First Few Tourists Visit Libya but Security Threats Remain

An empty passageway is pictured outside a mud-brick house, within the enclosed Libyan desert oasis town of Ghadames, a designated UNESCO World Heritage site, April 20, 2013. (Reuters)
An empty passageway is pictured outside a mud-brick house, within the enclosed Libyan desert oasis town of Ghadames, a designated UNESCO World Heritage site, April 20, 2013. (Reuters)
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First Few Tourists Visit Libya but Security Threats Remain

An empty passageway is pictured outside a mud-brick house, within the enclosed Libyan desert oasis town of Ghadames, a designated UNESCO World Heritage site, April 20, 2013. (Reuters)
An empty passageway is pictured outside a mud-brick house, within the enclosed Libyan desert oasis town of Ghadames, a designated UNESCO World Heritage site, April 20, 2013. (Reuters)

Italian student Edoardo Arione felt “a little afraid” when he joined a rare tourist group trip to Libya this month but he said he soon enjoyed the visit to desert cities and Roman ruins in a country unsettled by years of chaos.

Libya has had little peace and few tourists since the 2011 NATO-backed uprising against Moammar al-Gaddafi that unleashed a decade of violent unrest as armed groups seized control of territory and battles raged in its cities.

“My impression is the country is amazing. The landscape is just beautiful and so different from place to another,” said Farina Del Francia, 64, another of the tourists.

Libya has a rich heritage, including desert architecture in the south some of the Mediterranean region’s finest ancient remains along its coastline.

The tour group visited the southern city of Ghadames and the Acacus mountains, site of ancient rock art. Half the group also visited the Roman city of Sebratha. A trip to Leptis Magna, the best-known of Libya’s Roman sites, may feature on a future visit, the organizers said.

Despite a UN-backed peace plan, and a ceasefire since last year between the main eastern and western factions, however, any more widescale return of tourism seems unlikely.

Before Libya fell apart in 2011, difficult visa regimens meant only up to 25,000 tourists visited a year. Since the revolution, hardly any have risked a trip.

Fighting between the myriad armed forces sporadically erupts in various cities and the wider prospects of a political agreement to underpin stability remain highly fragile.

An election planned for December is still the subject of wrangling, and any major delay to the vote or dispute over its validity could plunge Libya back into full-blown civil war.

For Arione and the other tourists in his group, however, the visit was a success.

“Tourists can come to Libya and stay comfortable and not be afraid,” said Arione, 25, who was one of 70 mostly French and Italian visitors on the arranged trip.

Libya is home to five UNESCO World Heritage sites, but in 2016 it said they were endangered due to instability and conflict.

Tourism and Handicrafts Minister, Abdulsalam Al-Lahi thinks the decision was wrong, saying “archaeological sites or tourists are not in this degree of threat”.

The travel agency that brought the tourists, Murcia, said it had been working to arrange the trip since 2018. In a sign of how difficult such visits remain in Libya, it had to postpone it because of war in 2019.



Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
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Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP

By casting doubt on the world order, Donald Trump risks dragging the globe back into an era where great powers impose their imperial will on the weak, analysts warn.
Russia wants Ukraine, China demands Taiwan and now the US president seems to be following suit, whether by coveting Canada as the "51st US state", insisting "we've got to have" Greenland or kicking Chinese interests out of the Panama Canal.
Where the United States once defended state sovereignty and international law, Trump's disregard for his neighbors' borders and expansionist ambitions mark a return to the days when the world was carved up into spheres of influence.
As recently as Wednesday, US defense secretary Pete Hegseth floated the idea of an American military base to secure the Panama Canal, a strategic waterway controlled by the United States until 1999 which Trump's administration has vowed to "take back".
Hegseth's comments came nearly 35 years after the United States invaded to topple Panama's dictator Manuel Noriega, harking back to when successive US administrations viewed Latin America as "America's backyard".
"The Trump 2.0 administration is largely accepting the familiar great power claim to 'spheres of influence'," Professor Gregory O. Hall, of the University of Kentucky, told AFP.
Indian diplomat Jawed Ashraf warned that by "speaking openly about Greenland, Canada, Panama Canal", "the new administration may have accelerated the slide" towards a return to great power domination.
The empire strikes back
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has posed as the custodian of an international order "based on the ideas of countries' equal sovereignty and territorial integrity", said American researcher Jeffrey Mankoff, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
But those principles run counter to how Russia and China see their own interests, according to the author of "Empires of Eurasia: how imperial legacies shape international security".
Both countries are "themselves products of empires and continue to function in many ways like empires", seeking to throw their weight around for reasons of prestige, power or protection, Mankoff said.
That is not to say that spheres of influence disappeared with the fall of the Soviet Union.
"Even then, the US and Western allies sought to expand their sphere of influence eastward into what was the erstwhile Soviet and then the Russian sphere of influence," Ashraf, a former adviser to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, pointed out.
But until the return of Trump, the United States exploited its position as the "policeman of the world" to ward off imperial ambitions while pushing its own interests.
Now that Trump appears to view the cost of upholding a rules-based order challenged by its rivals and increasingly criticized in the rest of the world as too expensive, the United States is contributing to the cracks in the facade with Russia and China's help.
And as the international order weakens, the great powers "see opportunities to once again behave in an imperial way", said Mankoff.
Yalta yet again
As at Yalta in 1945, when the United States and the Soviet Union divided the post-World War II world between their respective zones of influence, Washington, Beijing and Moscow could again agree to carve up the globe anew.
"Improved ties between the United States and its great-power rivals, Russia and China, appear to be imminent," Derek Grossman, of the United States' RAND Corporation think tank, said in March.
But the haggling over who gets dominance over what and where would likely come at the expense of other countries.
"Today's major powers are seeking to negotiate a new global order primarily with each other," Monica Toft, professor of international relations at Tufts University in Massachusets wrote in the journal Foreign Affairs.
"In a scenario in which the United States, China, and Russia all agree that they have a vital interest in avoiding a nuclear war, acknowledging each other's spheres of influence can serve as a mechanism to deter escalation," Toft said.
If that were the case, "negotiations to end the war in Ukraine could resemble a new Yalta", she added.
Yet the thought of a Ukraine deemed by Trump to be in Russia's sphere is likely to send shivers down the spines of many in Europe -- not least in Ukraine itself.
"The success or failure of Ukraine to defend its sovereignty is going to have a lot of impact in terms of what the global system ends up looking like a generation from now," Mankoff said.
"So it's important for countries that have the ability and want to uphold an anti-imperial version of international order to assist Ukraine," he added -- pointing the finger at Europe.
"In Trump's world, Europeans need their own sphere of influence," said Rym Momtaz, a researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for Peace.
"For former imperial powers, Europeans seem strangely on the backfoot as nineteenth century spheres of influence come back as the organising principle of global affairs."