Features of Houthi Sectarian Abuse, Displacement of Minorities

FILE PHOTO - Armed Houthi followers carry their rifles as they attend a gathering to show support for the Houthi movement in Sanaa, Yemen December 19, 2018. REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah
FILE PHOTO - Armed Houthi followers carry their rifles as they attend a gathering to show support for the Houthi movement in Sanaa, Yemen December 19, 2018. REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah
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Features of Houthi Sectarian Abuse, Displacement of Minorities

FILE PHOTO - Armed Houthi followers carry their rifles as they attend a gathering to show support for the Houthi movement in Sanaa, Yemen December 19, 2018. REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah
FILE PHOTO - Armed Houthi followers carry their rifles as they attend a gathering to show support for the Houthi movement in Sanaa, Yemen December 19, 2018. REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah

The Houthi militia’s hostility towards other sects and religions in Yemen dates back to before the Iran-backed group staged a nationwide coup. It expelled all Jewish community members in Saada governorate a year and a half after declaring its rebellion against the central authority in mid-2004.

The contentious Houthi policy had spread to affect the Salafist movement, whereby Houthis targeted their education centers in the Dammaj area and forcibly displaced faith group members in a campaign reminiscent of the imam’s rule in Yemen.

Houthis later expelled the rest of the followers of the Jewish religion, the followers of the Baha’i religion and Christianity, to begin the stage of doctrinal change in Yemen through altering school curricula, changing mosques and overtaking public media.

By the end of 2020, the Houthi militia had completed the expulsion of all adherents of the Jewish religion from Yemen, a religion that had existed in the country for millennia.

Reports have said that the very last Jews in Yemen were forced to flee the country in exchange for the release of Levi Salem Marhabi, a Jewish man who has been imprisoned by the Houthis since 2016. But Marhabi remains imprisoned despite a Houthi court exonerating him.

It was also confirmed that a group of Yemeni Christians, including Reverend Mushir al-Khalidi, had been deported after several months of detention.

Moreover, clerics from the Baha’i religion, which had been practiced in Yemen since the 1940s, were also deported.

According to a report released by ACAPS, from 2015, Houthis have been gradually enforcing policies linked to suppressing the religious practices of some Islamic sects. Reports on such incidences increased between July–September 2021.

The Houthis are repressing the population in two different ways:

1) imposing generic religious norms including taxes and celebrations.

2) suppressing non-Zaydi practice (such as the weddings, Salafi centers, and Tarawih prayer which is conducted during Ramadan).

There’s a mixture of ideological and pragmatic intentions behind this such as:

- Increasing revenue by collecting Zakat and taxing religious celebrations.

- Encouraging people to join the frontlines through sermons and other religious messaging, thereby increasing the number of fighters

- Emphasizing that ‘true believers’ are those from the Zaydi school of thought (implying that those unaffiliated are infidels) to increase supporters for Zaydi Islam and hence the Houthis.

There are deliberate attempts to create division among people from different Islamic sects. Incidents related to religion reported between July–September built on previous incidents related to tax collection, music suppression, the closure of Salafi mosques, the replacement of Sunni imams who didn’t reinforce Houthi policies, and making changes on the school curriculum, especially with regard to history and Islamic and social studies.

Sanaa residents told Asharq Al-Awsat that Houthis replaced mosques' imams who refused to abide by the group's policies. They also altered some of the Quran verses in their curriculum to teach and encourage violence instead of coexistence.



US Sends Beirut ‘Warning’ and ‘Incentive’ Over Hezbollah Arms

US special envoy Tom Barrack (Reuters)
US special envoy Tom Barrack (Reuters)
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US Sends Beirut ‘Warning’ and ‘Incentive’ Over Hezbollah Arms

US special envoy Tom Barrack (Reuters)
US special envoy Tom Barrack (Reuters)

US special envoy Tom Barrack delivered a dual message of “incentive” and “warning” to the Lebanese capital this week, urging swift action on the issue of Hezbollah’s weapons.

“You have Israel on one side, you have Iran on the other, and now you have Syria manifesting itself so quickly that if Lebanon doesn’t move, it’s going to be Bilad Al Sham again,” he said, using the historical name for the Syria region.

The remarks sparked alarm within Lebanon’s political establishment, with some interpreting the comments as a blunt warning of “existential danger.”

Government sources told Asharq al-Awsat that Barrack, who also serves as Washington’s ambassador to Türkiye and was previously tasked with Syria policy, appears to be approaching the Lebanon and Syria files through a unified lens.

“Barrack believes that Lebanon should follow the same diplomatic path as Syria,” one official said, referring to Damascus' recent re-engagement with regional and international actors. “But he also understands Lebanon’s complex political terrain.”

Barrack’s comments about Lebanon potentially “returning to Bilad Al Sham” provoked criticism across the political spectrum, prompting him to clarify his position in a post on X, formerly Twitter.

“My comments yesterday praised Syria’s impressive strides, not a threat to Lebanon,” wrote Barrack.

“I observed the reality that Syria is moving at light speed to seize the historic opportunity presented by President Donald Trump lifting of sanctions: investment from Türkiye and the Gulf, diplomatic outreach to neighboring countries, and a clear vision for the future,” he added.

He said Syria’s leadership is “seeking coexistence and shared prosperity with Lebanon based on sovereign equality,” and stressed that the United States supports a bilateral relationship that promotes “peace, prosperity, and mutual respect” between the two nations.

“I can assure that Syria’s leaders only want co-existence and mutual prosperity with Lebanon, and the United States is committed to supporting that relationship between two equal and sovereign neighbors enjoying peace and prosperity,” said Barrack.

Barrack, in the context of disarming Hezbollah, had stated that a successful approach requires a combination of "carrots and sticks". This means using both positive incentives (carrots) and negative consequences (sticks) to achieve the desired outcome.

Barrack’s recent warning to Lebanon reflects the “stick” Washington is wielding, while his unprecedented acknowledgment of Hezbollah’s dual structure signals the “carrot” being offered.

“This is the first time a US official publicly distinguishes between Hezbollah’s political and military wings,” one source told Asharq al-Awsat.

“It’s a message of inducement aimed directly at Hezbollah, despite the fact that Washington has long treated both branches as inseparable and placed them under the same sanctions regime,” they explained.

In remarks to the press, Barrack reiterated the US designation of Hezbollah as a terrorist organization, but added nuance rarely heard from senior American officials.