Clashes in Syria's Daraa: What is the Fighting About?

Three years after Syria's government retook control of the flashpoint southern province Daraa, seen here during a July 2018 airstrike, clashes have resumed. (AFP)
Three years after Syria's government retook control of the flashpoint southern province Daraa, seen here during a July 2018 airstrike, clashes have resumed. (AFP)
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Clashes in Syria's Daraa: What is the Fighting About?

Three years after Syria's government retook control of the flashpoint southern province Daraa, seen here during a July 2018 airstrike, clashes have resumed. (AFP)
Three years after Syria's government retook control of the flashpoint southern province Daraa, seen here during a July 2018 airstrike, clashes have resumed. (AFP)

Three years after Syria's government retook control of the flashpoint southern province of Daraa, regime forces have clashed with the opposition again, trapping thousands of civilians in the crossfire.

Nearly half of the population of the opposition-held Daraa al-Balad district have fled heavy shelling and ground battles, but the United Nations warns that remaining civilians are cut off with dwindling supplies.

On Thursday, the UN Special Envoy for Syria Geir Pedersen said civilians were suffering from "acute shortages" of food, fuel, water and medicines in a "near siege-like" situation.

"The situation is alarming," Pedersen said.

Here is what you need to know about the conflict.

Why is Daraa important?
Daraa, which borders Jordan and is close to the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, is widely seen as the cradle of the 2011 uprising in Syria, which sparked a decade-long war that has killed almost half a million people.

In 2011, young boys who had scrawled graffiti against president Bashar al-Assad were detained in Daraa, sparking nationwide protests.

After the demonstrations evolved into war, opposition factions seized control.

The opposition hung on until 2018. But after weeks of deadly fighting, the Russia-backed regime retook control under a surrender deal.

Moscow had brokered similar so-called "reconciliation" accords in Syria's second city of Aleppo, as well the Eastern Ghouta region, outside the capital Damascus.

Under those deals, the opposition handed over their heavy weapons and left on buses. But in Daraa, many former opposition fighters stayed behind.

While some did switch sides and join regime forces, others kept their guns and maintained control over several areas.

In the provincial capital, Daraa city, regime forces returned to the northern half, known as Daraa al-Mahatta.

But the southern half, Daraa al-Balad, remained under opposition control.

What sparked the fighting now?
Since the 2018 "reconciliation" deal, Daraa province has seen regular explosions and hit-and-run attacks.

During presidential elections in May -- a vote widely criticized by Syria's opposition -- protesters in Daraa al-Balad took to the streets demanding the "fall of the regime".

The election was held only in the two-thirds of Syria under government control, and there were no ballot boxes in Daraa al-Balad.

After Assad celebrated winning his fourth term in power, he vowed to return all of Syria to state control.

Residents and activists believe the government wants "revenge".

"Many people in Daraa al-Balad are wanted by the regime," said activist Omar al-Hariri.

Which forces are involved?
In late July, some of the fiercest clashes to rock the province since regime forces returned left 32 dead, including 12 civilians, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said.

The government seized farmland outside Daraa al-Balad, before the fighting largely subsided, and Russian-mediated talks began.

But Hariri said pro-Damascus forces had continued to shell the area "to exhaust fighters who only have light weapons".

Mohammad al-Abdallah, director of the Syria Justice and Accountability Center, said Iran was pushing Damascus to bolster its forces there.

Daraa is close to the Golan Heights, occupied by Tehran's arch-foe Israel. Pro-Iran fighters are deployed in parts of the province.

Russia meanwhile has sought to boost its influence by backing the Syrian army's Fifth Corps, which has absorbed many ex-opposition fighters.

"Competition between the Iranians and the Russians over areas of influence in Syria" was also at play, Abdallah added.

Hariri said residents in Daraa al-Balad now face a bleak choice.

"We have two options," he said. "Let the Fifth Corps deploy with Russia pulling the strings, or face a sudden onslaught from regime forces."

What is the impact on civilians?
The UN's envoy Geir Pedersen warned Thursday of his "growing concern" at the situation, calling for an end to the fighting and unimpeded humanitarian access.

Around 24,000 of Daraa al-Balad's 55,000 residents have fled to surrounding areas or regime-controlled parts of the city, the UN humanitarian agency says.

"Civilians are suffering with acute shortages of fuel, cooking gas, water, and bread," Pedersen said. "Medical assistance is in short supply to treat the injured".

Regime forces encircle the district, with entry limited to a single road with checkpoints.

Abu Al-Tayb, a media activist in Daraa al-Balad, said people were "at the mercy" of regime forces.

"Sometimes only women and children are allowed to take the road, and sometimes they close it off completely," he said.

He said flour had run out, the regime had cut off the water supply to the main storage tank, and there were regular power cuts.

"We're making do with very little," he said.



Jamal Mustafa to Asharq Al-Awsat: I Couldn’t Provide Bribe Demanded by Judge, So I Was Jailed for Another 10 Years

Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
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Jamal Mustafa to Asharq Al-Awsat: I Couldn’t Provide Bribe Demanded by Judge, So I Was Jailed for Another 10 Years

Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.

In the final installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Jamal Mustafa Sultan, a former Iraqi official and Saddam Hussein’s son-in-law, delves into his arrest, the collapse of hopes for resistance against US forces, and the turmoil that followed the American invasion of Iraq in 2003.

Mustafa faced a harsh journey during the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. He traveled to rally tribal leaders to defend Baghdad, only to return and find the city occupied. Declared a fugitive, his face appeared on the US “most-wanted” playing cards.

Mustafa fled to Syria but was denied asylum and sent back to Iraq, where he was arrested. Accused of leading resistance and car bombings, the court found no evidence to convict him.

In 2011, a judge offered him release in exchange for a bribe, which Mustafa could not afford. His proposal to sell family land to pay was rejected, leaving him imprisoned for another decade. He was eventually freed over lack of evidence.

A US soldier watches the toppling of Saddam Hussein’s statue in Baghdad on April 7, 2003. (Reuters)

After his release, Mustafa went to Erbil, where Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani invited him for a meeting. Barzani welcomed him warmly and asked how he could help. Mustafa requested assistance in obtaining a passport, praising Barzani’s generosity.

Mustafa shared that Saddam respected Barzani, once calling him a “tough but honorable opponent.” He also revealed that, before the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, Barzani had assured Saddam that Kurdish forces would not fight the Iraqi army.

Recalling the lead-up to the war, Mustafa said Saddam tasked him with reconnecting with tribal leaders to encourage them to resist the invasion.

He delivered personal messages from Saddam, along with financial support, to help tribes host Iraqi soldiers stationed nearby. Mustafa later traveled to the Anbar province to rally tribes and bring them to defend Baghdad.

This account offers a rare glimpse into the behind-the-scenes efforts to resist the US invasion and the complex relationships that shaped Iraq’s history.

As the US invasion loomed, Mustafa met with thousands of tribal leaders to rally support for Baghdad’s defense.

“During the war, I met with over 4,500 tribal sheikhs from across Iraq,” he said. But when he returned to Baghdad after a trip to Anbar, everything had changed. “The city had fallen, and everything was in chaos.”

Mustafa tried to locate his associates but found no one. On April 11, 2003, he sent his driver to search for allies.

By chance, his brother, Lt. Gen. Kamal Mustafa, located him. “He told me we needed to leave Baghdad. I hadn’t planned to leave, but he convinced me it was the logical choice—we had no weapons, no men, and no resources. Staying would only mean capture.”

The brothers fled to Ramadi, where tribal leaders offered them refuge, and from there, they attempted to seek asylum in Syria. After just two days, Syrian authorities sent them back to Iraq.

Back in Baghdad, Mustafa and Khalid Najm, Iraq’s last intelligence chief, stayed with a university friend, Dr. Hafidh Al-Dulaimi. While there, Al-Dulaimi’s nephew suggested surrendering to Ahmed Chalabi’s forces, but Mustafa refused.

Saddam Hussein meets with top members of his regime. (Getty Images)

Shortly after, armed men stormed the house. “They came with tanks and masks,” Mustafa recalled. He and Najm were arrested on April 21, 2003—a day he will never forget.

Mustafa shared his experiences in US detention after his capture. “The interrogations were relentless, often involving psychological and physical pressure,” he added.

“They focused on weapons of mass destruction—’did Iraq have them, and where were they?’ Everyone faced the same questions. They also asked about US pilot Michael Scott Speicher, whose plane was shot down during the Gulf War. Though his remains were later found, the Americans kept questioning us, believing more was being hidden.”

Life in the detention center was highly controlled. Detainees were grouped in blocks of seven and given 30 minutes of outdoor time. Sultan recalled a chilling moment when Ahmed Hussein, Saddam’s office chief, told him during exercise: “The president has been captured.”

“We had clung to hope that Saddam’s freedom could lead to Iraq’s liberation,” Mustafa said. “His arrest shattered that hope and signaled the occupation’s permanence.”

He also described mysterious construction in the prison. “We saw carpenters working constantly. Eventually, they built a wooden barrier, blocking the corridor from view. We could only guess what it was for.”

When asked if Saddam had led the resistance before his capture, Mustafa confirmed: “Yes, the resistance began after the war. It wasn’t planned in advance because, at that time, the focus was purely military—army against army.”

“After the occupation, a new phase started. Battles unfolded in stages, and Saddam was leading the resistance during this one. He was the hope of the resistance, of the Iraqi people, and of Arabs and Muslims,” Mustafa revealed.

His remarks offer a glimpse into the post-invasion dynamics and the symbolic role Saddam played during Iraq’s turbulent transition.

Mustafa also recounted the difficulty of reaching his family after his arrest.

“After my capture, I lost all contact with my family. I didn’t have any phone numbers for my brothers, friends, or colleagues. Even if I had, phone lines had been disrupted—many exchanges had been bombed, and communication in Iraq was severely impacted,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Mustafa recalled an encounter with the International Red Cross during his detention.

Saddam Hussein and his daughter Hala. (Courtesy of the family)

“The Red Cross offered me the chance to write a message to my family, as is their usual practice. But I was at a loss—who could I write to? I had no idea where my brothers or family were. I didn’t know anything about their whereabouts.”

Then, Mustafa had an idea. “I thought of Ammo Baba, a well-known football coach in Iraq. I didn’t know his address, but I remembered the address of the Police Club, where I had been president. I decided to write the letter there, addressed to Ammo Baba, asking him to pass it on to my family.”

Mustafa’s story highlights the communication challenges and isolation faced by detainees during the Iraq War.

He then described the prolonged separation from his family following his arrest. “I had no hopes of hearing from my family when I sent my letter through Ammo Baba,” Mustafa said.

“The situation was too difficult. After two and a half to three months, I received a response from Ammo Baba. He sent his regards, inquired about my health, and included a message from Yassin, a coach who worked with me. Along with the letter, they sent me sportswear—a shirt and shorts.”

Mustafa’s communication with his family may have been limited, but the letter served as a lifeline.

“A couple of years later, I received the first message from my wife, Hala, after two years in detention.”

Jamal Mustafa Sultan with his children.

When asked if he had been separated from his family for 18 years, Mustafa confirmed: “Yes, I hadn’t seen them or my children for 18 and a half years.”

“There were no visits or conversations, except for a brief period when we were held by the Americans. During that time, they allowed us five minutes a week to speak with our families. I would split the time—two and a half minutes with my mother and siblings, and the rest with my wife and daughters,” he said.

However, he revealed that after 2010, communication was cut off entirely.

“When we were transferred to Iraqi custody, they stopped allowing any contact. I was careful not to make calls with the Iraqis, as I feared enemies or foreign agents could record them,” explained Mustafa.

Mustafa’s story underscores the isolation he endured and the limited means of contact with his loved ones during years of detention.