ajouri, 14, at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on August 23, 2026. (Photo by JAAFAR ASHTIYEH / AFP)
Mourners carry the body of Palestinian Islam Ajouri, 14, at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on August 23, 2026. (Photo by JAAFAR ASHTIYEH / AFP)

Israel's military killed a Palestinian teenager in the occupied West Bank on Sunday, Palestinian health authorities said, while an Israeli and a Palestinian were wounded in separate incidents.

Israeli gunfire killed Islam Ahmad Maher Ajouri, 14, in the Askar refugee camp where he lived, outside Nablus in the north of the West Bank, the Palestinian health ministry announced.

Mohammed Abu Kashk, head of the Askar camp services committee, told AFP that the teenager was killed by Israeli forces during a raid on the camp.

"There were no clashes or confrontations that would justify shooting a child and killing him," he said.

According to a source from the Palestinian Red Crescent, Ajouri was hit in the chest by live ammunition. He was pronounced dead at Nablus National Hospital.

At his funeral, his uncle Ahmed Mohamed Zamzoum told AFP that the boy went outside during the army raid. "Every time the Israeli forces enter, one or more martyrs are killed," he said.

The Israeli army told AFP it was verifying the information.

In a separate incident, the army said it apprehended a man suspected of stabbing an Israeli earlier on Sunday in Al-Auja, in the central West Bank.

Israeli rescue service Magen David Adom said the 24-year-old victim had "a penetrating wound".

The man was evacuated to a hospital in Jerusalem, and his condition was described as "moderate".

According to the initial findings of the investigation, the victim parked near a shopping center and was "attacked from behind and stabbed in the shoulder", Israeli police said in a statement.

Hani Najum, the head of the Al-Auja village council, told AFP that "the Israeli army raided the village, deployed in its streets" and imposed a curfew.

In a third incident, the army reported that a "terrorist" attempted "to steal a weapon from an IDF soldier" near the Palestinian town of Taybeh, northeast of Ramallah, and that forces opened fire at the man, saying he was "neutralized".

Palestinian sources told AFP that the man, Aws Akram Maatan, from the village of Burqa east of Ramallah, suffered an injury to his foot and was taken to a Jerusalem hospital for treatment.

The head of the Burqa village council, Sayel Kanaan, said in a statement that Maatan had been shot "without justification".

Violence has surged in the West Bank, which Israel has occupied since 1967, since the start of the war in Gaza sparked by Hamas's October 2023 attack on Israel.

Israeli soldiers or settlers have killed at least 1,100 Palestinians since then, according to an AFP tally based on data from the Palestinian health ministry.

Over the same period, at least 48 Israelis have been killed in Palestinian attacks or during Israeli military operations, according to Israeli figures.


Tunisia Says Recovered 11 Migrants' Drowned Bodies

African migrants rescued by the Tunisian coast guard in October (AFP)
African migrants rescued by the Tunisian coast guard in October (AFP)
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Tunisia Says Recovered 11 Migrants' Drowned Bodies

African migrants rescued by the Tunisian coast guard in October (AFP)
African migrants rescued by the Tunisian coast guard in October (AFP)

The Tunisian national guard said Sunday it recovered 11 bodies from the sea after a boat carrying migrants sank off the country's southeastern coast, with three people still missing.

The boat was carrying 15 people, only one of whom was rescued after it sank some 14 nautical miles off the shore of Zarzis on Friday night.

"Search operations resulted in the recovery of three bodies yesterday and eight bodies today, bringing the total to 11," the national guard said in a statement.

Searches for the three remaining missing passengers were ongoing, it added.

On Saturday night, residents in Ben Guerdane -- the marginalized city near the Libyan border where 14 of the migrants were from -- staged protests, blocking roads and setting tires on fire over the shipwreck.

Tunisia, whose coast is some 145 kilometers (90 miles) from the Italian island of Lampedusa, is a key departure point for migrants seeking to make the perilous journey across the Mediterranean in search of better lives in Europe.

The central Mediterranean crossing is the deadliest migration route in the world, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).

The IOM said earlier this month that the number of migrant deaths on the central Mediterranean route had more than doubled in the first four months of 2026 compared to the same period last year.

At least 914 migrants have died or gone missing along the route this year, according to the IOM.

In 2023, Tunisia signed a 255-million-euro ($290 million) deal with the European Union, nearly half of which was earmarked for tackling irregular migration.

The deal, strongly supported by Italy's hard-right government, aimed to bolster Tunisia's capacity to prevent boats leaving its shore.
 


The 'Ali al-Taher' Battle: A Test of Hezbollah’s Capabilities

A protester shouts slogans while holding a portrait of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah during a protest against the backdrop of Lebanon-Israel talks and the normalization of relations, in Beirut, Lebanon, Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
A protester shouts slogans while holding a portrait of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah during a protest against the backdrop of Lebanon-Israel talks and the normalization of relations, in Beirut, Lebanon, Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
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The 'Ali al-Taher' Battle: A Test of Hezbollah’s Capabilities

A protester shouts slogans while holding a portrait of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah during a protest against the backdrop of Lebanon-Israel talks and the normalization of relations, in Beirut, Lebanon, Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)
A protester shouts slogans while holding a portrait of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah during a protest against the backdrop of Lebanon-Israel talks and the normalization of relations, in Beirut, Lebanon, Friday, Aug. 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)

The battle for the “Ali al-Taher” heights is placing Hezbollah before a difficult test that goes beyond its ability to defend the hill and prevent its fall. It also tests the effectiveness of the military strategies it has recently developed after conventional strategies failed over the past two years to counter Israel’s military and technological superiority.

Can Israel, through firepower, air power and surveillance, suffocate the force deployed in the area and undermine the conditions needed for its survival? Or can the underground fortifications, tunnels, storage facilities and combat capabilities prepared by Hezbollah give it room to continue wearing down Israeli forces and prolong the confrontation?

Ability to Maneuver

Retired Brigadier General Bahaa Hallal says that, regarding Hezbollah’s military position, “the land still has strategic value for it, but its defensive value automatically declines if it shifts from a controlled area to an exposed area under surveillance.” He explains: “The party’s core strength is not simply holding the hilltop, but its ability to operate in depth and particularly in the surrounding area, while Israel seeks to turn its air and intelligence superiority into permanent ground superiority.”

Hallal told Asharq Al-Awsat that “the main challenge facing Hezbollah is maintaining its ability to maneuver. If Israel manages to establish a presence, impose a buffer zone around the hill and prevent the party from moving, the balance of power will gradually begin to shift in its favor.”

In this context, underground fortifications are among the most important tools available to the defender. They can reduce the impact of air superiority, preserve a degree of continuity and survivability, and prevent the battle from being decided simply by control of the ground surface. Hallal cautions, however, that fortifications that provide protection from bombardment can become a burden if the area around them becomes besieged or isolated.

Isolated Pockets?

According to Hallal, this raises the central question in the “Ali al-Taher” battle: “Do the underground facilities still constitute an integrated network for maneuvering and communication, or have they become isolated pockets?”

Hallal says the ability to make decisions, communicate and implement them, while maintaining communication channels under pressure, will be among the main challenges facing Hezbollah. However, Hezbollah’s model, historically based on a degree of decentralization and flexibility, may mean that targeting a local position or commander would not necessarily be enough to bring down the entire system.

Hallal says the party’s strengths include geographical knowledge, organizational depth, the ability to exploit the mountainous terrain, and the capacity to continue operating despite losing positions. By contrast, he identifies Israel’s superiority in surveillance and air power, as well as the risk of isolation, as its main weaknesses.

He says that if Israel succeeds in separating “Ali al-Taher” from Hezbollah’s broader operational theater, the force there will face a more difficult defensive situation. He also considers the destruction of villages, roads and homes to be a major strategic pressure because it strikes part of the social and geographical environment in which any local force operates.

A Network of Tunnels

Retired Brigadier General George Nader describes the “Ali al-Taher” hill as being of major tactical importance because it overlooks a wide area north of the Litani River and large parts of the area south of it. He also points to its historical significance, as it was previously under Israeli occupation.

Nader told Asharq Al-Awsat that, according to the information on which he relies, the hill is an important position for the command of the Radwan Forces. It contains underground facilities and a network of tunnels linked to ammunition, logistics, missiles, drones, fighters and operations rooms.

A Bargaining Chip in Negotiations

Nader believes that Israeli control of the hill would give Israel greater leverage and a greater ability to impose its terms in future rounds of negotiations, particularly if it manages to turn military control into an established reality on the ground.

He believes Israel’s destructive and technological capabilities make the targeting of these facilities and tunnels a possibility, warning that the presence of large quantities of ammunition and missiles in the area could mean that any large-scale destruction operation would have major repercussions.

Major Israeli Attack

Based on this, Nader expects a major Israeli attack to seize the hill, considering that the objective could have political implications for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who seeks to use control of the site to demonstrate that he has succeeded in striking Hezbollah’s command center in the south, thereby enhancing the security of the northern settlements on the eve of Israeli electoral events.

As for Hezbollah’s options in response, Nader believes they appear limited given the difficulty of movement south of the Litani River. This, in his assessment, makes it difficult to divert Israeli forces or force them to disperse their efforts by opening other fronts of movement in the area.